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Aurialie Jublin

What If You Combined Co-Working And Daycare? | Fast Company - 0 views

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    "NextKids is an offshoot of the popular co-working company NextSpace, which has 10 locations in California. NextKids, at the Potrero Hill, San Francisco location is like co-working meets daycare--with a community of working adults--graphic designers, biomedical engineers, app developers--and their kids. It's like 'it takes a village,' only with more Wi-Fi."
Aurialie Jublin

Breather, Like Zipcar For Workspaces, Launches In NYC | Fast Company | Business + Innov... - 0 views

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    "That wiggle room in the middle is a space that a new service called Breather hopes to occupy. The service, which launches today in New York City, works like this: Instead of paying monthly rent for a desk you use once or twice a week, the Breather app lets you duck into one of its small, cozy (and very nicely furnished) workspaces for an hourly fee. You simply pick a location on the map, reserve a space for anywhere from 30 minutes to a few hours, and unlock the door with a code on your phone. It's like an Airbnb or Zipcar for when you want to zen out, charge your phone, or sneak in a nap."
Aurialie Jublin

Tableau de synthèse sur les perspectives de l'emploi à long terme - 0 views

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    Tableau de synthèse sur les perspectives de l'emploi à long terme (à 2050) dans les différents secteurs d'activités (agriculture, industrie, énergie, bâtiment, services, transports, commerce, recyclage, location, artisanat, banque, ...) Section d'un article intitulé "La crise écologique exige une révolution de l'économie des services"
Aurialie Jublin

Book Review: Metric Power by David Beer | British Politics and Policy at LSE - 0 views

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    "In Metric Power, David Beer examines the intensifying role that metrics play in our everyday lives, from healthcare provision to our interactions with friends and family, within the context of the so-termed data revolution. This is a book that illustrates our growing implication in, and arguable acquiescence to, an increasingly quantified world, but, Thomas Christie Williams asks, where do we locate resistance?  "
Aurialie Jublin

XchangE, la voiture autonome de Regus, réinvente le travail nomade - 0 views

  • Les systèmes d’infodivertissement du véhicule permettent aux passagers de se connecter à leur bureau pour travailler efficacement ou s’adonner à des activités ludiques pendant que la voiture se charge de les mener à bon port.
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    "Regus, leader mondial de la location d'espaces de travail, s'est associé à Rinspeed, constructeur et préparateur suisse, pour développer XchangE, un concept de voiture électrique autonome, sans chauffeur, qui sera présenté lors du Salon international de l'automobile de Genève en mars prochain. On connaissait Regus loueur de bureaux d'affaires (1 800 centres dans 100 pays), Regus concepteur de télécentres avec Orange et la caisse des dépôts, Regus loueur de tiers lieux dans les gares et sur les autoroutes avec son réseau Regus Express Third Place, voici Regus concepteur de voiture urbaine autonome adaptée au travail en mobilité."
abrugiere

Télétravail : Nexity lance officiellement Blue Office - Business Immo - 1 views

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    Nexity lance officiellement Blue Office, sa nouvelle offre d'espaces de travail à distance implantés au cœur des zones résidentielles. « Le réseau de bureaux Blue Office sont des espaces de bureaux conçus et gérés par Nexity pour faciliter et encadrer le travail à distance des salariés. Ils offrent aux collaborateurs un espace de bureaux et de services connectés à leur entreprise dans un univers de travail confortable et convivial », Sans engagement immobilier, les tarifs sont compris entre 25 € HT/par jour pour une location dans l'espace « lounge » et 59 € HT par jour pour un bureau individuel.
julien camacho

[Infographie] Bureaux et coworking en Ile de France: il reste beaucoup de places - Madd... - 0 views

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    Dans cette infographie proposée par Bureaux à Partager, plateforme de location de bureaux et de coworking, il est annoncé d'entrée que 13% des espaces de travail sont libres en Ile de France, ce qui représente 100 000 appartements d'une superficie de 60 m2, uniquement sur le territoire francilien. Une enquête menée par HEC Junior Conseil pour AOS Studley et Bureaux à Partager.
abrugiere

