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ujhistprof

Continuous Assessment Guide HIS2A 2023(1).pdf - 11 views

Natasha Erlank This is what you have to do

shared by ujhistprof on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A primary source from the Gale Collection. We will cover this in the lecture on 6 March. WE WILL UPLOAD A SCREENSHOT TUTORIAL SHOWING YOU HOW TO USE GALE. You need to choose a primary source relating to a particular topic (you will be assigned a topic). You will need to download this source and attach it to Diigo. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through JSTOR. JSTOR is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through TAYLOR AND FRANCIS. TAYLOR AND FRANCIS is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • 4. An image from the web which relates to the historical content of your topic. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • ujhistprof on 23 Apr 23
     
    Hi everyone. Please consult these guidelines to your assignment. Many of you are posting the wrong things to Diigo. You don't need to post videos. Why are you posting videos? Don't forget to annotate.
kwanelealicia

Orange Free State* - Countries - Office of the Historian - 1 views

history.state.gov/...orange-free-state

Kwanele Buthelezi History 2A

shared by kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Orange Free State
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Orange Free State was an independent Boer sovereign republic under British suzerainty in Southern Africa during the second half of the 19th century, which ceased to exist after it was defeated and surrendered to the British Empire at the end of the Second Boer War in 1902. It is one of the three historical precursors to the present-day Free State province.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Southern African Boer nation known as the Orange Free State. Early in the nineteenth century, Dutch immigrants known as Boers inhabited the region. The Orange Free State, positioned between the Orange and Vaal Rivers, was granted independence by the Bloemfontein Convention in 1854. A republic based on the U.S. constitution, the Orange Free State only allowed white men to vote.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • In 1867 diamonds were discovered in the Orange Free State and by 1870 there were sufficient reserves of diamonds to stimulate a “rush” of several thousand fortune hunters. Other important Orange Free State exports that gained a wider world market during the 1860s were ostrich feathers and ivory, obtained by hunting the region’s elephants
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Diamonds were found in the Orange Free State in 1867, and by 1870 there were enough diamond deposits to cause a rush of a few thousand would-be millionaires. Ostrich feathers and ivory, which were harvested from the area's elephants, were other significant Orange Free State products that expanded their global market during the 1860s.
  • The expanding commercial trade prompted the United States to complete its first international agreement with the Orange Free State, the Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition of 1871, and also recognize the young republic.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      I think that this is an important peace of information because the author explains how the Agreement of Goodwill and Economics and Extradition of 1871, which the United States concluded with the Orange Free State as part of its first international deal, and the nascent republic's recognition were both motivated by the growth of economic trade.
  • The 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which ended the Boer War, annexed the Orange Free State to the British Empire.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Here the author tells us that the Orange Free State was incorporated into the British Empire as part of the 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which put an end to the Boer War.
  • The first known act of recognition between the United States and the Republic of the Orange Free State occurred in 1871 when plenipotentiaries for the two states signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition on December 22, 1871.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      When appointed officials representing the two nations approved the Agreement of Amity and Trade and The act of extradition on December 22, 1871, it was the first documented instance of an acknowledgment among the United States of America and the nation of the Republic of the Orange Free State.
  • 1776-1909
  • Consular Presence
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Consular presence is an official appointed by a sovereign state to protect its commercial interests and aid its citizens in a foreign city.
  • The first U.S. Consul assigned to the Orange Free State was Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as U.S. Consular Agent to Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891. U.S. consular agents remained posted at Bloemfontein after its incorporation into the British Empire until the post was closed by agency order on November 30, 1928.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as the United States' first consular agent at Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891, served as the nation's first consul in the Orange Free State. After Bloemfontein joined the British Empire, U.S. consular officials remained stationed there until the post was disbanded on November 30, 1928, under agency directive.
  • William M. Malloy
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Author.
  • Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols, and Agreements Between The United States of American and Other Powers
  • Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1910).
  • Full diplomatic relations between the United States and the Orange Free State were never established. In 1899, the Orange Free State declared war upon the British and fought alongside its sister Boer republic, the South African Republic, during the Boer War (1899-1902). The British occupied the capital of Bloemfontein in 1900.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The United States never established formal diplomatic ties with the Orange Free State. During the Boer War (1899-1902), which took place between the Boer Republics of South Africa and the Orange Free State, the latter declared war on the former in 1899. In 1900, Bloemfontein became the new British colony's capital.
  • Diplomatic Relations
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Diplomatic relations is the arrangement between two countries by which each has representatives in the other country.
  • The United States and the Orange Free State never established diplomatic relations.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Why did they not establish any diplomatic relations? I mean exchanges on the surplus of another country could be beneficial to the other's deficit, and the other way around.
  • On December 22, 1871, the United States signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition with the Orange Free State in Bloemfonten, Orange Free State. The convention was negotiated and signed by U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who served at the time as American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and the government secretary of the Orange Free State, Friedrich Kaufman Höhne. This convention was denounced on January 4, 1895 by the Government of Orange Free State.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      So basically a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition between the United States and the Orange Free State was signed on December 22, 1871, at Bloemfontein, Orange Free State. U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who was then the American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and Friedrich Kaufman Höhne, the Orange Free State's government secretary, worked out the terms of the convention and signed it. On January 4, 1895, this convention was condemned by the Orange Free State government.
  • Colonization
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Colonization is ​the act of taking control of an area or a country that is not your own, especially using force, and sending people from your own country to live there.
  • The Orange Free State ceased to exist as an independent, sovereign state in 1902 as a result of the process of colonization that carved up much of the African continent into areas of European empire. There were several states like the Orange Free State, with which the United States had treaties or sometimes even diplomatic relations, that were incorporated into another state’s overseas empire.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Due to the colonization process, which divided much of the African continent into regions under the control of the European empire, the Orange Free State ceased to exist as a free, sovereign state in 1902. It included a number of states, such as the Orange Free State, that were absorbed into the overseas empire of another state with which the United States had treaties or occasionally even diplomatic relations.
nkosithand

