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nkosithand

Southern Africa - European and African interaction from the 15th through the 18th centu... - 1 views

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    you have not tagged your posts, your tutor will not be able to find them to mark them
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

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    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
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  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
mlondi

Missionaries and the Standardisation of Vernacular Languages in Colonial Malawi, 1875-1... - 4 views

shared by mlondi on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In the 1920s, studies conducted by the LM, Blantyre Mission (BM), Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) and DRCM missions were important in engendering an understanding of the relationships between language groups in Nyasaland
    • mlondi
       
      Dorothy Tembo wrote about the mission including the Blantyre mission of which happened mostly in the Eastern Africa in a country of Malawi to spread dominance and convert people into adopting ideologies, beliefs and religion..
  • The vernacular Bible translation projects introduced by missionaries are an excellent example of these negotiations and are one of the lasting legacies of mission work in Africa. To a large extent, the success of mission work was depended upon missionaries’ willingness and ability to learn vernacular languages and to sympathise with African culture.
    • mlondi
       
      the spread of Christianity was depended on missionaries that were able to interact with people to properly communicate of which was vital in spreading the religion in a language people understood.
  • Another effect of translation work on African traditional societies can be observed in the missionaries’ attempt at homogenising African languages and culture.
    • mlondi
       
      Missionaries attempted to spread Christianity but did not violate the cultures that people already held.
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  • The first meeting of the translation committee was held in May 1900, attended by representatives from the BM, LM, DRCM and ZIM. 43 Conspicuously missing from the list of representatives was the UMCA, who refused to be party to the translation board.
    • mlondi
       
      the Blantyre missions was one of the representatives that fostered for the spread of Christianity and aimed at initiating projects that will uplift the lives of indigenous people.
  • It is also important to note that the language arising out of interactions between Christianity and vernacular language would be a ‘rich and noble language’, highlighting the belief that that the vernacular languages were inadequate. Most certainly, missionaries believed that the association with Europeans and reducing the languages into its written forms would ‘improve’ the vernacular languages and make them suitable for mission work.
    • mlondi
       
      missionaries used Christianity to form a bond withy native languages and thus come out with a common language that would beneif6t everyone.
  • Eventually, Yao, Tumbuka, Nyanja and Tonga became associated with specific missions, and because the missions served distinct regions, these languages gradually became common languages for their respective regions. Tumbuka language was associated with northern Malawi and LM, Chewa/Nyanja was associated with the central region and the DRCM and Chewa/Nyanja and Yao became associated with the southern region and the BM. Despite this, usage of Chewa/Nyanja Bible was common across all regions.
    • mlondi
       
      Blantyre mission was associated with Malawi so therefore in that region that shared common languages of which allowed Christianity to spread throughout Africa.
  • They understood that their common language project necessarily cut out the older generations from salvation. Most young people learned Nyanja or Tumbuka at mission schools and did not face difficulties attending church and related mission activities.
    • mlondi
       
      the mission helped people to learn and be able to develop individually through Christianity missions in schools.
  • 1 In the 1950s and 1960s mission educated Africans were influential in African resistance movements leading to the decolonisation of Malawi.
    • mlondi
       
      missions of Christianity allowed people to develop their own sense of belonging and identify thus oppressing colonial rule.
thutomatlhoko

British South Africa and the Zulu war on JSTOR - 2 views

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    The first interaction the British had with Zulus dates from the year 1821/1822. The white settlers were depopulated by Chaka Zulu, the King of Zulus, who was later assassinated by his brother Dingaan in 1828. The document also mentions how Ketshawyo came to power and how the Zululand become colonised. It is stated that the British saw South Africa as a rich country in agricultural, pastoral and mineral resources, which benefited Great Britain's economy through trade. The document goes as far as showing the large quantities exported as well as their market value. Sir Bartle Frere's Policy was then introduced leading to the colonisation of the Zululand in 1849-1850.
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    Sir Bartle Frere's Policy aimed to break down and abolish the power of the chiefs as well as make the natives understand that the government is the only power in the country. After the policy came into place Natal and the Zulu tribe under Ketshawyo's rule were proclaimed a British Colony in the year 1848, however it was not fairly colonised until 1849- 1850. Events which took place during 1877 led to a war-cloud over the Zululand under Ketshawyo's rule.
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    The document was written by people from Western Civilisation hence "Shaka" is spelt as "Chaka"
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  •  
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
gracebvuma

Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 0 views

shared by gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • . As time passed, firearms came to be used by ever-widening circles of the combatants, often as much the result of the increased collaboration and interdependence between peoples as of the increased conflict
    • gracebvuma
       
      Guns were used as a result of collaboration between the different race groups present in Southern Africa at the time.
  • d. By the time of the first Dutch-Khoi war of I659-60, the Cape Khoi were clearly aware of some of the limitations of Dutch muskets
    • gracebvuma
       
      Khois's knowledge of firearms was ivreasing, maybe because of the increase in the use of firearms in Southern Africa during this period.
  • N SOUTHERN AFRICA 519 guns and horses, as well as cattle.13 There was also a constant supply of firearms to the 'resisters' through the desertion of Khoi servants and slaves, who frequently fled with their masters' weapons to join the Khoisan in the mountain
    • gracebvuma
       
      Africans were aquiring guns through theft during this time because the distribution of guns to the Natives of southern Africa was illegal.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Throughout the nineteenth century, their knowledge and use of firearms was to stand the Khoisan and mixed or coloured groups in good stead. On two occasions, their joining the Xhosa in resistance (1799-I802 and I850-3) made the wars on the eastern frontier particularly formidable, while as late as I878 the long duration of the Griqua 'rebellion' was attributed to their long experience of firearm
    • gracebvuma
       
      their increase in knowledge of firearms and their acquiring of firearms made Africans a more formidable opponent to the settlers.
  • The significance of the acquisition of a knowledge of firearms by the Khoisan and coloured population was not limited solely to the resistance they were able to mount against white expansion. It was through them that the 'gun frontier' preceded the white man amongst the Nama and Herero of south-west Africa, the Tswana and southern Sotho groups across the Orange River,16 and the Xhosa and allied peoples on the Cape's eastern frontier. Although the arming of all these people on a large scale was a feature of the second half, if not the last third, of the nineteenth century, this first introduction to firearms may have in some ways shaped their response to them
    • gracebvuma
       
      Guns shaped and heavily influenced the political and social climate
  • 7 The Africans were able to counter the mobile Boer commandos with superior numbers and, probably, with a more efficient social and military organization. Probably also because of the gradualness of the contact between the Xhosa and whites, with fifty years of trading interaction as well as the mediation of the Khoi prior to the more violent conflicts, firearms per se held no terror for the Xhosa. Moreover in this warfare even in the eighteenth century, the Xhosa were able to acquire a certain number of firearm
    • gracebvuma
       
      the Acquiring of firearms by the Africans greatly increased their military strength, making them much harder to suppress and dominate.
sizomtshali2

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi: A century of interaction - 2 views

  • the Scottish missionaries found themselves under attack forallowing their converts too much authority and independence.
    • sizomtshali2
       
      This means that the missionaries from Scotland had no intentions of allowing their converts authority or independence.
lmshengu

Europeans and East Africans in the Age of Exploration.pdf - 3 views

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nted a
    • lmshengu
       
      yeilded is to give forth or produce by natural process or in return for cultivation
  • y Johann Re
    • lmshengu
       
      johannes Rebmann was agerman missinary, linguist and explorer credited with feats including being the first european ,along with his colleague johann Ludwig krapf to enter africa from the indian ocean coast. in addition he was the first european to find kilimanjaro.
  • on th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is habitational name of british origin that means from the story
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • s too. It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and
    • lmshengu
       
      . It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and wanted to stay more
  • ample,
    • lmshengu
       
