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nonjabulorsxabar

Nyasa Leaders, Christianity and African Internationalism in 1920s Johannesburg.pdf - 1 views

Nonjabulo xaba 222145034'' History 2A

shared by nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Over the decade of the 1920s, four Christian men from colonial Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) stood at the forefront of urban South African society, reimagining Africa’s past and future in cosmopolitan, internationalist terms. They each, however, envisaged very different transformational processes and very different new dispensations. These differences were, above all, grounded in their divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and George Wellington Kampara on the one hand were both Ethiopianist Christians, who believed that humanity had an obligation to usher in a ‘truly’ Christian and democratic society in the here and now. If necessary, this would mean toppling secular colonial authorities. On the other hand, John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma, as Zionist and Pentecostal Christians, believed that earthly society was fundamentally doomed until Christ’s eventual return. They closely aligned themselves with Britain’s ‘god-sanctioned’ imperial project in their pursuit of spiritual self-perfection and theocratic rule.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Four Christian men from Nyasaland in the 1920s reimagined Africa's past and future in cosmopolitan terms, but each had divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and GeorgeWellington Kampara believed humanity had an obligation to create a Christian and democratic society, while John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma believed earthly society was doomed until Christ's return
  • themselves within 1920s Johannesburg, but their Christian-informed beliefs meant their different visions of the future were diametrically opposed. While Kampara no doubt followed UNIA doctrine to herald Marcus Garvey as his modern-day Moses, anticipating that, either by boat or plane, ‘the Americans were coming!’, Ankhoma declared that the leader of his ‘British Israeli’ Pentecostal church was the world’s ‘Moses of the day’. 4 R ejecting Pentecostalism and Garveyism, Kadalie in contrast believed ‘that the salvation of the Africans in this country will be brought about through their own sweat and labour’. Adopting the Swahili name for Moses as his pen-name, he became Clements ‘Musa’ Kadalie. 5 Working through the intellectual biographies of these Nyasa men, this article demonstrates that whereas Phillips and Ankhoma worked within, and endorsed, existing logics of empire because of their Christian beliefs, Kampara and Kadalie rejected ‘ethnic’ and ‘nativist’ national identities to position themselves at the forefront of a future ‘New Africa’. In many ways, it is innately conservative to frame these men as ‘Nyasas’. All four men were born in the state that became Malawi in 1964, and each contested colonial categories in important ways. 6 Despite their common Tonga parentage, however, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg. And, more importantly, it was central to how they consolidated and radically transcended state-based modes of identification. Each brief biography sets out who these Nyasas were, how they reimagined Africa’s past to integrate the continent within world history, and how their differing understandings of the international and the imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have generally been marginalised in the historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      The four Nyasa men, Kampara, Ankhoma, and Kadalie, were born in Malawi in 1964 and contested colonial categories in important ways. Despite their common Tonga parentage, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg and how they consolidated and transcended state-based modes of identification. Their differing understandings of the international and imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have been marginalised in historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
  • A New Babylon at the forefront of modernity in Southern Africa, 1920s Johannesburg was a motley metropolis of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks. 8 Large numbers of Afrikaners, Zulu, Xhosa, Eastern European Jews, Britons, Basotho, Americans, Mozambicans, Chinese and Indians were already living and working in the city from the 1890s, and by the mid1920s mission-educated Nyasas were increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. In 1927, the Chamber of Mines-sponsored newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu complained that Nyasas had monopolised the city’s domestic service industry – a lucrative sector previously dominated by Zulu and Pedi. 9 In addition to well-known Nyasa leaders in black trade unions, Garveyite associations, and Ethiopianist, Zionist and Pentecostal churches, ‘[a]ll adherents’ of Johannesburg’s Watch Tower movement were also ‘from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal’– though, in marked contrast to the movement in Central Africa, the church in urban South Africa did little to trouble government officials. 10
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Johannesburg was a city of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks, with mission-educated Nyasas increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. All adherents of Johannesburg's Watch Tower movement were from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Pentecostal missionaries – directly influenced both by Zion City and the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles – also moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, travelling through existing circuits of Ethiopianism, Zionism and older forms of nonconformity. They first formed the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and, later, established branches of the ‘British Israeli’-influenced Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). 15 Based out of the Central Tabernacle in Bree Street, Johannesburg, from September 1908 and replicating the initial multi-racial and inter-denominational character of the Azusa Street Revival, the Pentecostal AFM looked to renew the entire Christian church, building on revivals within South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and attracting considerable numbers of Zionist converts through numerous divine healings, as well as other ‘gifts of the spirit’, such as speaking in tongues and rainmaking. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC – as well Pentecostal and Zionist street preachers – who all promised different versions of a millennial new age. 16 All four Nyasa men were thus part of a broader shift in the religious and political landscape of Johannesburg, as South Africa became markedly more Christian, and black South African Christians became increasingly fragmented between mainline, Ethiopianist, Nazarite, Pentecostal and Zionist strands of Christianity. While in 1921 only 32% of rural black South Africans defined themselves as Christian and only 50,000 of some 1,300,000
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Pentecostal missionaries moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, forming the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and later the Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). They sought to renew the Christian church and attract Zionist converts through divine healings and other 'gifts of the spirit'. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC.
  • By contrast, Beinart and Bundy have presented Kadalie, only a year later, in the aftermath of the original ICU’s fragmentation, as espousing a radical Afrocentric Christianity aligned with Ethiopianist churches. 51 While Kadalie was criticised for being erratic and anti-Christian by his numerous opponents, his relationship with Christianity points to very real tensions and contradictions in 1920s Southern Africa. He was certainly very critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and ‘pie-in-the-sky’ theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. In the same Lovedale speech cited above, Kadalie struck out at those accusing the ICU ‘of being anti-religious. On what facts this charge is based I do not even pretend to know’, and he consistently employed biblical images and motifs in his rhetoric – even going as far as to say that ‘I stood for God the Father, C for God the Son, and U for God the Holy Ghost’. 52 Like many contemporary Ethiopianist Christians, Kadalie continued to follow Presbyterian traditions at the same time as arguing for the existence of black angels and against the hypocrisy of white missionaries. Seeing Christianity as important means of recruiting members, he later regretted that given ‘the great mass of the Africans are religiously minded [...] many of our members did not approve of the behaviour of the secretaries’. 53
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Kadalie was a radical Afrocentric Christian aligned with Ethiopianist churches in 1920s Southern Africa. He was critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and 'pie-in-the-sky' theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. He continued to follow Presbyterian traditions while arguing for the existence of black angels.
mokhele_l