Travel and Exploration - Document - Gale eBooks - 0 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

European and African Interaction from the 15th century through 18th

shared by nkosithand on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The rest of Africa, however, remained a mystery to the outside world until medieval* travelers began exploring the continent. Arabs crossed the northern and western parts of Africa. The Chinese learned much about eastern Africa's coast along the Indian Ocean. Europeans spent hundreds of years charting the shores of Africa and then probing all of the continent's interior. Driven by trade, conquest, religion, science, or curiosity, generations of explorers gradually revealed Africa to the rest of the world.
    • nkosithand
      nkosithand on 02 May 23
       
      The Medieval travellers were the one who begin to explore the continent of Africa. The Europeans spent many years trying to discover Africa and after many years of trying they were able to reveal the continent of Africa to the rest of the world.
  • The major European effort to explore Africa before 1500 took place at sea, not on land, and focused on Africa's western coast. In 1419 Prince Enrique of Portugal, known to later historians as Henry the Navigator, set up a research center on Portugal's south coast to gather information about Africa and to sponsor expeditions southward into waters unknown to European sailors. After the prince died in 1460, Portugal continued to send these explorers out to sea.
    • nkosithand
      nkosithand on 02 May 23
       
      When they were trying to explore Africa, they tried exploring Africa at a sea not in land. They tried to explore Africa in water as they were using Sailers, during the 14th century, Portugal continued with their explorations, as they sent explorers out to the sea.
  • nkosithand on 24 Apr 23
     
    IN THE EARLY 600O, PEOPLE FROM OUTSIDE AFRICA VISITED AFRICA
lmshengu

Mungo Park's African Adventures - Document - Gale eBooks - 1 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Lwandile Mshengu History 2A

