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Home/ University of Johannesburg History 2A 2023/ Contents contributed and discussions participated by nrtmakgeta

Contents contributed and discussions participated by nrtmakgeta

nrtmakgeta

BKAIXR261677391.pdf - 3 views

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    A Gale source. This source explain and highlights how the law of the state prohibits the possession of guns by natives. it is strictly enforced when guns are known to be in their possession, but , nevertheless many are concealed in the kraals. Seven Whitwerth and Armstrong field guns , three for mountain service, and two 6 pounder and two 9 pounder guns. Four of these guns are mounted on serviceable carriages, but the other three are in bad order. In addition to these , two 9 pounder long iron guns in position facing the town , and two more at the town of Kronstadt. All these guns were given to the Free State by the British Government. The small Whitworths and Armstrongs were purchased in Europe during the last Basuto war.
nrtmakgeta

Indigenising the gun - rock art depictions of firearms in the Eastern Cape, South Afric... - 2 views

  • Homi Bhabha (1994) observes that the
  • colonised may certainly adopt the material culture of the coloniser, but that it can receive new meaning. This leads to a process of hybridity which can be seen in both material culture and group identity (cf. Blundell 2004). This means that one ought not to approach the epistemology and ontology of firearms among the colonised as one would do among the colonisers. A gun is never just a gun.
  • Indigenous Australians, in Arnhem Land, became gun owners as assistant hunters to Europeans within the buffalo hunting industry in the nineteenth century (Wesley 2013, 237). These muskets were less effective than spears in indigenous hands and instead became interpreted as markers of prestige and status (Wesley 2013, 244).
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  • Following a ban on Indigenes owning firearms in the early twentieth century, many weapons were confiscated by authorities. Indigenous Australian men who retained ownership of firearms (muskets or rifles) used their guns as symbols of authority (Wesley 2013, 245).
  • Wesley acknowledges that depictions of firearms in Australian rock art are likely related to these associations; however, he also claims that there is a deeper understanding to this art from an indigenous point of view that is not accessible to non-Aborigines as the indigenes regard this information as secret (Wesley 2013, 246).
  • Michael Klassen suggests that depictions of guns likely relate to warfare and raiding ‘coups’- which refer to the items procured by warriors during war or raids
  • Klassen believes that the gun, much like the shield before it, came to symbolise a powerful object that is imbued with potent medicine and links the indigenous understanding of guns to that of bow-spears due to them both being powerful and destructive weapons (Klassen 1998, 49).
  • The acquisition of an enemy’s gun during a raid was no mean feat, and by doing so a warrior gained prestige as well as spiritual power
  • The works of both Wesley and Klassen demonstrate that it is possible to gain an understanding of indigenous ontologies and epistemologies of firearms when we consider concepts of ownership and prestige, as opposed to any concern with recording the event in western terms. For the Blackfoot, at least, firearms took on attributes of the precolonial material culture (bowspears) while also being defined within the changing colonial world in a way that is certainly not European.
  • Another form of Khoekhoe war-magic involves burning a crow’s heart, loading the ashes into a gun and then firing the gun. It is believed that their enemies would flee like crows (Hahn 1881, 90). It is interesting to note that in this example the gun takes on the role of being a ritual tool, thereby further reinforcing the argument that
  • indigenous southern Africans did not share the same understanding of firearms as Europeans.
  • Firearms gave raiders a marked advantage over those without guns.
  • Raiding would have increased in danger when coming up against foes with guns, and so ‘Bushman’ groups likely relied on spiritual assistance to increase their odds of success in raids.
  • In fact, it is likely that the artists were depicting themselves, because many ‘Bushmen’ acquired their own firearms. While they adopted guns, they did not necessarily adopt European understandings of guns. Instead, they worked this new material culture into their own ontology.
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    TAYLOR AND FRANCIS SOURCE
nrtmakgeta