Images of Exploration in Africa: the Art of James Augustus Grant on the Nile Expedition... - 9 views

Mokhele L

shared by mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The history of discovery and exploration affords many examples of travellers who have returned from locations previously unknown to their compatriots at home finding that interest and wonder in their exploits is accompanied by doubt or mistrust concerning the stories they have to tell.
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      This article draws to exploration in Africa through the images of previous scholars/ African explorers. Through these images, it is evident that in some cases, European exploration of South and East Africa is invalid- In cases of misinterpretation and false representation, African exploration shifted from a pursuit of knowledge to issues of subjective publications.
  • The period of the Enlightenment, in fact, saw expectations of truthfulness become more demanding:
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      the age that emphasized truth and science over superstition. African exploration in this period was meant to reveal accurate information.
  • There was an obvious danger of distortion through misunderstanding or a deliberate desire to increase the appeal and interest of a scene
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      Historically, African exploration resulted in distortion as an attempt to achieve euphoria or a lack of understanding.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • There was an obvious danger of distortion through misunderstanding or a deliberate desire to increase the appeal and interest of a scen
  • Perhaps he interpreted Livingstone's description as best he could but perhaps, too, he inserted elements which he knew would appeal to the public
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      Central to African exploration was interpretation and representation.
  • problems of misrepresentation by no means disappear. Scenes are staged, people are dressed specially or put in what are taken to be appropriate surroundings.
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      with reference to the last 2 points, manipulated representation acted a tool of a distorted euphoria.
  • what nineteenth-century European explorers had to say about non-European areas and peoples they had encountered tended to be taken at face value because it had come to be believed that explorers no longer told tall stories but were detached and scientific.
    • mokhele_l
      mokhele_l on 18 Apr 23
       
      European exploration of Africa was primarily on surface level. The intention wasn't knowledge b through experience but simply providing an interesting read.
  • and images from travellers' accounts was to be relied upon
khosifaith

PThe_Last_Slave_Market_Dr_John.PDF - 0 views

Nobukhosi Ncube 222084403

shared by khosifaith on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • khosifaith on 26 Apr 23
     
    The Last Slave Market: Dr John Kirk and the Struggle to End the African Slave Trade. Alastair Hazell. Constable. [pounds sterling]16.99. [xii] + 352 pages. ISBN 978-1-84529-672-8. This is an enthralling account of the slave trade in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and of the attempts of one man. Sir John Kirk, to end it. Kirk had been part of Livingstone's explorations in the 1860s and had had troubled relations with the great man. Where they agreed was in their opposition to slavery and the continuing trade in Africa, centred in Zanzibar and still flourishing in the 1870s. Using surviving MSS the author traces John Kirk's involvement with Livingstone, who could be difficult, to say the least, from the doomed Zambesi expedition. He then moves to Kirk's return to Africa in 1866, this time to Zanzibar as medical officer at the British consulate. The island was governed by the Mohammedan Sultan who benefited financially from the slave trade. Through a mastery of the trade's economics and through personal bravery Kirk was able to implement British policy to end the trade. He also helped Livingstone in his latest adventure and suffered at the hands of the egotistic missionary and the equally egotistic journalist, Stanley. While Kirk's work did not totally end the slave trade in East Africa--this only occurred in the 1890s--it was a major step forward. In this book we have not only the rehabilitation of a man who has been too frequently put into Livingstone's shadows but an account of the African slave trade seen at first hand by one who worked to end it.
fortunatem