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • By the end of the eighteenth century, vigorous exploration of the interiors of major continents was well underway. In North America, the eastern part of the continent was well known, and major portions west of the Mississippi had been explored by the Spanish and the French. South America had been explored by the Spanish, and much of Asia had been visited or described as well. The Australian interior remained a mystery, nor was anything known of the African interior. Of these, Africa was of far greater interest because of its animals, great lakes and rivers, natives, and jungle. It simply seemed more exotic, dangerous, and interesting than Australia. It was also more accessible, lying just a few thousand miles from Europe.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      The interiors of the main continents had been vigorously explored by the end of the eighteenth century. The eastern half of North America was well known, and the Spanish and French had explored the most of the territory west of the Mississippi. The Spanish had explored South America and had visited or written about much of Asia. Both the Australian interior and the interior of Africa remained a mystery. Africa was the most fascinating of all due to its wildlife, large lakes and rivers, inhabitants, and jungle. Simply put, it appeared to be more exotic, perilous, and fascinating than Australia. Due to its proximity to Europe-just a few thousand miles-it was also more accessible.
  • After Park's disappearance public and political interest in Africa began to increase. He had proved that Africa could be explored, showing that it was possible to journey through unknown territory to a major African river, with few supplies and little help—but that doing so was dangerous business. More than 15 years would pass before the next major expedition left for Africa. (This is surprising when you consider that Africa, is, after all, geographically closer to Europe than either of the Americas or Asia. Yet, trade was established with India and China, colonies were established in both North and South America, and a struggling colony was present in Australia before African exploration was well underway.) Hugh Clapperton, Dixon Denham, and Walter Oudney led a three-year expedition for the British government (1822-1825) through Saharan and sub-Saharan Africa—and returned to England to tell about it. They were followed by many others in subsequent decades, culminating in the epic journeys of David Livingstone (from 1852 until his death in 1873
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      By the end of the eighteenth century, the innards of the major continents had undergone active exploration. The eastern part of North America was well known, while the majority of the area west of the Mississippi had been explored by the Spanish and French. The Spanish had traveled through most of Asia and had explored South America. The interiors of Australia and Africa both remained a mystery. Due to its wildlife, numerous lakes and rivers, residents, and jungle, Africa was the most fascinating of all the continents. In other words, it seemed more exotic, dangerous, and exciting than Australia. It was also easier to get to because of how close it was to Europe-just a few thousand kilometers away.
  • Back in England, Park married, wrote a book, and became licensed in surgery. In 1805 he set out again on another expedition sponsored by the African Association, accompanied by nearly 40 men, trying again to map the course of the Niger. This time, after reaching the river, they built boats and sailed along it for over 1,000 miles (1,609 km), mapping its course as it flowed to the east and turned south. Disease, however, killed all but 11 of his expedition members, and the weakened party was never to reach the mouth of the Niger. They were killed in a battle with natives near the present city of Bussa in 1806.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Park married, published a book, and obtained his surgical license back in England. With roughly 40 additional men, he headed out on another African Association-sponsored trip in 1805 in an effort to survey the Niger once more. This time, they arrived at the river, built boats, and sailed nearly 1,000 miles (1,609 km) down it while charting its course as it ran to the east before turning south. However, disease claimed the lives of all but 11 of his expedition's participants, and the weaker group was unable to make it to the Niger River's mouth. In 1806 they lost their lives in a conflict with locals close to the modern-day city of Bussa.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • Over the next century, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium all established (or tried to establish) colonies, trading outposts, or both in Africa. Although warfare between competing European powers rarely erupted, the natives often resisted European incursions. The African tribes, however, could neither coordinate their efforts nor overcome the technological advantage of European weapons. In every instance but one (Ethiopia, who defeated the Italians in 1896), they failed to resist the onslaught of European colonizers.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the next century, colonies, trading outposts, or both, were created (or attempted to be formed) in Africa by Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium. The locals frequently opposed European advances, notwithstanding the rarity of conflict between rival European nations. However, the African tribes were unable to work together or overcome the technological superiority of European weapons. In all but one case-Ethiopia, which beat the Italians in 1896-they were unable to fend off the invasion of European invaders.
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
nmapumulo

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 18 views

www.tandfonline.com/...02255189.1998.9669768

Nobuhle Mapumulo History 2A

shared by nmapumulo on 19 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This paper identifies problematic elements in the literature on the ivory trade during the late 19th century and proposes an alternate approach that draws on insights from economic anthropology and history.
  • his focus provides a different perspective on participation in the ivory trade. What follows is an outline of the issues that could be addressed by a broader social history of the ivory trade in late 19th-century East-Central Africa and, based on my research on the Eastern Congo, some of the transformations associated Trade and with the ivory trade in this period
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      ivory in congo, where the ivory task was formed
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      the problematic elemente on the ivory trade
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Whatever effect these changes had on how men organized themselves socially and politically in relation to the hunt, it and the related activities of caravan trading and porterage had a distinct effect simply through the number of men they drew out of the pool of labour available for work in the community (Alpers, 1992, p. 356). Trade, which caused this problem, also supplied its solution: more slave labour purchased with the wealth generated by trade. This labour was not only applied to subsistence and domestic main- tenance left: 133.5
  • time
  • Led by Henry M. Stanley, this expedition crossed Africa, Canadian Journal from the Congo River via Lake Albert and Lake Victoria to Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • siyabonga_14
      siyabonga_14 on 26 Apr 23
       