Qui sont les travailleurs de l'"Uber economy" ? - JDN - 1 views

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    Revenu à 18 dollars par heure aux Etats-Unis. Il est plus élevé dans le secteur du "revenu passif" (location sur Airbnb) et dans les transports (VTC) : 25 dollars en moyenne par heure. 38,3% des travailleurs de l'économie on-demand se disent étudiants tandis que 35,3% font des plateformes de services leur activité principale. Preuve de l'explosion du modèle, 62,6% des répondants ont rejoint une société de services à la demande pendant les douze derniers mois, contre 16,2% seulement il y a plus de trois ans. Les chercheurs ont demandé aux travailleurs d'indiquer dans quel secteur les sociétés de services à la demande pour lesquels ils travaillent se situent. Les "travaux manuels", comme les services de plomberie ou de ménage, par exemple, arrivent en tête. Suivent les sociétés de transports comme les VTC, puis la livraison, et enfin les plateformes qui permettent aux utilisateurs d'engranger un "revenu passivement", comme Airbnb en louant son appartement. 49,4% des travailleurs indépendants inscrits sur des plateformes sont titulaires d'un diplôme universitaire.- Selon l'étude menée par Requests for Startups, les travailleurs de l'économie à la demande sont plutôt des hommes (72,7%), jeunes (70% ont entre 18 et 34 ans), célibataires (65,7%). 
Aurialie Jublin

Amazon Is Building An App To Let Normal People Deliver Packages For Pay - 0 views

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    Amazon is apparently enlisting everyday humans in its network of endless online shopping delivery. The WSJ reports that the ecommerce giant is working on an app internally that would allow the average consumer to make a little cash by picking up Amazon packages at various retail locations and dropping them off at their final destination.
Aurialie Jublin

Wearable Tech and Smartphones Could Save Lives of Lone Workers - 0 views

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    Incorporating existing and new technologies into the standard lone worker system is required for success, according to the team. Integrating existing door scan data signifying location or using Bluetooth beacons to track users where cellular or Wi-Fi connections are not available are just a couple solutions the team is evaluating. But more critically is the incorporation of biometrics via smart health devices like earbuds or watches that can then detect abnormal changes to heart rate in conjunction to rapid accelerometer changes, which could indicate a dramatic fall or accident.
Aurialie Jublin

Avec le «co-living», vous pourrez bientôt vivre sur votre lieu de travail (ou... - 0 views

  • Ce promoteur immobilier d’un nouveau genre proposera dans ces résidences un mode de vie hybride, réalisant la jonction parfaite entre travail, loisirs et vie privée. Il s’agit d’immeubles réhabilités et dont l’intérieur est réagencé pour permettre aux travailleurs indépendants de disposer d’un micro-appartement et d’espaces de travail et de vie commune. Le ménage, l’entretien et même les courses sont réalisés par le personnel, de sorte que les co-livants peuvent se concentrer exclusivement sur leur travail.
  • WeWork s’adresse aux travailleurs indépendants des secteurs créatifs et numériques ainsi qu’aux professions libérales (avocats, comptables, consultants), la «WeGeneration», qui adhèrent sans réserve au mythe high-tech californien: s’enrichir en poursuivant sa passion et en se réalisant totalement dans son travail, perçu comme une «mission» pour «changer le monde» ou à tout le moins l’améliorer.
  • Alors que la force de travail intellectuelle aux États-Unis a grossi les bataillons des travailleurs freelance, WeWork proposait non seulement le «gîte» à ces travailleurs atomisés, mais également de l’accompagnement et un sens de la communauté pour lutter contre la solitude. Les tarifs démarrent démarrent à 45 dollars par mois pour l'accès «flexible» aux espaces de travail communs, et à 450 dollars pour une utilisation à plein temps.
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  • Son modèle de location (WeWork n’achète jamais ses immeubles) le rapproche de leaders de l’économie de plateforme et de mise en relation comme les célèbres Uber et Airbnb, ayant en commun de ne pas investir en priorité dans le capital matériel.
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    "Le mode de vie des habitants des résidences WeLive réalisera la jonction parfaite entre travail, loisirs et vie privée. Il fallait bien que ça arrive un jour. Le dernier avatar de l'idéologie californienne, selon laquelle chacun doit se réaliser par son engagement monacal dans le travail, tout en évoluant dans des environnements sociaux à cheval entre le camp de vacances scout et l'open space, se nomme le co-living, et il est malheureusement déjà plus qu'une tendance abstraite ou qu'un hashtag creux."
Aurialie Jublin