Ivory.pdf - 2 views

Lesego Mlandu History 2A

shared by fortunatem on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • h e a p p r e h e n s i o n t h a t i v o r y w o u l d h e c o m e o n e o f t h e p I O ­ d u c t s o f t h e p a s t , a s w e h a v e o f t e n h e a r d o u r c u t l e r y a n d b i l l i a r d b a l l m a n u f a c t u r e r s m a i n t a i n , d o e s n o t s e e m t o h e j u s t i fi e d b y t h e f a c t s
    • fortunatem
      fortunatem on 25 Apr 23
       
      British cutlery and billiard ball producers frequently claim that ivory will become a thing of the past but the facts do not seem to support their statements.
  • c c o r d i n g t o t h e f o l l o w i n g , f r o m t h e B T i t i 8 li M a i l , M e s s r s . L e w i s & P e a t , c o l o n i a l b r o k e r s , h a v e i s s u e d a v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g r e p o r t. o f t h e m o d e r n i v o r y t r a d e , w h i c h , t h o u g h s h o w i n g g r e a t i m p r o v e m e n t s i n c e 1 8 4 2 , i s a m e r e s h a d o w o f w h a t i t m u s t h a v e b e e n i n t h e a n c i e n t t i m e s .
    • fortunatem
      fortunatem on 25 Apr 23
       
      According to a report by Peat and Lewis, the British mail Deliverers, the present ivory trade has greatly improved since 1875. 680nturns were imported into Great Britain in total in 1875 which was the most imports from that time until 1842.
  • T h e p r o b a b l e v a l u e o f t h e i v o r y i m p o r t e d l a s t y e a r c o u l d n o t b e l e s s t h a n $ 2 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 . A l a r g e r p o r t i o n c a m e t h r o u g h E g y p t t h a n i n t h e p r e v i o u s y e a r , a n d l e s s f r o m Z a n z i b a r a n d B o m b a y , f r o m S o u t h A f r i c a a l i t t l e m o r e , a n d f r o m W e s t A f r i c a a l i t t l e l e s s
    • fortunatem
      fortunatem on 25 Apr 23
       
      The imports for the previous year for the ivory trade were probably worth at least $2,500,000. More imports traveled through Egypt than the previous year, while fewer traveled through Zanzibar and Bombay. More traveled through South Africa and less traveled through East Africa
ujhistprof

Continuous Assessment Guide HIS2A 2023(1).pdf - 11 views

Natasha Erlank This is what you have to do

shared by ujhistprof on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A primary source from the Gale Collection. We will cover this in the lecture on 6 March. WE WILL UPLOAD A SCREENSHOT TUTORIAL SHOWING YOU HOW TO USE GALE. You need to choose a primary source relating to a particular topic (you will be assigned a topic). You will need to download this source and attach it to Diigo. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through JSTOR. JSTOR is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through TAYLOR AND FRANCIS. TAYLOR AND FRANCIS is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • 4. An image from the web which relates to the historical content of your topic. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • ujhistprof on 23 Apr 23
     
    Hi everyone. Please consult these guidelines to your assignment. Many of you are posting the wrong things to Diigo. You don't need to post videos. Why are you posting videos? Don't forget to annotate.
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=NCCO&u=rau_itw&id=GALE|AOSUQW509166629&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-NCCO&sPage=2&asid=6d44448e