      We can see from this document together with other documents i have posted that the trade of Ivory took part mostly in Zanzibar and parts of Congo. This shows that these were the hotspots of the Ivory trade.
  • Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zanzibar is part of East Africa and the date corresponds with my research time frame.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa.
  • Trade and Transformation: Tarticipation in the lvory Trade in Late 19th-Century East
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • he first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. Tusks had and have important functions for elephants. They are used in feeding, in marking territory, as both offensive and defensive weapons, and as markers of status (Shoshani, 1992, p. 48). The questions for further study arising here relate to the ways in which hunting by humans affected elephant populations. To what extent were their physical reproduction and collective behaviour affected as they were reduced in numbers left: 263.997px; top: 561.245px; fon
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and left: 217.561px; top: 925.436px; font-size: 18.5417px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      the trade in ivory was not going to be a success without the elephants, in fact, it would not have lasted for a long time if elephants stopped reproducing and became extinct. Elephants played a significant in making areas that were covered in wood to be covered in grass allowing for human beings to harvest and live in those areas,the poaching led to a disturbance in the system of ecology
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was viewed as an item that made one rich and powerful, it was associated with royalty thus the term regalia was used. They viewed it as an item that can remove one from one disadvantaged social class to a wealthy class.
  • mhlengixaba on 26 Apr 23
     
    This article identifies problematic elements in the ivory trade during the late 19th century. African and external, participated in the ivory trade. This participation grew out of differing beliefs about the power of trade to bring about economic, social and political change. Late 19th century British debates about trade with Africa had no direct counterpart in the African communities involved in the ivory trade, the changing nature and meaning of trade and trade goods produced a variety of contending political, social and economic options. the interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th century thinking about the trade and its effects on Africa. the first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. elephants played an important ecological role in the transformation of wooded areas into grassland, affecting a wide variety of species. it was also important to the hunters. it contributed to their livelihood, largely through exchange value, but in some parties of East central Africa it was also employed in terms of hunters or their families.
nkosithand

Missions and Missionaries - Document - Gale eBooks - 2 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

European and African Interaction from the 15th century through 18th

shared by nkosithand on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Beginning in the early 1400s, European explorers carried European culture, including Christianity, to the farthest points on the globe. The primary motives for these voyages of discovery were financial profit and the creation of large empires. The church saw the voyages as an opportunity to bring Christianity to new converts in distant lands. Thus, priests and monks often accompanied explorers and conquerors as they sailed to America, Africa, and Asia.
    • nkosithand
      nkosithand on 02 May 23
       
      The Europeans when they discovered Africa, they introduced religion of Christianity in countries like Egypt in Africa, the course of doing this was to get financial profit and create large empires.
  • Despite the acceptance of Christianity in Kongo and a few other African kingdoms, the popularity of the faith eventually declined in many of those states. Local peoples went back to their traditional beliefs and abandoned Christianity, which survived only among foreigners and their agents and slaves. By the 1800s, Christianity had vanished almost without a trace in many places.
    • nkosithand
      nkosithand on 02 May 23
       
      After people accepted the Christianity in Kongo, they changed their mind and go back to their traditional beliefs as they believed that the, Christianity came with the explorers as they wanted to their profit while they were busy with religion.
tendaim

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views

Tendai Mangena History 2A 221060211

shared by tendaim on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      how colonial South Africa got access to guns
  • uring the early
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      real reasons for africans procuring guns
  • ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      africans were labeled according to their efficacy with firearms this is how colonial rulers categorized them by level of threat to skill
  • By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
  • ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      above all they wished to convert africans to thie way of euro standards
  • earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      again at first guns offered a way for people to find food to eat and survive as well as an "income" to be earned by trading certain commodities
  • more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      competition would have started and i believe that the white settlers wanted to be the only ones who benefitted from this hunting
  • Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      at some point the white settlers used black labour (slavery) in order to fulfill their demand for guns
  • ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      enro settlers used african labour to source their commodities (in a way this improved africans use and ability with and of guns)
  • There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      guns stayed an important piece of trade and value due to the nature of SA, there was much to hunt and kill which also didnt need newer better guns, so the guns in SA stayed "old styled"
  • n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
  • noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Boer had good shooters which were mostly middle aged and young men, i wonder who fought for the africans side and what weapons did they have access to?
  • out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      because of the decrease of animals and africans to hunt less and less Boers had practice or use for guns and so when they were called up it was hard as only a small percentage of them had the necessary marksmanship and skill to shoot
  • mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
  • tendaim on 25 Apr 23
     
    this article goes in depth in discussing how firearms reached and stayed in South Africa and why they were such a welcomed commodity and how it turned to war and the idea to take firearms away from Africans
sinqobile

Primary Source.pdf - 0 views

diigo.com/0sdre3

Sinqobile Mbutsi HISTORY 2A

shared by sinqobile on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • sinqobile on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a PDF manuscript from gale, the original manuscript is uploaded with the title " Correspondence relating to the proceedings of the Blantyre mission in East Africa"
khosifaith