v36a13.pdf - 4 views

  • This review essay examines a number of recent works that contribute to the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa; two based upon new and original research (Story and Guy) and the others on reproductions of earlier seminal contributions to the historiography of firearms in Africa (Lamphear and Smaldone).
  • Firearms have a long and significant history in Africa. From their early introduction into the continent, largely as items of trade, firearms have been intricately bound in the various forms of European intrusion into Africa, from the slave trade to pacification and colonisation.
  • Predictably, the history of firearms in Africa has attracted substantial scholarly attention over the past half a century.
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  • ‘that firearms have had an impact on African history cannot be denied, but the nature of that impact is more questionable’. 2
  • In 2002, David Northrup reiterated this sentiment, acknowledging that ‘firearms were arguably the most significant technical innovation to arrive
  • from the Atlantic, and their impact on the continent has been hotly disputed
  • At the turn of the nineteenth century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principal means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports. The older historiography has been dominated by a guns-for-slaves stereotype of Euro-African trade, whereby African demand for firearms increased their capacity to produce the slaves required to supply the Atlantic demand, leading in turn to the general destabilisation of the continent. 9 Such assessments claimed that firearms were a menace to African societies and caused mayhem and anarchy among pre-colonial states. The argument followed that ‘the importation of guns was the principal reason for warfare within Africa and that it was by means of such wars that gun-toting Africans supplied the Atlantic economy with slaves’. 10
  • Not only did guns play an ancillary rather than primary role in most African armies of this era, but for the most important states, guns [were merely an element in] a process of military transformation that was already underway. 12
  • In addition, Richards notes that the firearm trade peaked in the 1830s (although he gives no figures for this peak), which again weakens the ‘slave–gun cycle’ theory. 13 Firearms were being imported well before the heyday of the slave trade and their importation continued to rise in many key slaving areas after its abolition.
  • Richards and Northrup also show that large quantities of cheap industrial firearms were produced and traded into Africa; the Bonny gun and the Angola gun being two prime examples. This not only demonstrates the demand for cheap firearms, but also the ‘subtleties and interregional differences of African demand’. 15 As Northrup stated:
  • What this suggests is that the overwhelming demand for firearms in Africa came from Africans of limited means, for personal rather than military use. 19 Another reason why the cheaper arms would have been more sought after by African populations is that many of them could be repaired in situ by their owners.
  • Many of the more expensive and modern weapons were machine-made and so difficult for owners to mend or maintain. The cheap muskets made for Africans could be repaired by the owner or local African gunsmith. In many of the regions where firearms became an important feature of local life, blacksmiths and gunsmiths proved vital service industries. 20
  • Industrialisation in Europe not only created an increased demand for raw materials in Africa, but also led to advances in technology which had a direct impact on the performance and efficiency of firearms.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      FLINTLOCK RIFLE S-A general term for any firearm that uses a flint-striking ignition mechanism.
  • In the eighteenth century, flintlock rifles were the main trade weapon to Africa, along with older matchlock versions
  • For the first half of the century, many improvements and alterations were made in the design and function of flintlocks but the real breakthrough came in the 1860s with the breech-loading revolution. This revolution brought about significant changes in the functioning of arms that made them more suited to warfare and hunting. They were easier to load and fired faster and this, together with precision production techniques, meant that firearms were more reliable, handled better and were more durable. Equally as important, the first metal cartridge bullets were developed at the same time which provided the gunpowder with greater protection from rain and humidity, and made the process of firing much quicker.
  • Hunting, crop protection and the destruction of vermin were all key activities that firearms were put to by Africans
  • the development of skill in handling firearms that developed in southern Africa and how these had to adapt to the technological advancements made in the production of firearms over the same period. Firearms as a technology, and as a tool, were adaptable. They were manipulated for a range of activities and purpose
  • (hunting, crop protection, eradication of vermin).
  • The extensive debates about the limitations, control and confiscation of black-owned firearms that took place in the Cape Colony during the final decades of the nineteenth century were indicative not only of the white colonial fear of black uprising, but also of extending and entrenching a colonial project that was exclusionary and inflexible.
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    SOURCE NUMBER 5 This source highlights the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa and what significance did the firearms have since they were introduced in Africa and how they were used. It also tells us about the guns that African used to fight and protect themselves. It also explain how large quantities of guns were produced and traded in Africa and lastly that guns in Africa were used for hunting , crop protection and to destruct vermin(which are wild animals that are believed to be harmful to crops, farm animals, or game. or which carry disease, e.g rodents)
nrtmakgeta