Excellent Nkosinathi Ndlovu 222147238

shared by nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
lmshengu

The Historical Role of British Explorers in East Africa.pdf - 1 views

Lwandile Mshengu History 2A

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The major exploration of East Africa was accomplished over a roughly twenty-year period after 1856inaseries ofjourneys made byBurton, Speke, Livingstone, Baker, Cameron, Stanley, and some lesser figures
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      After 1856, Burton, Speke, Livingstone, Baker, Cameron, Stanley, and a few lesser-known individuals made a series of expeditions that resulted in the major exploration of East Africa.
  • "portent"
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      A portent is something that indicates what is likely to happen in the future and it can also be defined as an omen of something momentous, which can be good but is more often negative
  • The technological advantage of superior firearms lay with the explorers but, except for some instances during Stanley's 1874-77 expedition, explorers were rarely in a position to deploy sufficient numbers of weapons to force their way through, even if they had been willing to try.29Paradoxically, therefore, the European explorers of East Africa in the 1850s, '60s, and '70s derived little advantage from Europe's lead in technology
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      The explorers possessed the technological edge of better weapons, but, with the exception of a few incidents during Stanley's 1874-1877 voyage, they were rarely able to use enough weapons to force their way through, even if they had been prepared to attempt.29So, paradoxically, the European explorers of East Africa in the 1850s, 1860s, and '70s gained little from Europe's technological superiority.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • presumably
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      it a word that is used to convey that what is asserted is very likely though not known for certain.
  • One of the difficulties facing all those who have written on the subject is that of distinguishing between the traveler to exotic places and the scientificexplorer; naturally, the RGS insisted on its concern with the latter. 9 In practice the distinction was not and is not always easy to draw: most of the East African explorers' publications partook of the character of tourist travelogues aswellas scientific treatises. Nor was the society averse from taking financial and social advantage of the popular interest generated by the adventures and personal disputes of their explorer heroes
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Making the distinction between the scientific explorer and the exotic traveler is one of the challenges facing all authors who have written on the subject; consequently, the RGS insisted on its preoccupation with the latter.9The divide was not always clear in practice because the majority of the East African explorers' books had elements of both tourist travelogues and scientific treatises. The group was also not opposed to profiting financially and socially from the interest that was produced by the exploits and personal conflicts of their hero explorers.
  • they were waiting for Europeans to come and free them from the yoke of the slave trade. 4
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Africans were waiting for the explorers to release them from the slavery yoke
  • widened.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      is to make something greater in width
  • The limited support which the government gave to the RGS and its explorers in East Africa might also be seen as symptomatic even if foreign secretaries were wont to claim that they were simply encouraging geographical science. Whatever the state of the economy or of middle class opinion, the obvious conclusion to be drawn from the evidence is that even if the Foreign Office did arrange limited help for explorers and did give Livingstone a roving consul's commission to the chiefs of the interior of East Africa, the government certainly did not want to become directly involved beyond the coast lands.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      After Livingstone's passing inEven while foreign secretaries were prone to insist that they were only promoting geographical knowledge, the government's meager assistance to the RGS and its explorers in East Africa could be considered as symptomatic. Regardless of the state of the economy or the opinions of the middle class, it is clear from the evidence that even though the Foreign Office did arrange some limited assistance for explorers and did grant Livingstone a roving consul's commission to the chiefs of interior East Africa, the government did not want to get directly involved outside of the coastal regions
  • cynical
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Cynical implies having a sneering disbelifs in sincerity or integrity and cynical is about politicians motives.
  • Following Livingstone's death in 1873, a great many of those Europeans whose interest in East Africa had been aroused by the explorers began to consider various kinds of direct intervention. From 1876, there were, for example, serious attempts to provide an infrastructure of communications. Meanwhile the missionaries were encouraged to produce useful Africans in "industrial" missions where carpentry would be as important as the Gospel. In short, very direct interference in the lives of Africans was planned. By 1876, in fact, what I would wish to call the "unofficial mind" of imperialism had been so conditioned by the explorers as far as East Africa was concerned that it was prepared through various agencies to undertake this sort of direct action. It is not surprising to find this same "unofficial mind" responding very readily to King Leopold's initiative in setting up an international association to regenerate Africa, an initiative which was itself a direct response to the reports of African explorers. 73 C. M. Andrew has written of an "unofficial mind" of imperialism
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Many of the Europeans whose interest in East Africa had been piqued by the explorers began to investigate various forms of active action after Livingstone's death in 1873. For instance, there were significant initiatives to establish a communications infrastructure starting in 1876. Missionaries were urged to raise suitable Africans for "indus-trial" missions where carpentry would be just as significant as the Gospel in the interim. In other words, it was designed to intrude extremely directly in Africans' lives. In fact, as far as East Africa was concerned, the explorers had already so conditioned imperialism's "unofficial mind" by 1876 that it was ready through a variety of means to engage in this type of direct action. The fact that the same "unofficial mind" is responding so strongly is not surprising.
sekhele