Uber's Augmented Workers - Uber Screeds - Medium - 0 views

  • Uber has long claimed it’s a technology company, not a transportation company. Uber’s drivers are promoted as entrepreneurs and classified as independent contractors. The company claims to provide only a platform/app that enables drivers to be connected with passengers; as an intermediary, the company relies on the politics of platforms to elude responsibility as a traditional employer, as well as regulatory regimes designed to govern traditional taxi businesses.
  • Drivers must submit to a system that molds their interactions, controls their behavior, sets and changes rates unilaterally, and is generally structured to minimize the power of driver (“partner”) voices. Drivers make inquiries to outsourced community support representatives that work on Uber’s behalf, but their responses are based on templates or FAQs.
  • Uber uses surge pricing to lure drivers to work at a particular place at a particular time, without guaranteeing the validity of the surge incentive if they do follow it. Surge is produced through an algorithmic assessment of supply and demand and is subject to constant dynamism. The rate that drivers are paid is based on the passenger’s location, not their own. Even when they travel to an active surge zone, they risk receiving passengers at lower or higher surge than is initially advertised, or getting fares from outside the surge zone. Drivers will be locked out of the system for varying periods of time, like 10 minutes, 30 minutes, etc. for declining too many rides. They also get warnings for “manipulating” surge.
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  • Uber drivers are “free” to login or log-out to work at will, but their ability to make choices that benefit their own interests, such as accepting higher-fare passengers, is severely limited.
  • To a significant degree, Uber has successfully automated many of the processes involved in managing a large workforce, comprised of at at least 400 000 active drivers in the U.S. alone, according to Uber’s last public estimate. However, automation is not to be confused with independence. Uber has built a system that leverages significant control over how workers do their jobs, even as that control is structured to be indirect and semi-automated, such as through nudges, algorithmic labor logistics, the rating system, etc.
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    "Summary Uber has done a lot of things to language to communicate a strong message of distance between itself and its relationship to Uber drivers. Uber insists drivers should be classified as independent contractors, labelled driver-partners, and promoted as entrepreneurs, although the company faces legal challenges over issues of worker misclassification. Beyond its attempts to label work as a type of "sharing" in the so-called "sharing economy," Uber's protracted efforts to celebrate the independence and freedom of drivers have evolved into a sophisticated policy push to design a new classification of worker that would accommodate Uber's business model. The emergent classification, "independent worker," does not acknowledge the significant control Uber leverages over how drivers do their job."
Aurialie Jublin