PThe_Last_Slave_Market_Dr_John.PDF - 0 views

Nobukhosi Ncube 222084403

shared by khosifaith on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • khosifaith on 26 Apr 23
     
    The Last Slave Market: Dr John Kirk and the Struggle to End the African Slave Trade. Alastair Hazell. Constable. [pounds sterling]16.99. [xii] + 352 pages. ISBN 978-1-84529-672-8. This is an enthralling account of the slave trade in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and of the attempts of one man. Sir John Kirk, to end it. Kirk had been part of Livingstone's explorations in the 1860s and had had troubled relations with the great man. Where they agreed was in their opposition to slavery and the continuing trade in Africa, centred in Zanzibar and still flourishing in the 1870s. Using surviving MSS the author traces John Kirk's involvement with Livingstone, who could be difficult, to say the least, from the doomed Zambesi expedition. He then moves to Kirk's return to Africa in 1866, this time to Zanzibar as medical officer at the British consulate. The island was governed by the Mohammedan Sultan who benefited financially from the slave trade. Through a mastery of the trade's economics and through personal bravery Kirk was able to implement British policy to end the trade. He also helped Livingstone in his latest adventure and suffered at the hands of the egotistic missionary and the equally egotistic journalist, Stanley. While Kirk's work did not totally end the slave trade in East Africa--this only occurred in the 1890s--it was a major step forward. In this book we have not only the rehabilitation of a man who has been too frequently put into Livingstone's shadows but an account of the African slave trade seen at first hand by one who worked to end it.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

A.M.221125122

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  • andiswa2023 on 26 Apr 23
     
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
makhoba

Young Converts: Christian Missions, Gender and Youth in Onitsha, Nigeria 1880-1929.pdf - 3 views

Luyanda Makhoba

shared by makhoba on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Christian faith, to become the "helpmeets" for their Christian male contemporaries and proper mothers of the next Christian (hopefully Anglican) generation. Women, therefore, mattered to CMS missionaries both as the domestic purveyors of an Anglican culture and as exemplars for women's christianization throughout the Nigerian southeast. While Anglican Igbo women, too, were to be missionaries of a sort, their mission was to be bounded by the walls of their European-style homes or, at most, kept to specific Christian localities over which their husbands held priestly sw
  • C[raven]. R. Wilson)' In the late nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missionaries, both of African and European descent, became interested in gaining converts among Igbo-speaking women in southeastern Nigeria. Schooling was an integral part of the conversion process. This education was perceived by the missionaries as a concomitant training to that of young, Igbo-speaking men. Igbo men were seen as the deepest foundations of the Anglican church in southeastern Niger
  • In the late nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missionaries, both of African and European descent, became interested in gaining converts among Igbo-speaking women in southeastern Nigeria. Schooling was an integral part of the conversion process. This education was perceived by the missionaries as a concomitant training to that of young, Igbo-speaking men. Igbo men were seen as the deepest foundations of the Anglican church in southeastern Niger
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • Female missionaries, perhaps acting out of their own experiences of domestic isolation as well as Christian feminist principles, tried to mitigate this isolation somewhat by establishing women's groups at school. One such group was the Scripture Union, for those women who could read their Bibles and by encouraging Christian women who had graduated from their training to meet periodically as "Old Girls" or members of Christian women's associations. In the early 1900s regular Women's Conferences were established by joint committees of female missionaries and prominent Old Girls. The first of these conferences was held in Janu
  • CMS missionaries first appeared in Onitsha, on the eastern banks of the Niger River, in the 1860s-partially in response to Bishop Crowther's shrewd economic and political assessment of the future importance of the town for European colonialism. When the first missionary (the Rev. Taylor, a repatriated Igbo) arrived, however, he found that Christian evangelism in the town would be difficult and fraught with dangers. Ndi onicha (Onitsha people) eagerly accepted European merchandise and were already involved with the representatives of European trading firms. They were, however, highly skeptical of the offer of a new religion, particularly once they discovered that African CMS missionaries were accorded little respect by western traders. This meant that important Onitsha elders kept their distance from the missionar
  • h century. Missionaries of African descent were recruited in an evangelical campaign in that city by Anglican Bishop Samuel Crowther (a repatriated Yoruba speaker) duri
    • makhoba
      makhoba on 25 Apr 23
       