      Mtyela Kasanda, better known as King Mirambo, was a Nyamwezi king, from 1860 to 1884. He created the largest state by area in 19th-century East Africa in present day Urambo district in Tabora Region of Tanzania. Urambo district is named after him. Mirambo started out as a trader and the son of a minor chief.
  • Europeans,
    • lmshengu
       
      NYUNGU-YA-MAWE was the exact contemporary and, for a time at least, the ally, of Mirambo-ya-banhu, the famous Nyamwezi war-lord who rose. to power in west-central Tanzania early in the second half of the nine- teenth century.
  • omoted
    • lmshengu
       
      Fragmentation most generally means the process of fragmenting-breaking into pieces or being divided into parts. It can also refer to the state or result of being broken up or having been divided.
  • to switch from
    • lmshengu
       
      In matrilineal kinship sysytems,lineage and inheritance are traced through a groups female members and children are parts of their mothers and children are parts of their mothers kinship group. in contrast in patrillineal systems group membership is determined through men and children are part of their fathers kinship.
  • In the period of exploration the most notable visitors for the majority of East Africans were not the European explorers so much as other Africans and, more particularly, the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar. By the late 1870s again, it might be argued, some sort of accommodation showed signs of being reached between these traders and many African
    • lmshengu
       
      For the bulk of East Africans, other Africans and especially the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar were the most famous visitors throughout the age of exploration rather than European explorers. It may be argued that by the late 1870s, some type of accommodation had been made between these traders and many Africans.
  • 'Scientific geography' did, in fact, mean, more than anything, the recording of accurate observations for latitude, longitude and height on the basis of which satis? factory maps could be constructed. In this sense, the 'discovery' of a feature like the source of the Nile was indeed a discovery for it definitively established a scientific fact.
    • lmshengu
       
      In reality, the recording of precise observations for latitude, longitude, and height on which reliable maps could be created were what "scientific geography" really meant. In this sense, the 'finding' of a feature like the source of the Nile was legitimately a discovery because it established a scientific fact.
  • 'scientific geo
    • lmshengu
       
      A geographer is a physical scientist, social scientist or humanist whose area of study is geography, the study of Earth's natural environment and human society, including how society and nature interacts.
  • appear to have been in the Society mainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individuals may have joined because they considered their continental tours made them explorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthy amateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample. But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen, no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sample being
    • lmshengu
       
      appear to have been in the Societymainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individualsmay have joined because they considered their continental tours made themexplorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthyamateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample.But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen,no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sammple being naval officcers.
  • out th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is insistent and positive affirming, maintaining or defending as of a right or attribute an aasertion of ownership/ innocence .
  • Clements Markha
    • lmshengu
       
      Sir clements Robert Markham was an english geographer , explorer and writer.He was secretsry of the royal geographical society between 1863 and 1888 and later served as the society's president for a futher 12 years
  • r. There was in fact much more social and political cohesion in East African societies than most explorer
    • lmshengu
       
      IN East African societies africans were more united in terms ofsocial and political than the most of the explores and the explores discovered that when they were there in east africa.
  • Although the British government moved to increase its control over East Africa for reasons that involve much wider considerations, the apparent need to improve law and order provided at least a very powerful justification. Indeed it was a necessary part of the process by which imperial objects could be achie
    • lmshengu
       
      Even if the British government expanded its influence over East Africa for far larger objectives, the seeming need to strengthen law and order served as at least a very strong pretext. In fact, it was a crucial step in the process of achieving imperial goals. Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.
  • precursors. It is much more difficult to attempt an answer to the question of what Africans learned or thought they learned about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa. Obviously, first of all, the explorers' direct social and economic impact was slight. It is true that Captain Speke seems to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by one of the Kabaka's
    • lmshengu
       
      Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.Answering the topic of what Africans discovered or believed they discovered about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa is far more challenging. Obviously, the direct social and economic impact of the explorers was little. It is true that according to the CMS Archives, Captain Speke appears to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by a Kabaka sister.
  • Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke, for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to be taken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable ally for one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera; in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971). Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who, unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, did frequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabs in 1
    • lmshengu
       
      Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke,for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to betaken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable allyfor one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera;in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971).Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who,unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, didfrequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabsin 1
  • European explorers could, then, have a noticeable political effect although generally only in the short term. In the longer term, their special characteristics probably operated in different and less easily described ways. Early European visits to Buganda were marked by great questionings of the explorers on the place of Man in Society and in t
    • lmshengu
       
      Therefore, European explorers could have an impact on politics, albeit usually in the short term. Their unique traits likely functioned in distinct and harder-to-describe ways over a longer period of time. Early European excursions to Buganda were distinguished by intense inquiries about the role of man in society and in the world.
sekhele

102313498_Vilhanov.pdf - 2 views

  • The third phase of the misionary movement in Africa, which started from the end of the eighteenth and continued throughout the nineteenth century, in twentieth-century Africa led to the dramatic expansion of Christianity called “the fourth great age of Christian expansion”. In their attempt to spread the Christian faith, win converts and transform African societies, Christian missions of all denominations opened schools and disseminated education. Scientifically very important was their pioneer work in African languages. By producing grammars, dictionaries, textbooks and translations of religious texts missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages. Christian missionary enterprise was no doubt of prime importance in the Westernization of Africa. Africans were, however, not passive recipients of new influences and culture patterns. The adoption of Christianity and the process of cultural exchange were shaped by African choices, needs and efforts to Africanize Africa’s Christian experience by securing the roots of Christianity in the African context.
    • sekhele
       
      The third phase of the missionary movement in Africa from the late 18th to 19th century led to the fourth great age of Christian expansion in 20th-century Africa. Christian missions opened schools, disseminated education, and pioneered work in African languages. The adoption of Christianity in Africa was shaped by African choices and efforts to Africanize the Christian experience.
  • Before 1800 the chief contact of sub-Saharan Africa with Europe was through the traffic in slaves for the New World. Increasing Western commercial penetration from the end of the eighteenth century and ultimate political dominance in Africa coincided with a massive Christian missionary enterprise.
    • sekhele
       
      Before 1800, Europe's primary interaction with sub-Saharan Africa was through the slave trade, but later on, Western commercial expansion and political control in Africa coincided with a significant Christian missionary effort.
  • Catholic missions
    • sekhele
       
      The Catholic mission refers to the efforts of the Catholic Church to spread its teachings and convert people to the Catholic faith. This involves sending missionaries to areas where Catholicism is not yet established, building churches and other religious institutions, and providing education and other services to the local community. Catholic missions have been established all over the world, with a particular focus on regions where Christianity is not the dominant religion. The mission aims to spread the message of Jesus Christ and share the love and compassion of God with all people.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • The Catholic mission movement in Africa which had started in the late fifteenth century and was given new direction by the foundation in 1622 in Rome of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide by Pope Gregory XV, nearly collapsed under the impact of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars in the late eighteenth century, when many religious houses and congregations in Europe were closed down. It recovered in the first decades of the nineteenth century and revived the work of evangelization in Africa.
    • sekhele
       
      The Catholic mission movement began in Africa during the late 15th century, but it faced significant challenges during the late 18th century due to the French revolution and Napoleonic wars, which led to the closure of religious institutions in Europe. However, the movement recovered and resumed its evangelization work in Africa during the early 19th century. Pope Gregory XV played a crucial role in revitalizing the movement by establishing the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Rome in 1622.
  • The vast African continent was always present in Lavigerie’s thoughts. From 1867 until his death in November 1892 the immense African interior remained the principal object of Cardinal Lavigerie’s zeal and from the very beginning he planned an apostolate south of the Sahara. Cardinal Lavigerie, as Professor of Early Church History at the Sorbonne, knew well that Christianity had had a very long history in Africa due to the existence of the ancient Churches in Egypt, the Roman Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia.
    • sekhele
       