Worker Surveillance and Class Power - « Law and Political Economy - 0 views

  • As a first example, consider how workplace monitoring generates data that companies can use to automate the very tasks workers are being paid to perform. When Uber drivers carry passengers from one location to another, or simply cruise around town waiting for fares, Uber gathers extensive data on routes, driving speed, and driver behavior. That data may prove useful in developing the many algorithms required for autonomous vehicles—for example by illuminating how a reasonable driver would respond to particular traffic or road conditions.
  • with GPS data from millions of trips across town, Uber may be able to predict the best path from point A to point B fairly well, accounting not just for map distance, but also for current traffic, weather, the time of day, etc. In other words, its algorithms can replicate drivers’ subtle, local knowledge. If that knowledge was once relatively rare, then Uber’s algorithms may enable it to push down wages and erode working conditions.
  • By managing drivers’ expectations, the company may be able to maintain a high supply of drivers on the road waiting for fares. The net effect may be to lower wages, since the company only pays drivers when they are ferrying passengers.
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  • Finally, new monitoring technologies can help firms to shunt workers outside of their legal boundaries through independent contracting, subcontracting, and franchising. Various economic theories suggest that firms tend to bring workers in-house as employees rather than contracting for their services—and therefore tend to accept the legal obligations and financial costs that go along with using employees rather than contractors—when they lack reliable information about workers’ proclivities, or where their work performance is difficult to monitor.
  • This suggests, in my mind, a strategy of worker empowerment and deliberative governance rather than command-and-control regulation. At the firm or workplace level, new forms of unionization and collective bargaining could address the everyday invasions of privacy or erosions of autonomy that arise through technological monitoring. Workers might block new monitoring tools that they feel are unduly intrusive. Or they might accept more extensive monitoring in exchange for greater pay or more reasonable hours.
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    "Companies around the world are dreaming up a new generation of technologies designed to monitor their workers-from Amazon's new employee wristbands, to Uber's recording whether its drivers are holding their phones rather than mounting them, to "Worksmart," a new productivity tool that takes photos of workers every ten minutes via their webcams. Technologies like these can erode workplace privacy and encourage discrimination. Without disregarding the importance of those effects, I want to focus in this post on how employers can use new monitoring technologies to drive down wages or otherwise disempower workers as a class. I'll use examples from Uber, not because Uber is exceptional in this regard - it most certainly is not - but rather because it is exemplary."
Aurialie Jublin

Apploitation in a city of instaserfs | Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives - 0 views

  • I signed up for as many sharing economy jobs as I could, but they’re not really jobs. I was never an employee; I was a “partner,” or a “hero” or even a “ninja” depending on the app. Sharing economy companies are just middlemen, connecting independent contractors to customers. When I signed up to work with (not for) these apps, I was essentially starting my own ride-sharing/courier business.
  • We do still have a boss. It just isn’t a person. It’s an algorithm.
  • The standard ride-sharing or courier app’s business model looks something like this:  When introducing your app into a new city, take heavy losses by over-paying drivers and under-charging customers. Offer drivers cash bonuses to get their friends to sign up. Once you’ve got a steady supply of drivers invested in the app, start lowering their pay. 
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  • The idea is to reward loyalty and prevent drivers from having Uber and Lyft open at the same time. The thing is, if you’re working 40 or 50 hours a week with one company, that looks a lot less like a gig and a lot more like full-time employment.
  • In Los Angeles, September 2014, a group of Lyft drivers burned their pink mustaches in protest of the pay cuts. These kinds of actions aren’t very common because most of us don’t know our co-workers and there is no physical location to congregate. Lyft doesn’t allow their drivers at the head office. The main place for “sharing economy” workers to connect is through online forums and Facebook groups
  • Yes, people have been kicked off Postmates for complaining. I’ve talked to them. And yes, the official Postmates courier group on Facebook is censored to erase anything that could be perceived as a complaint. But more importantly it’s clear that Postmates is not preparing its workers for the realities of life as an independent contractor. Many are shocked about how much they have to pay in taxes and how little they’re making doing the work. There are plenty of screenshots showing that some are making less than minimum wage.
  • I ended up having to take on all kinds of little expenses like these. It’s part of the risk of starting your own business. That time, I just had to buy a $3 froyo but it can be a lot worse (parking tickets in San Francisco can be over $80). Oftentimes you have to choose between parking illegally or being late with an order.
  • All the risk falls onto the worker and the company is free of liability—despite the placard being an explicit suggestion that it’s okay to break the law if that’s what you’ve got to do to get the order done on time. 
  • Postmates responded by “updating” the app to a “blind system” in which we could still accept or reject jobs, but without enough information to determine whether it would be worth our time or not (e.g., a huge grocery store order). To make sure we accept jobs quickly without analyzing them, the app plays an extremely loud and annoying beeping noise designed specifically to harass couriers into submitting to the algorithm.
  • One of the best companies I worked for is called Washio. I picked up dirty laundry and delivered clean laundry. It was the best paying and least stressful of all the apps I worked with that month because there was no illusion of choice. Washio tells you exactly what to do and you do it. It is simple and honest. But it also betrays the spirit of the independent contractor, and that’s important for a number of reasons.
  • Plenty of people requested that I drop off their food at the door. Customers grow to love apps that make the worker anonymous. That way, you don’t have to feel guilty about having servants.
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    L'auteur de l'article parle de son expérience du "travail" via l'économie des plateforme.
Aurialie Jublin