102313498_Vilhanov.pdf - 2 views

Keabetswe Sekhele Moganedi 221075889

shared by sekhele on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The third phase of the misionary movement in Africa, which started from the end of the eighteenth and continued throughout the nineteenth century, in twentieth-century Africa led to the dramatic expansion of Christianity called “the fourth great age of Christian expansion”. In their attempt to spread the Christian faith, win converts and transform African societies, Christian missions of all denominations opened schools and disseminated education. Scientifically very important was their pioneer work in African languages. By producing grammars, dictionaries, textbooks and translations of religious texts missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages. Christian missionary enterprise was no doubt of prime importance in the Westernization of Africa. Africans were, however, not passive recipients of new influences and culture patterns. The adoption of Christianity and the process of cultural exchange were shaped by African choices, needs and efforts to Africanize Africa’s Christian experience by securing the roots of Christianity in the African context.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The third phase of the missionary movement in Africa from the late 18th to 19th century led to the fourth great age of Christian expansion in 20th-century Africa. Christian missions opened schools, disseminated education, and pioneered work in African languages. The adoption of Christianity in Africa was shaped by African choices and efforts to Africanize the Christian experience.
  • Before 1800 the chief contact of sub-Saharan Africa with Europe was through the traffic in slaves for the New World. Increasing Western commercial penetration from the end of the eighteenth century and ultimate political dominance in Africa coincided with a massive Christian missionary enterprise.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Before 1800, Europe's primary interaction with sub-Saharan Africa was through the slave trade, but later on, Western commercial expansion and political control in Africa coincided with a significant Christian missionary effort.
  • Catholic missions
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission refers to the efforts of the Catholic Church to spread its teachings and convert people to the Catholic faith. This involves sending missionaries to areas where Catholicism is not yet established, building churches and other religious institutions, and providing education and other services to the local community. Catholic missions have been established all over the world, with a particular focus on regions where Christianity is not the dominant religion. The mission aims to spread the message of Jesus Christ and share the love and compassion of God with all people.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • The Catholic mission movement in Africa which had started in the late fifteenth century and was given new direction by the foundation in 1622 in Rome of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide by Pope Gregory XV, nearly collapsed under the impact of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars in the late eighteenth century, when many religious houses and congregations in Europe were closed down. It recovered in the first decades of the nineteenth century and revived the work of evangelization in Africa.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission movement began in Africa during the late 15th century, but it faced significant challenges during the late 18th century due to the French revolution and Napoleonic wars, which led to the closure of religious institutions in Europe. However, the movement recovered and resumed its evangelization work in Africa during the early 19th century. Pope Gregory XV played a crucial role in revitalizing the movement by establishing the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Rome in 1622.
  • The vast African continent was always present in Lavigerie’s thoughts. From 1867 until his death in November 1892 the immense African interior remained the principal object of Cardinal Lavigerie’s zeal and from the very beginning he planned an apostolate south of the Sahara. Cardinal Lavigerie, as Professor of Early Church History at the Sorbonne, knew well that Christianity had had a very long history in Africa due to the existence of the ancient Churches in Egypt, the Roman Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The passage describes Cardinal Lavigerie's lifelong passion for Africa. He dedicated himself to missionary work in the African interior from 1867 until his death in 1892. He planned to bring Christianity south of the Sahara. As a Professor of Early Church History, he was aware of the long history of Christianity in Africa, specifically in ancient Egypt, Roman Africa, Nubia, and Ethiopia.
  • The missionary movement which was far from successful during this early period as far as Christian conversion was concerned, met with huge success in another field. In most regions of sub-Saharan Africa outside the reach of Islam, Africans were introduced to written literature through Christian propaganda, the very first books in their own African language were produced to advance the Christian cause. Missions of all denominations disseminated education in their attempt to win converts and to train African catechists. ‘Transforming Africa by the Africans”, was the formula advocated by Cardinal Lavigerie in his instructions to the White Fathers. “The missionaries must therefore be mainly initiators, but the lasting work must be accomplished by the Africans themselves, once they have become Christians and apostles. And it must be clearly noted here that we say: become Christians and not become French or Europeans.”1 1 Missionaries were therefore asked to adapt themselves to the Africans, to strip themselves, as much as possible, of the cultural elements peculiar to them, of their language in the first place. It was believed that without effective and active communication it was impossible to pursue the conversion of the Africans.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      During the early period of the missionary movement, converting Africans to Christianity was largely unsuccessful, but they had success in introducing written literature in African languages through Christian propaganda. Missions of various denominations aimed to educate and train African catechists, promoting the idea of "Transforming Africa by the Africans." Missionaries were asked to adapt to the African culture and communicate effectively, believing that without active communication, conversion was impossible.
  • This concern for African languages developed by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages reduced into written form. Christianization went with reading and writing, with the rise of African literatures.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Catholic and Protestant missionaries' efforts to promote African languages by reducing them to written form led to the development of African literature. The Christianization process encouraged reading and writing, contributing to the growth of African literatures.
  • The schools they established were often boarding schools because missionaries believed that in an atmosphere of the boarding school far removed from the traditional cultural influences of their homes, new converts would more easily give up all or most of their traditions. The school system promoted Western values and desires. Missionary schoolmasters provided a total culture pattern, including church attendance, Christian morality, table manners, etc. All this led to the segregation and alienation of converts from their families and their societies.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The schools made it easy for the Christian missionaries to expand the idea of Christianity.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
diegothestallion