      The passage describes Cardinal Lavigerie's lifelong passion for Africa. He dedicated himself to missionary work in the African interior from 1867 until his death in 1892. He planned to bring Christianity south of the Sahara. As a Professor of Early Church History, he was aware of the long history of Christianity in Africa, specifically in ancient Egypt, Roman Africa, Nubia, and Ethiopia.
  • The missionary movement which was far from successful during this early period as far as Christian conversion was concerned, met with huge success in another field. In most regions of sub-Saharan Africa outside the reach of Islam, Africans were introduced to written literature through Christian propaganda, the very first books in their own African language were produced to advance the Christian cause. Missions of all denominations disseminated education in their attempt to win converts and to train African catechists. ‘Transforming Africa by the Africans”, was the formula advocated by Cardinal Lavigerie in his instructions to the White Fathers. “The missionaries must therefore be mainly initiators, but the lasting work must be accomplished by the Africans themselves, once they have become Christians and apostles. And it must be clearly noted here that we say: become Christians and not become French or Europeans.”1 1 Missionaries were therefore asked to adapt themselves to the Africans, to strip themselves, as much as possible, of the cultural elements peculiar to them, of their language in the first place. It was believed that without effective and active communication it was impossible to pursue the conversion of the Africans.
    • sekhele
       
      During the early period of the missionary movement, converting Africans to Christianity was largely unsuccessful, but they had success in introducing written literature in African languages through Christian propaganda. Missions of various denominations aimed to educate and train African catechists, promoting the idea of "Transforming Africa by the Africans." Missionaries were asked to adapt to the African culture and communicate effectively, believing that without active communication, conversion was impossible.
  • This concern for African languages developed by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages reduced into written form. Christianization went with reading and writing, with the rise of African literatures.
    • sekhele
       
      Catholic and Protestant missionaries' efforts to promote African languages by reducing them to written form led to the development of African literature. The Christianization process encouraged reading and writing, contributing to the growth of African literatures.
  • The schools they established were often boarding schools because missionaries believed that in an atmosphere of the boarding school far removed from the traditional cultural influences of their homes, new converts would more easily give up all or most of their traditions. The school system promoted Western values and desires. Missionary schoolmasters provided a total culture pattern, including church attendance, Christian morality, table manners, etc. All this led to the segregation and alienation of converts from their families and their societies.
    • sekhele
       
      The schools made it easy for the Christian missionaries to expand the idea of Christianity.
gudanirangata26

The history of ancient Egypt, as extant in the Greek historians, poets, and others: tog... - 5 views

  •  
    This is a Gale article by George Laughton (an English minister) and it is set in 2188 BC. In his article, Laughton explores Africa (Egypt in particular) from a biblical and Christian perspective. He narrates his exploration of linguistic diversity and how migration came about. Moreover, he admires their cultural and marital norms. He is again drawn to their agricultural practices and natural environment as a whole.
  •  
    Laughton also dives into wanting to understand the Egyptian`s ways of thinking by closely observing their way of life and interaction.
vuyormanzini

TRADE BANS AND WILDLIFE CONSERVATION THE CASE OF AFRICAN ELEPHANT IVORY.pdf - 2 views

shared by vuyormanzini on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The second main issue is the effect of a trade ban on ivory harvest. Illegal ivory constituted 80% of all ivory traded prior to the CITES ban (ITRG, 1989). It is, therefore, important to understand the determinants of poaching (Milner-Gulland & Leader-Williams, 1992), and especially how poaching is influenced by international trade. A simple model is presented below to demonstrate the interaction between legal and illegal supplies in the international ivory market. The model highlights some unintended side effects of the trade ban, which tend to be neglected in the conservation debate.2
    • vuyormanzini
       