      They used evangelic way to recruit in 1860s.
  • Although the majority of Igbo-speaking girls during this period were unlikely to approach the missions, Dennis' account shows us that some were not only willing to take the risk of offending their parents and destroying their patrilineally arranged marital opportunities, they had determined upon it. For Dennis, of course, these were the "women who wanted to be good," but from the point of view of Idumuje Ugboko elders, they must have seemed young hellions, bent on destroying proper gender relations along with carefully constructed networks of alliance and affinity. The picture of girls dragged screaming into the night was constructed by Dennis to woo potential CMS donors for a girls' training institution in western Igbo. Nonetheless, there remains in the account something of the horror and embarrassment that must have been felt by every participant in these evening dr
  • Although the majority of Igbo-speaking girls during this period were unlikely to approach the missions, Dennis' account shows us that some were not only willing to take the risk of offending their parents and destroying their patrilineally arranged marital opportunities, they had determined upon it. For Dennis, of course, these were the "women who wanted to be good," but from the point of view of Idumuje Ugboko elders, they must have seemed young hellions, bent on destroying proper gender relations along with carefully constructed networks of alliance and a
  • The children of Christian women had already proved to be the foundation of the Anglican church in the forty years since its inception in Igboland, and CMS missionaries were eager to maintain a hold on the imaginations of children to come through their mothers' examples of f
  • The CMS missionaries therefore had to respond to their own ambivalences about both the centrality of marriage to Christian culture (most of the women missionaries were unmarried while in the Niger Mission) and the need to establish a proper, liminal period of "youth" or "girlhood" for christianized women to prepare them for their duties as wives and helpmeets to Christian husbands. Older women were welcome as converts, but the missionaries were constantly disappointed at how little influence such women seemed to hold over their "heathen" husbands, at least in terms of evangelis
  • Missionized men who showed some interest in evangelism were, by the 1910s, often sent off to villages at some distance from mission centers like Onitsha in order to prepare the way for more professional missionaries or to demonstrate their own fitness for more evangelical responsibility. Their young, recently trained wives would either accompany them directly or be sent for after completing their course.27 Wives' immediate duties included assisting their husbands in setting up Bible studies as well as developing a mod
  • ujhistprof on 16 May 23
     
    not relevant to your topic because its W.Africa
shinez

Correspondence Relating to the Proceedings of the Blantyre Mission in Eastern Africa - ... - 1 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Shinez Mjelele History 2A

shared by shinez on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Correspondence Relating to the Proceedings of the Blantyre Mission in Eastern Africa
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
adonisi19

The Reverend Charles New Nineteenth Century Missionary and Explorer in Eastern Equatori... - 1 views