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 3 views

222058834 History 2A

shared by diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
  • Ivory ornaments sometimes served as a mark of the expertise and prowess of these hunters, the best documented example of this being Kamba ivory armlets (ngotho). The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century. At the same time, their meaning and uses changed (Kasfir, 1992, 'Trade and p. 323-4). Ivory objects could also be used to create and mark kinship and crmnsforrnation: political ties.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      examples of Ivory Ornaments is jewelry and piano keys that were created from tusks and teeth of animals such as elephants.
  • First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was used for ritual and as sign of power such as motifs used by kings as the property of the royal house, For example the king of Benin kingdom that wears ivory tusk as kings mark.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual
  • Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and more significantly it provided new avenues to power and wealth for those lower in the political hierarchies or outside them altogethe
  • Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.
  • As mentioned earlier, ivory could be translated into value both in the sphere of subsistence production and reproduction, and in the sphere of production for trade. In both, it generated a concatenation of status, coercive power and wealth.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      In simple terms ivory was traded for capital which provided platform for different areas to be connected and other people using force to make other people to work unwillingly like slaves. People who are wealthy used their power to dominate others, such as Tippu Tip who included the words like enslaving local people as way of ivory trade and interior development in communities were he referred as barbaric .
  • For example, the Maasai, who were important intermediaries in the ivory trade, did not hunt elephants themselves but gained access to ivory through groups of Dorobo and Okiek, sometimes using ties such as marriage and sometimes forcing these hunters to turn over both elephant ivory and hippopotamus teeth for minimal compensation (Wright, 1985, p. 546; Kasfir, 1992, p. 322-3).
  • In both the Eastern Congo and Southern Sudan, coercion was an essential feature of the ivory trade in the late 19th century and a notable part of the accom- panying reconfiguration of political and economic structures there.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Coercion means the threat or force For example when individual is forced to work in plantations against his or her will
  • This trade system was also shaped by terms of trade that ran steadily in favour of African ivory exporters during the 19th century, since ivory prices rose while those of manufactured goods such as cloth dropped.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade started dominating trading systems and this favored African continent because ivories came from Africa and the higher the demand of ivory resulted in an increase in ivory prices compared to other items like clothes and salt.
  • This allowed for substantial accu- mulation on the part of intermediaries in the trade; it also allowed these inter- mediaries to continue to profit even as their operating costs grew with the increased distance of the ivory frontier from the coast (Sheriff, 1986 and 1987).
  • First, through training and example, local people were to be weaned off their "barbarous" practices and introduced to more "civilized" ones, though Page notes the Swahili ambivalence about admitting assimilated Canadian yournal "savages" to positions of equality (1974a, p. 76). This transformation would oj~evelopmenr remove, or at least reduce the primary markers of native "barbarism" - Studies paganism, cannibalism and nakedness
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Local people were supposed to change the way they used to live because according to Tippu Tips they were living a barbarous life compared to his. this transformation will completely change how the local people engaged with their environment because the ideas of ivory trade and development of interior needed to be achieved.
  • The second area of transformation involved bringing peace and order to areas where local people would otherwise be fighting each other (Page, 1974b, p. 114).
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The second transformation, was to bring solution to communities were people did not get along, as way of enhancing the transformation. This would make the process easy allowing ivory trade to take place and the possibility of creating routes that lead to the interior, so that ivory market can be established in regions like Manyema. This will result in distance ivory trade.
  • In spite of the rhetoric of peace and order, the destruction at the leading edge of Swahili expansion in the Eastern Congo - which involved raids on villages, removal of people and property, confiscation or destruction of food crops, and the spread of small pox - was only slowly followed by the estab- lishment of a new order.
  • The third area of transformation involved reorienting communities in the region to produce surpluses of a variety of agricultural products. This included the introduction of new crops such as rice, maize, citrus fruits and various vegetables.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The third transformation according to Tippu is to introduce agriculture to communities so that they can produce more surplus to be traded because Tippu highlighted that agriculture changed to plantation were slaves worked. This shows that intensive ivory trade resulted in other local people being enslaved to work plantations or to slaughter elephant for ivory to be traded.
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      People got rich because of ivory trade and hunters were given respect because they were the one who will provide more horns after slaughtering elephant horn while hunting and this made the to be wealthy by ivory trade.
  • Among the Nyamwezi, the carriage of ivory was important in the development of a body of professional porters with particular skills and a work culture that set norms for long-distance caravan transport in the 19th century (Rockel, 1996).
  • For porters on the road, ivory could also provide a means for independent enterprise: porters might use their wages or resources provided by their lineage to acquire and trade small amounts of ivory or other goods in addition to the loads for which they were contracted
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      this shows that people were involved in ivory trade as way of being independent because by trading ivory they could earn something in return such as status and respect from other local people.
  • ivory was the basis of several kinds of transactions at the coast. It was used to discharge the debts of those who traded in the interior and was the basis for the further extension of credit, often in the form of trade goods. It was also the basis for the authority of senior merchants like Tippu Tip, who used it to acquire guns and trade goods, which he would then lend out with interest to "responsible Arabs, in order to start them [in the Journal O,~eve~,,pment business], and also in order to retain authority over them" (Ward, 1891, p. 63)
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

makofane Prince 221081879

shared by makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
lidya-2

WO 327747 Overseas South Africa (Code 0(AU)) Zulu War Further Reports on Suing for Peac... - 5 views