      These statistics suggest that illegal ivory trade or poaching was more profitable when compared to legal trade. The reason being is that legal ivory trade has limits since it's conducted by the state or government, where as illegal trade is filled with unlimited distribution.
  • Thus, the main effects of a trade ban on legal and illegal markets are as follows. One, the moral impact of a trade ban (and associated attention surrounding the plight of the African elephant) is to reduce demand, which leads to lower poaching offtake. The second effect is the withdrawal of official stocks (from culling operations etc) from the markets. This draws up the black market price of ivory and induces more poaching. Third, if a trade ban facilitates additional interceptions of smuggled ivory, this has an ambiguous effect on poaching incentives. Interceptions reduce smugglers' expected price and, hence, the price they are willing to pay poachers for ivory, reducing poaching. However, under a trade ban confiscations cannot be marketed.
    • vuyormanzini
       
      The main point behind this paragraph is that, the high rate of illegal poaching caused the population of elephants to decrease. Therefore, forcing even the legal ivory trade to stop supplying.
  • The conclusion is neither that markets for products from threatened natural resources should be liberalised indiscriminately nor that strict trade bans should form the core of conservation efforts. Rather, it should be investigated how legal marketing channels for official stocks can be set up and safeguarded, as in the current system with limited ivory export quotas from a group of Southern African range states. Due attention should be paid to efforts aimed at developing secure techmques to distinguish legal from illegal supplies, i.e. through a product marking system.
    • vuyormanzini
       
      Both legal and illegal ivory trade had a negative impact on natural resources. Therefore, banning the ivory trade would save the natural environment whilst affecting the benefits of the states from trading ivory across the world.
  •  
    Doesn't relate to history
nicolezondo

The Human Ecology of World Systems in East Africa: The Impact of the Ivory Trade.pdf - 1 views

  • Second, the ivory trade is an example of economic relationships that have been common for millennia between world system centers and areas not directly under their political and economic control. Because the populations are not forced to participate through political means, Chase-Dunn
    • nicolezondo
       
      Millenia-a period or cycle of one thousand years.
  • In comparison, the consequences for human ecology of the trade in valuables were diffuse and localized. Centers in worlds systems traded with areas outside their economic and political control in order to obtain goods of prestige value in their own societies.
    • nicolezondo
       
      The utilization of resources, demographics, environmental influences on society, health and the environmental effects of human activity are important aspects of human ecology. As populations rise, more resources are needed, and these resources are used and exploited and exploited, environmental harm grows. These three factors are therefore closely related.
  • ivory trade in eastern Africa changed the vegetation cover, caused erosion, contributed to the intensification of agriculture, the spread of pastoralism, and affected the distribution of populations in the region.
    • nicolezondo
       
      Pastoralism is the practice of herding as the primary economic activity of a society.
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • . For example, European and Asian countries obtained gold, ivory, copal, and slaves from Africa, and furs from North America (Wolf, 1982)
  • Waller (1985) and Sobania (1991) have elucidated the complex interactions between exchange, production, and ethnicity during the nineteenth century.
  • The impact on human ecology of the ivory trade entailed direct and indirect effects. First, the reduction or extermination of elephant populations had direct effects on vegetation patterns over large areas. Second, the economic activities connected with hunting, transport, and trading affected regional systems of exchange and thereby, indirectly through the political economy, settlements, patterns of resource utilization, population parameters, and specialization of production.
  • he expansion of overseas trade was explosive, and between A.D. 1000 and 1500 increasing amounts of ivory, iron, and other commodities were exported to China, India, the Middle East, and Europe (Alpers, 1992; Horton, 1987).
  • nderstanding of the ivory trade must begin with the elephants themselves. After all, ivory is derived from animals with given biological, ecological, and demographic relationships, and characteristics. Since elephants reproduce, they are a renewable resource that can also be driven to extinction
    • nicolezondo
       