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 6 views

  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • By the 1870s, pseudoscientific racism had taken hold among European
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  • licymakers, who increasingly believed that it would be difficult to transfer technical skills to colonial subjects. C
  • cal knowledge and practices circulated in complex ways; they were not simply transferred from the European core to the colonial periphery, as the development of local firearms in southern Africa makes clear. People living in the colonies made end-user modifications to both imperialist technologies and imperialist ideologies.31
  • It was precisely in the 1870s - the Scramble for Africa - that Africans became more deeply enmeshed in southern Africa's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      This is the introduction of how guns came in southern Africa , after the Scramble for Africa in 1870s to be precise. African were using their money from their emerging economy to buy guns, this made the Boers and British settlers in Africa to not be settled and they were very concerned about this matter.
  • G. 3 Southern Africa in the 1870s. (Map by author and
  • To understand colonial gun control, it is important to r
  • colonies of
  • olitics. The commission's investigations did overturn one stereotype. Throughout the English-speaking world, settlers on the frontier were supposed to be heavily armed and skilled with weapons. Yet the testimony before the commission revealed that settlers in the Eastern Cape were lightly armed and inexperienc
  • ces. According to the 50th Ordinance of 1828, all Cape citizens were equal before the law
  • y. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitne
  • n Africa had different native policies. There were two independent Boer republics across the Orange River from the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal). These restricted citizenship to European men and deprived Africans of all civic rights, including any right to possess weapons. To the east, in the British colony of Natal, guns had to be registered with British magistrates who supervised African chiefs. (African chiefdoms remained substantially intact so that chiefs might administer customary law under the supervision of the colony's lieutenant governor.) Chiefs retained a degree of autonomy in certain other regions along the Cape Colony's borders, such as the Transkei, Lesotho, and Griqualand East, while the Mpondo remained indepen
  • s.35 In 1876 the British settlers of the Eastern Cape began to protest what they considered irregularities in the regulation of African gun ownership. The debates that ensued acquired a broad significance for South African politics, and their prominence, in parliament and in newspapers, accented the importance of skills in the use of firearms and highlighted the everyday practice of carrying weapon
  • more stringent gun control. Most witnesses opposed the arming of Africans.36 Witnesses and commissioners linked gun ownership to broader policy debates about citizenship that had been going on for some time in the Cape Colony, and that were intensifying dur
  • ractically with them if the danger becomes real, are not inclined to agree."37 One regular officer of the British army, Lieutenant Colonel Crossman of the Royal Engineers, agreed with Froude. In a confidential report to Carnarvon on diamond miners in Kimberley, he argued that only long-serving Africans ought to be permitted to purchase guns. "For my own part," he continued, "I would not allow guns to be sold to the natives at all. They do not purchase them for hunting but for purposes of war. They are not satisfied with the common exported article, but endeavour to obtain the best rifles they can purchase, saying 'that as the red [British] soldier uses good rifles they also must have th
  • rship. The problem Ella saw was not that guns themselves would make Africans more dangerous, but that the "possessor of [a gun] gets thoughts into his head which might not otherwise get there." Africans did not buy guns with the idea of attacking Europeans, but "when a lot of men with guns get together they might get ideas of that nature into their heads."43 A superficial analysis of these settlers' statements would dismiss them as deterministic. But if we accept the Comaroffs' claim that the everyday material practices of colonialism were associated with hotly contested changes in ontology and epistemology, they take on new significance. Ideas about the use of guns were instrumental in ra
  • Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits
  • In 1876, as fear of a Xhosa attack mounted, some settlers and soldiers fretted about whether the Europeans living in the Eastern Cape were well-enough trained in the use of firearms. E. B. Chalmers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police testified that few Eastern Cape settlers even owned gun
  • Several other settlers also called attention to the state of affairs. According to two witnesses, fewer than half the settlers owned guns, although more knew how to use them, and more of the young men were learning.45 According to another witness, "farmers and their sons" not only lacked arms, they had also lost the skill of riding while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or wor
  • while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or work at a craft, and settlers frequently lacked the leisure to hunt or take tar
  • p. In the 1878 session of the Cape Parliament, Sprigg succeeded in steering through a set of bills that created an all-white militia. He also secured passage of the Peace Preservation Act, which provided for disarming parts of the population; the governor was empowered to proclaim certain districts subject to the act, and could then instruct magistrates to determine who should
  • urn in their arms and who might keep them. The act was not in itself discriminatory, but it was understood that Europeans in proclaimed districts would keep their arms and that Africans would turn theirs in. Those who were forced to surrender their weapons would be compensated. According to Sprigg, this measure was necessary "for getting arms out of the hands of disloyal na
  • Cape Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, embodied the full range of colonial rhetoric. When liberals challenged the disarmament of Basutoland, Frere mocked liberal arguments that "a native tr
  • armed with firearms [is] less formidable than one armed after their own fashion with assegai
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    This is a JSTOR article. It speaks about how the economy of Africans was emerging(newly formed or prominent) basically their economy was growing and they got to buy guns. Them (Africans) buying and owning guns came as a threat to the Boers and the colonizers' as they thought that Africans cannot or do not have the skills needed to use guns and they will use them in a bad way influencing each other to misuse their guns. Hence the process of disarming African was introduced whereby they had to have permits to own guns and only whites were allowed to own guns .
nrtmakgeta