lidya demssie babore 222217401 HISTORY 2A

shared by lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • We see from the conversation above that Dunn mentioned about the king accepting term in order to have peace but also request for firearms, evidence shows that the request for firearms is not for peace and seems also the king and his people have guns in their possession
  • Guns were traded mainly through European traders who came to South Africa in the 1800s. The Zulu people were among those who acquired guns through trade with the Europeans. During the 1800s, South Africa was colonized by various European powers, and they brought with them guns and other weapons. European traders, who often worked for these colonial powers, facilitated the trade of guns with African communities. This trade was usually done through bartering, where guns were exchanged for goods such as ivory, animal skins, and other resources. The Zulu people were one of the communities that acquired guns through this trade, and they ultimately used them to great effect in the battles they fought.
  • The le t ter sent f rom the commanding chief shows the evidence of the Zulu people having fire arms to defe at they enemy. Evidence also shows that they were ge t ting the fire arms f rom Europe militar y group, with an e xchange of tre at y for commen goal. To defe ate the Transvaal and cre ate an all ia n c e .
zenethian

Imperial Strategy and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.pdf - 2 views

Zenethian VanRoss

shared by zenethian on 21 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 1879
  • On 22 January 1879, the British army suffered its worst colonial defeat of the nineteenth century when 1,500 men armed with the most modern weapons then available were wiped out at the battle of Isandlwana by a Zulu army––an impi––of 25,000 warriors armed only with spears.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The Zulu forces attained a brilliant and famous victory at Isandlwana.
  • remarkable
  • ...42 more annotations...
  • a small mission station named Rorke’s Drift made these events more remarkable still. Here, 120 men decided to stand and fight rather than flee the advancing impi that had just wiped out their comrades. At bayonet point, they fought a last-round defense against 4,000 Zulu
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The British won at the Rorkes Drift.
  • eleven Victoria Crosses
  • the British Empire provides an example of greedy capitalists dispossessing indigenous peoples in their search for new markets and raw materials
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      It was plainly this motive.
  • Zululand, invaded by British forces in 1879, but left un-annexed until 1887
  • economic motives drove imperial expansion in Africa in the last quarter of the nineteenth century
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      British were ultimately ambitious for Africa and its possessions.
  • Before this mineral revolution, South Africa was too poor to tempt the British government into increasing its control there for economic reasons
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The British empire were only seeking South Africas resources.
  • What the British wanted was control of the route to India, and this meant control of the ports: Cape
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Britain wanted control of the route to India.
  • T own, Simonstown, and Durban
  • By 1876, Britain was without doubt the strongest power in the region, but both the Zulus and the Boers were unwilling to recognize that and were determined to resist British influence.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The two groups were adamant in its opposition to Britain conquest.
  • always on the lookout for ways to complicate Britain’s imperial problems. 8
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Boers made this move to disturb Britain.
  • a British invasion of Zululand, the strategic control of the Cape route to India assumes greater significance
  • article will argue that the roots of this war lay in the strategic importance of the Cape route to India and the particular strategic situation of the British Empire in 1879
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      the route to India has strategic importance.
  • Lord Carnarvon’s concern with security that powered his controversial policy of confederation for South Africa, whereby the problems of defense among others would be solved by amalgamating the various states—Boer, African, and British—into one powerful British bastion on the Canadian mode
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      British leaders had a policy of confederation.
  • he Cape may become to us a station of first-class value.” 11 It was essential therefore to make it “an imperial station for military and naval purposes.” 12
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The Cape was used for British purposes.
  • The Cape feared it would end up paying for the Boers’ wars against indigenous Africans while the Boers distrusted any British proposals on principle.
  • that confederation was primarily intended to bring South Africa into a state of defense
  • None of the biographers of Frere, Carnarvon, nor Hicks-Beach referred to their role in setting up a Colonial Defense Committee long before the more famous Committee of Imperial Defense was established after the Boer War
  • Political and Secret Committee on the Indian Council
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere was head of this council.
  • As well as being an “Indian” administrator of enormous talent, a zealous antislavery campaigner and humanitarian, Frere was one of the foremost defense thinkers of the day
  • was he who wrote the plan for the defense of India,
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere wrote a defense plan for India against the British.
  • his successor as commander there, Lord Chelmsford.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere successor was lord Chelmsford
  • Constantinople fell to the Russians then their fleet would be able to interdict the Mediterranean route to Indi
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      This was important for Britain because the city provided a land bridge between Europe and Asia.
  • and singled out Frere for praise in his efforts to take the Cape defenses in hand
  • This aspect of South African affairs has been entirely neglected in the historiography, which tends to look at Frere almost entirely through the prism of the Anglo–Zulu War of 1879.
  • vital link in the imperial defense chain.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere had a vital link in the defense , which included South Africa.
  • onal situation. For Frere, however, making Cape Town secure was only part of the answer to external threats, and he argued that there were a number of opportunities for European powers to intervene in Southern Africa if they so wished.
  • He annexed Walfisch Bay 34 and the mouth of the St. John’s River, 35 both potential sites for a port, and pressed for the annexation of all territories between the Cape Colony and Natal and for a “complete and exact survey” of all the coastline. 3
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere annexed territory.
  • Frere made strenuous efforts to construct local forces through the Peace Preservation Act of 1878, 40 including a revived Cape Mounted Rifles, which would go some way to alleviating the defenselessness of the Colony
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere took some measures to protect the Colony of the Cape.
  • the beginning that imperial troops would be needed to defeat a major threat and applied for two regiments in July 1877. 41
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      However, Frere needed the help of the imperial powers: Britain.
  • securing South Africa through confederation
  • Sir Bartle Frere as High Commissioner
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Was high commissioner,and administrator in India and finally in South Africa.
  • In reality, Frere reacted to events in places where he could have little actual day-to-day control. South Africa is a very big place, and communications were so appallingly bad that he was never able to impose his will on events within the frontiers as much as he wanted.
  • Carnarvon had authorized Shepstone to annex the Transvaal if he felt the time was ripe, but neither he nor Frere expected him to act so soon and without prior consultation.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Carnarvon authorized the annexation of the Transvaal.
  • Paul Kruger, set off for London and Europe to petition for the removal of British rule.
  • The second Boer republic, the Orange Free State, rejected confederation the next month.
  • He was also aware that the annexation would have repercussions for the relations of Britain with the Zulus, in that the British had now inherited Boer border quarrels with Cetshwayo, the Zulu King, who would no doubt look on this development as something of a diplomatic revolution. 48
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Cetshwhayo was the Zulu King.
  • Although the Zulus had moved up Frere’s list of priorities, they still ranked far behind the construction of adequate naval defenses and the untangling of Shepstone’s Transvaal fiasco
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      The Zulus was indeed on Freres List of priorities.
  • Frere had won a desperate bureaucratic struggle over the necessity to centralize control of the armed forces, both imperial and colonial, under his own command, the Natal telegraph told him that the Zulus had committed a series of border violations
  • replace those weak polities based upon semi-independent clans and chiefdoms
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Frere taught that the Capes security was dependent upon replacing the following:
  • Cape strategic security was ever to be achieved.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Britain through Frere wanted to achieve the Capes security.
  • Cetshwayo’s acts as “indicative of an intention to bring about war .”
  • Rather , he was a shrewd leader who unfortunately suffered from an overwhelming ignorance of the extent of British power .
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 21 Apr 23
       