Zanele Adonisi

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Charles New is little-mentioned in exploration literature, yet during his short life (1840–75), this self-educated Methodist evangelist became, in August 1871, the first European to reach the snow line of Mount Kilimanjaro.
  • He was a vocal opponent of the slave trade in Britain, and for his geographical exploits was honored by the Royal Geographical Society (RGS) in April 1874.
  • During his years as Revd Thomas Wakefield’s equal partner at their coastal Kenya mission, they made an excursion to Southern Oromo (also known as Galla) country in eastern Kenya in 1866–67.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • Despite his short life, New provided geographical insights about eastern Kenya and the region around Mount Kilimanjaro
  • Hildegard Binder Johnson in her seminal article on missionaries as explorers cogently provided a useful overview of the role they played in helping western society understand new and unknown places in Africa
  • New and Wakefield were equal partners at their fever-ridden Methodist mission at Ribe in Kenya
  • Ribe is located a few miles from Rabai, the site of Johann Ludwig Krapf’s mission.
  • The word “Galla” actually is the name one sees for the Southern Oromo in much of the literature as well as on maps, and will be used throughout this article.
  • New arrived in Kenya on 1 May 1863, and when he first met Thomas Wakefield, his initial, whimsical words were “Mr Wakefield, I presume.” 9 Within a short time, Krapf saw that the two young missionaries were settled at Ribe, a short distance inland from Mombasa, and long-term plans were made to travel to eastern Kenya to visit the Galla.
  • treacherous,
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This word means guilty of or involving betrayal and deception.
  • Finally, in October 1866, New and Wakefield, with church sanction, began their reconnaissance of Galla country, a journey that lasted little more than three months.
  • Their itinerary took them by boat northwards from Mombasa to Malindi and Mambria. After wandering inland to places in the Tana River region called Mana Mvoko, Gubisu, and Golbanti near Lake Ashaka, they journeyed east to Lamu island, from where they then sailed by dhow to Malindi (see Figure 2). They returned to Mombasa in February 1867. New and Wakefield were fortunate to survive.
  • On occasion, they almost starved.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Missionaries put their lives at risk just spread the word of God this shows how dedicated they were.
  • eir shoes disintegrated, they were constantly plagued by mosquitoes, and they were endangered by flooded rivers
  • To add insult to injury, they found that the Galla had no interest in the gospel once they learned that the young missionaries could not protect them from the ever-raiding Masai. Because the evangelical results of their journey were quite disappointing, R. Elliott Kendall concluded that this visit to Galla country by the two young missionaries was “an objective which turned out to be a chimera.” 13
  • Charles New, Map of Equatorial Africa. Detail of route followed by Charles New and Thomas Wakefi eld from Mombasa to Galla Country in coastal Kenya in 1866–67. Ribe is located on this map just north of Mombasa. From Charles New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa, 3rd edn (London, 1971).
  • Another important result of this short exploration was that New came to dislike the Galla and he was convinced that they were a “forlorn hope”; thus, they would never be converted to Christianity.
  • Wakefield and Krapf did not agree with him; Wakefield attempted without success to convert the Galla right up to the time he left Africa in 1887.
  • His last effort to establish a mission at Golbanti on the Tana River ended in tragic disaster when Masai warriors (not Galla tribesmen) attacked the compound and murdered all of the European occupants.
  • New was convinced that the Galla were too recalcitrant to be converted by Christian missionaries, and, in addition, he was not at all enamored with the mission site at Ribe. He called it the “hapless Mombas mission.” He believed it was too unhealthy a place for Europeans to survive.
  • Charles New wanted to establish a mission in a more salubrious location,
  • New’s first trip to the land of the Chagga was a notable success. He established good relations with the Chagga, and he gained permission to travel almost everywhere. Clearly, this was a good place to relocate.
  • In other words, for this Christian missionary, the Chagga were ripe for evangelizing.
  • This was wishful thinking because, as it turned
  • out, New had no better success with the Chagga than he did with the Mijikenda at Ribe or with the Galla. 19
  • While at Kilimanjaro, New had some difficulties with Mangi Rindi, also known as Mandara, the powerful Chagga ruler at Moshi. New focused on Moshi because Mandara had close relations with Swahili traders from the coast. These problems with Mandara were to continue when New returned to Kilimanjaro in 1875. 2
  • On his way back to England to commence his leave in July 1872, New first sailed to the town of Victoria in the Seychelles to wait for a mail boat to take him to England. While there, he stayed at a hotel that also housed Henry Stanley as a patron. It is presumed that during their stay in the Seychelles New and Stanley discussed their dispute.
  • he was seriously ill throughout this journey, which lasted only from early December 1874 to 14 February 1875, the day he died from exhaustion and dysentery while returning to Ribe from Kilimanjaro.
  • He did not go to East Africa to be an explorer, but when he once was asked whether he wanted to be respected only for his geographical accomplishments he emphatically responded that “Let me never think of merging the missionary into the traveler.
  • Charles New was convinced that he helped alleviate human misery during his limited years of evangelizing in East Africa, even though he admitted that he preached to people whom he said “would not listen.” He was fervently opposed to slavery, yet, like most Europeans of his day, he was a benevolent racist who disparaged Africans, especially the Mijikenda tribesmen who resided in the Ribe area and whom he knew well. 31
  • Charles New’s missionary work in Kenya should not be minimized. Success as an evangelist was limited mainly because he admitted that his words fell on deaf ears; nonetheless, his activities were vital to the survival of the Methodist mission in Ribe (he is touted as being the founder of the first formal school in East Africa), and he continually worked to gain support in Britain.
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
nrtmakgeta

Indigenising the gun - rock art depictions of firearms in the Eastern Cape, South Afric... - 2 views