      Although elephants are famous for their ivory, other species with tusks or teeth with a similar chemical composition include the walrus, hippopotamus, narwhal, sperm whale, and a warthog. Any mammalian tooth or tusk that is valuable commercially is referred to as ''Ivory"
  • The amount of ivory that was obtained in the nineteenth century was therefore a function of previous exploitation during centuries of huntin
  • . Using the available, albeit fragmentary, documentary evidence and a computer simulation of elephant hunting, he concluded that the coastal elephant populations could not have been the main source of ivory before the nineteenth century. If they had been, then there would not have been any substantial numbers of elephants remaining in the coastal region by that time
  • During the first half of the nineteenth century elephants seem to have been widely distributed and common in many parts of the region. It is important to note that the coastal areas were harboring many elephants especially during the dry seasons when herds gathered at the lower ends of rivers
  • 1850 is devastating for the moving ivory frontier thesis advanced by, among others, Sheriff (1987, p. 78), who argues that the coastal elephant populations were first exterminated followed by a progressive exploitation further inland
nkosithand

Sir Samuel White Baker - Document - Gale eBooks - 2 views

  • Traveling up the Nile to Berber, Baker spent a year wandering along the Atbara River and the Blue Nile, hunting and learning Arabic before returning to Khartoum, from which he and his wife launched an expedition up the White Nile in December 1862. Arriving at Gondokoro, the Bakers met the British explorers John Hanning Speke and James Augustus Grant, who had reached Lake Victoria and the Nile from the East African coast. In 1863-1864 Baker and his wife discovered and explored the eastern shore of Lake Albert, visited Kamrasi, the ruler of Bunyoro, and after many delays returned to London, where Baker wrote an extremely popular book about his explorations and the horrors of the Sudanese slave trade. In the spring of 1869 Baker was approached by Ismail, the khedive of Egypt, to lead an Egyptian expedition to the Upper Nile to extend Egyptian control to Lake Victoria, to claim the territory for Egypt, and to end the slave trade. Baker was consequently appointed governor general of Equatoria Province and sailed up the Nile with a large expedition of 1200 troops, the most expensive expedition to penetrate Africa.
    • nkosithand
       
      Baker traveled up the Nile to Berber for a year, hunting and learning Arabic between the Atbara River and the Blue Nile before returning to Khartoum, from which he and his wife undertook an excursion up the White Nile in December 1862. The Bakers encountered the British explorers John Hanning Speke and James Augustus Grant at Gondokoro, who had reached Lake Victoria and the Nile from the East African coast. Baker and his wife located and explored the eastern bank of Lake Albert in 1863-1864, paid a visit to Kamrasi, the monarch of Bunyoro, and returned to London after many delays, where Baker wrote an extraordinarily successful book about his discoveries and the horrors of the Sudanese slave trade
  •  
    THE ENGLISH EXPLORER WHO EXPLORED UPPER NALE
asanda

The Migrations of Yao and Kololo into Southern Malawi: Aspects of Migrations in Ninetee... - 4 views

  • Throughout their history, the Mang'anja were in contact with their neighbors, fighting or trading with them, and emigrating to or accepting immigrants from the surrounding, culturally related regions. This interaction was intensified in the nineteenth century as southern Malawi became the focus of numerous migrating groups, including Ngoni, Yao, Kololo and British settlers. It is with two of these groups, the Yao and Kololo, who established themselves as political authorities in southern Malawi in the 1860s and 1870s, that this paper is concerned. The quantity and quality of available evidence, both oral and written, makes it possible to examine these migrations in some detail. A closer look at certain aspects of these migrations; their composition, the factors which pushed and pulled the migrants, the impact of economic and political circumstances in the "host" region, and the factors which determined their ultimate success or failure, will produce a clearer picture of these migrations, and suggest some general observations about the process of migration in pre-colonial Africa.2
    • asanda
       
      this event is important because it tells us about conflict in southern AFRICA AFTER having guns. which lead them to began war with different countries which is the process of migration in pre-colonial africa.
  • attacked the Machinga Yao. At least some of these attacks were for the purpose of capturing slaves to sell at the coast for cloth. Being armed with guns, the invaders were able to defeat the Machinga, who fled into the territory of their neighbors, the Yao living around the Mangoche hills.4 Additional information concerning these events is provided by Yohanna B. Abdallah, who cites internecine warfare among the Makua brought on by famine as the cause of the attacks. In this version the defeated Makua fled, armed with guns, to invade Machinga Yao country, thus setting off the chain reaction in which group after group was dislodged and fled before invaders, in the process becoming invaders themselves.5 An alternative or supplementary explanation is offered by E.A. Alpers, who suggests that the growth of the slave trade at Mozambique and Ibo supports the theory that slave raiding by Makua in the Meto district may have played a part in these events.
    • asanda
       