GUNS IN AFRICA 1800-1890 - Google Search - 5 views

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    This were the types of guns used in Africa in the nineteenth century , they are called Rifles.
nrtmakgeta

9780521885096_excerpt_001.pdf - 5 views

  • In 1971, the historians Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore wrote that during the colonial period South Africa became a “gun society.”
  • the role of firearms in southern African society deserves at least one major study.
  • Their challenge is taken up by the present study, which focuses on the history of South Africa prior to 1910. 2
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  • In South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. Colonists and Africans alike – particularly the men – considered guns necessary tools for hunting and fighting. In the nineteenth century, the focus of the present study, guns were associated with the depopulation of game animals; the development of capitalism; and the establishment of new colonies, republics, and chiefdoms. Legal restrictions on gun ownership came to mark who was a citizen and who was not.
  • This book does more than assess the influence of guns over historical outcomes, as other scholars have done. It explores the ways in which people involved guns in changes in society, politics, and ecology. All the while, firearms were undergoing a technological revolution.
  • increasing lethality of guns persuaded South Africans to reconsider ideas about citizenship, institutions, and identities.
  • People who owned
  • guns came to support ideologies that they associated with technological changes
  • the Dutch East India Company (VOC) encouraged settlers to procure firearms and to serve in the militia
  • Until the end of the eighteenth century, gun ownership and militia service were encouraged and even required by the VOC, but the Boers who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior were forbidden from selling guns to Africans. These regulations were ineffectual yet remained in force even after the advent of British rule in 1795
  • Merchants and missionaries encouraged Africans to take up firearms as a way to gain security on a violent frontier
  • Guns were also a means
  • for killing game animals
  • During the nineteenth century, Africans and settlers saw
  • guns as hallmarks of modernity, yet for most people in South Africa there was precious little security
  • The republics prohibited Africans from gun ownership, while the Cape and Natal imposed various restrictions on ownership and trade, including licensing and fees.
  • As Europeans were settling South Africa, firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries between European states as well as by the American Civil War. Firearms became much more effective
  • First, hunters and
  • soldiers replaced flintlock ignition systems with percussion caps. Next, smoothbore muzzle-loaders were replaced by more accurate rifled muzzleloaders. Then, rifled muzzle-loaders were replaced by quick-firing rifled breechloaders.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      As Europe was busy settling South Africa the types of guns were changed and improved from old ones to new advanced and fast ones.
  • e uptake of new weapons flooded world markets with secondhand muzzle-loading muskets and rifles that sold at cut-rate prices.
  • At the same time as these weapons were becoming easily available, more Africans migrated to Cape farms and to the Kimberley diamond diggings, where they earned cash to buy guns
  • In 1859, Natal required all Africans to register their firearms with the lieutenant governor. This did not totally disarm Africans, but it was a crucial first step. In 1878,t h e Cape passed legislation allowing the governor to disarm entire districts. Disarmament occurred at the same time as Britain was attempting to unify the chiefdoms, colonies, and republics of South Africa under one form of government. Confederation became a famous failure, while disarmament became a patchy success.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      The disarmament of guns by cape colonizers. This was the start of disarming Africans of their guns.
  • Many Africans had to surrender their guns under the terms of a new Peace Preservation Act passed in 1878.T h i s diminished their ownership of guns but it did not sever the ideological ties between the bearing of arms and the performance of civic duties.
  • The new gun control measures of the 1870s pushed legal discrimination further: the Cape took a step in the direction of the Boer republics, which denied Africans all rights of citizenship, including the right to own a weapon. Africans could not be citizens of the republics, nor could they own weapons, although the intricate relations of paternalism included the idea that servants helped masters to bear arms.
  • guns often had significant social and political consequences.
  • Marks and Atmore argued that starting in 1652 the acquisition of guns, shooting skills, and martial organization played an important role in the extension of settlements and colonial rule. Under the Dutch, and later under the British, the Cape Colony became a gun society, where the balance of power reflected the possession of guns by states and societies.
  • Old muskets had their limitations, while in the early years there were some people without firearms who managed to defeat people with firearms.
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    INCORRECT SOURCE!!
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