NTSHEDI MAKGETA 222150147

shared by nrtmakgeta on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Homi Bhabha (1994) observes that the
  • colonised may certainly adopt the material culture of the coloniser, but that it can receive new meaning. This leads to a process of hybridity which can be seen in both material culture and group identity (cf. Blundell 2004). This means that one ought not to approach the epistemology and ontology of firearms among the colonised as one would do among the colonisers. A gun is never just a gun.
  • Indigenous Australians, in Arnhem Land, became gun owners as assistant hunters to Europeans within the buffalo hunting industry in the nineteenth century (Wesley 2013, 237). These muskets were less effective than spears in indigenous hands and instead became interpreted as markers of prestige and status (Wesley 2013, 244).
  • ...11 more annotations...
  • Following a ban on Indigenes owning firearms in the early twentieth century, many weapons were confiscated by authorities. Indigenous Australian men who retained ownership of firearms (muskets or rifles) used their guns as symbols of authority (Wesley 2013, 245).
  • Wesley acknowledges that depictions of firearms in Australian rock art are likely related to these associations; however, he also claims that there is a deeper understanding to this art from an indigenous point of view that is not accessible to non-Aborigines as the indigenes regard this information as secret (Wesley 2013, 246).
  • Michael Klassen suggests that depictions of guns likely relate to warfare and raiding ‘coups’- which refer to the items procured by warriors during war or raids
  • Klassen believes that the gun, much like the shield before it, came to symbolise a powerful object that is imbued with potent medicine and links the indigenous understanding of guns to that of bow-spears due to them both being powerful and destructive weapons (Klassen 1998, 49).
  • The acquisition of an enemy’s gun during a raid was no mean feat, and by doing so a warrior gained prestige as well as spiritual power
  • The works of both Wesley and Klassen demonstrate that it is possible to gain an understanding of indigenous ontologies and epistemologies of firearms when we consider concepts of ownership and prestige, as opposed to any concern with recording the event in western terms. For the Blackfoot, at least, firearms took on attributes of the precolonial material culture (bowspears) while also being defined within the changing colonial world in a way that is certainly not European.
  • Another form of Khoekhoe war-magic involves burning a crow’s heart, loading the ashes into a gun and then firing the gun. It is believed that their enemies would flee like crows (Hahn 1881, 90). It is interesting to note that in this example the gun takes on the role of being a ritual tool, thereby further reinforcing the argument that
  • indigenous southern Africans did not share the same understanding of firearms as Europeans.
  • Firearms gave raiders a marked advantage over those without guns.
  • Raiding would have increased in danger when coming up against foes with guns, and so ‘Bushman’ groups likely relied on spiritual assistance to increase their odds of success in raids.
  • In fact, it is likely that the artists were depicting themselves, because many ‘Bushmen’ acquired their own firearms. While they adopted guns, they did not necessarily adopt European understandings of guns. Instead, they worked this new material culture into their own ontology.
  • nrtmakgeta on 26 Apr 23
     
    TAYLOR AND FRANCIS SOURCE
mercymmadibe071

Correspondence Respecting the Conference Relating to Slave Trade Held at Brussels - Doc... - 9 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Kgotsoka Mercy 221031275

shared by mercymmadibe071 on 30 Mar 23 - No Cached
  • mercymmadibe071 on 24 Apr 23
     
    The article consists of letters exchanged between various European governments and representatives that were diplomatic regarding the Brussels conference on the abolition of the slavery trade held in 1889-1890. The letters discussed several issues that related to the conference, including the starting of the conference, the number of people that participated and the number of slaves that we held. It showed that the British government initiated the conference and made a progress towards the abolition of slavery and trade. It also highlights the political and diplomatic situations that occurred during this period in the effort to end the slave trade.
andilemazibuko

Resolutions of the Meeting on the Abolition of the Slave Trade.pdf - 2 views

Andile Sinenhlanhla Mazibuko 222153584

shared by andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • diate abolition of the African Slave Trade, a trade avowedly repupant
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      Using religious aspects to support their cause
  • moral antd religious princiile,
  • the last seveti years, the impor- tati0n
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      "Act Prohibiting the Importation of Slaves" was established in 1808
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • At a General Meeting of the Friends of the Abolition of the Slave Trade
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      The name of the organization and what they stand for.
  • a district in which the Slave- Trade having been neatly suppressed, the consequent jntroduction of cultiva- tion, and of a legitimate commerce
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      Positive results of the abolition of Slave Trade in this area.
  • commencing a new Slave Trade for their supply
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      the commerce system, or meeting the supply is more important than slaves
  • His Royad Highness the Duke of Gloucester in the Cha
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      Implicates the Duke of Gloucester (1814) as a contributor to the cause.
  • treaty of peace with France, no stipulation has eeen made for the immne-
  • radical injustice of the African Slave Trade
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      shows compassion and empathy. This organization views Africans(slaves) as people and not possessions.
  • to dtii-se authentiic infor- nation, and eaxcit. just sentiments and. -Selings on this great subject.
    • andilemazibuko
      andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
       
      They plan to "diffuse" news that might deter their cause and are willing to be charged with treason for their cause.
  • no colony yet re- niMtinitg in the possession of" Great B3i- tain, wherein: slavery exists, should be ceded to any other pover, without re- quiring ani express s:ipilatioiv for relsri,- quishing the Slave Trade immediately and' for ever
  • andilemazibuko on 26 Apr 23
     
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