      this one is unexpected because what have i notice is that i though their just having slave but know i see that they gain more power to take slave by being armed with guns. and their attacks was unexpected to other countries that didn't have guns. moreover their trade of slavery was unexpected to grow that high after other countries have guns
  • Success in the long run, however, depended not only on local conditions, but also on the attitudes and capabilities each of the migrant groups brought with it to this situation. Every group, like every individual, is molded by its past experience, and it is to some extent a matter of chance whether that experience proves functional or otherwise in a given situation. For the Yao and the Kololo, past experience proved to be a useful guide for future success in the unsettled conditions of southern Malawi in the 1860s and 1870s. The Kololo, coming from a recently organized conquest state, carried with them knowledge of the practices of successful conquerors, while the Yao were able to draw on a long history of contact with the people of the region, and both groups were able, using previously acquired skills and knowledge, to take advantage of the economic opportunities which this region offered.
    • asanda
       
      this is mean ending conflict of guns in Southern AFRICA course it tell us that places in southern Africa were able to make growth in their economic because of guns and trading they were making
nkosithand

Missions and Missionaries - Document - Gale eBooks - 2 views

  • Beginning in the early 1400s, European explorers carried European culture, including Christianity, to the farthest points on the globe. The primary motives for these voyages of discovery were financial profit and the creation of large empires. The church saw the voyages as an opportunity to bring Christianity to new converts in distant lands. Thus, priests and monks often accompanied explorers and conquerors as they sailed to America, Africa, and Asia.
    • nkosithand
       
      The Europeans when they discovered Africa, they introduced religion of Christianity in countries like Egypt in Africa, the course of doing this was to get financial profit and create large empires.
  • Despite the acceptance of Christianity in Kongo and a few other African kingdoms, the popularity of the faith eventually declined in many of those states. Local peoples went back to their traditional beliefs and abandoned Christianity, which survived only among foreigners and their agents and slaves. By the 1800s, Christianity had vanished almost without a trace in many places.
    • nkosithand
       
      After people accepted the Christianity in Kongo, they changed their mind and go back to their traditional beliefs as they believed that the, Christianity came with the explorers as they wanted to their profit while they were busy with religion.
nkosithand

Travel and Exploration - Document - Gale eBooks - 0 views

  • The rest of Africa, however, remained a mystery to the outside world until medieval* travelers began exploring the continent. Arabs crossed the northern and western parts of Africa. The Chinese learned much about eastern Africa's coast along the Indian Ocean. Europeans spent hundreds of years charting the shores of Africa and then probing all of the continent's interior. Driven by trade, conquest, religion, science, or curiosity, generations of explorers gradually revealed Africa to the rest of the world.
    • nkosithand
       
      The Medieval travellers were the one who begin to explore the continent of Africa. The Europeans spent many years trying to discover Africa and after many years of trying they were able to reveal the continent of Africa to the rest of the world.
  • The major European effort to explore Africa before 1500 took place at sea, not on land, and focused on Africa's western coast. In 1419 Prince Enrique of Portugal, known to later historians as Henry the Navigator, set up a research center on Portugal's south coast to gather information about Africa and to sponsor expeditions southward into waters unknown to European sailors. After the prince died in 1460, Portugal continued to send these explorers out to sea.
    • nkosithand
       
      When they were trying to explore Africa, they tried exploring Africa at a sea not in land. They tried to explore Africa in water as they were using Sailers, during the 14th century, Portugal continued with their explorations, as they sent explorers out to the sea.
  •  
    IN THE EARLY 600O, PEOPLE FROM OUTSIDE AFRICA VISITED AFRICA
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