Case Study: Fairmondo - Commons Transition Primer - 0 views

  • Originally founded in Germany in 2012, Fairmondo aims to federate and expand to create a global online marketplace, but with ownership firmly in hands of their local users. The German coop currently gathers over 2000 members who have invested over 600,000 euros in shares. It is open both to professional and private sellers and the products on offer have no general restrictions unless they are illegal or run counter to Farmondo’s values. The core values are fairness and the promotion of responsible consumption. Rather than having to find fairly sourced products from a variety of places, Fairmondo practically gathers them in federated, democratic platforms. The fairness of the products in question is assessed by a shared criteria which remains open to discussion and improvement by the members and the Fairmondo user base. The platform also includes certain products which are not necessarily fair trade, for example books, with more than two million on offer.
  • The economic democracy ethos surrounding ownership and control of the platform goes beyond the practices of most cooperatives. Fairmondo calls this “Cooperativism 2.0” and asks all new Fairmondo chapters to adapt the following seven Core Principles:
  • Consent and majority consensus:  90% of Fairmondo constituents must agree prior any modification to the general principles.
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  • Democratic ownership and accountability to all stakeholders
  • Independence of individual vested interests: Disproportionate financial investments or investments by non-cooperative associations is prohibited.
  • Uncompromising transparency: Fairmondo’s commitment to full transparency may only be limited by jurisdiction-specific legal requirements of wherever the chapter is located.
  • nvolving the crowd: A Cooperative 2.0 structure promotes authentic crowd involvement while fostering confidence. Fairmondo has successfully used crowdfunding and crowdsourcing to strengthen the platform.
  • Open source: Fairmondo coops are committed to open source and innovation.
  • Fair, multi-constituent distribution of profit and wages: Dividends are distributed as broadly as possible, preventing individuals from accumulating more than their fair share. 25% is distributed to coop members through shares. 25% is distributed through “Fair Funding Points” (voluntary work is rewarded by points which legally stake a claim on future surpluses). 25% is donated to a number of non-profits chosen by Fairmondo members. The last 25% is pooled into a common fund used for the development of the wider Fairmondo project. Internal stakeholders (partners, staff, etc.) operate under a defined salary range ration of 1 to 7 from lowest to highest paid.
  • Since the creation of the German marketplace, Fairmondo has also federated to the UK. The objective of its internationalization process is that, once there are five Fairmondo nodes, these will be supported by a global framework organization which will be sustainably controlled and co-owned by the local cooperatives.
  • Fairmondo is an excellent example of an Open Cooperative, as it meets the four criteria: oriented towards the common good; multi constituent in nature; actively creates Commons; transnationally oriented. The  global organization’s vision is analogous to the role of the non-profit foundations outlined in the ecosystem of commons-based peer production.
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    "Fairmondo is a digital online marketplace managed by a multi-constituent cooperative focusing on fair commerce."
Aurialie Jublin

Quantified Workers in Precarity - phoebevmoore - 2 views

  • The precarity of the modern worker is central to understanding the quantified self at work. Precarity is the purest form of alienation where the worker loses all personal association with the labour she performs. She is dispossessed and location-less in her working life and all value is extracted from her in every aspect of life. Because precarious workers are constantly chasing the next ‘gig’, spatial and temporal consistency in life is largely out of reach. Capital encourages universal communication and machinic devices appear to facilitate this communication within precarious conditions: but only in quantified terms. Thus, anything that cannot be quantified and profiled is rendered incommunicable – meaning it is marked and marginalised, disqualified as human capital, denied privilege, and precarious (Moore and Robinson 2015). Workers are compelled to squeeze every drop of labour-power from our bodies, including work that is seen, or work that has always been measured in Taylorist regimes; and increasingly, work that is unseen, such as attitudes, sentiments, affective and emotional labour.
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