      Cetshwayo did not understand the power of the British military.
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
ramzeey

The Role of Missionaries as Explorers in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Fulufhele Malise

shared by ramzeey on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • a significant geographical explorer. Johann Ludwig Krapf and Johannes Rebmann, German missionaries in the service of the Church Missionary Society in England, were the first white men to see Mount Kenya and Mount Kilimanjaro. Rebmann's report about Kibo, the snow covered peak in the land of the Chagga in equatorial latitudes, was straight-forward: The Swahili of the coast call the snow-mountain Kilimanjaro, "mountain of greatness
  • naries in many less spectacular discoveries and contributions to geographic knowledge, some general aspects of the missionary enterprise in Africa should be mentioned.
  • when financially strong societies maintained their own ocean steamers and river boats. 6 Missionaries were also handicapped porters and guides, and some carried guns, but the mere idea and the expense of armed escorts were rarely acceptable to mission societies' boards. Few of their members could judge the African environment from personal experience, and explorations which looked promising to men in the field might be discouraged by influential board members, who would rather promote far-flung journeys into regions that had struck their fancy.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • s long as geographic exploration only was incidental to the tasks which miSSIonaries set for themselves, and since the opportunities changed through time and from-region to region, they were as explorers cast into different roles
  • he cause of Commerce and Christianity, rather the same idea which a missionary in South Africa had called the Bible and the Plough, became widely publicized through Thomas Buxton. 13
  • The AfricanS/ave Trade and Its Remedy in 1840, after a shorter version, The African Slave Trade, in 183
  • Liberia in the Zeitschrift fur allgemeine Erdkunde on the basis of missionary reports. 15 Through lectures, which missionaries gave when on home leave, their books, sometimes written in retrospect, and through their numberless communications in journals, there emerges a rather standard and new exploratory role. T
  • intensive exploration was the strategy explicitly formulated for the Holy Ghost Fathers: at least two had to travel together, a region had to be thoroughly explored before a spot for a mission could be selected
  • The Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East (C.M.S.) which engaged Krapf, who was trained at Basel, also envisaged the role of exploring itinerants for their servants. Krapf was instructed in 1851 "to branch out far and wide preaching from the little ship, in the temporary abode, by the wayside
gracebvuma

Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 0 views

shared by gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • . As time passed, firearms came to be used by ever-widening circles of the combatants, often as much the result of the increased collaboration and interdependence between peoples as of the increased conflict
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were used as a result of collaboration between the different race groups present in Southern Africa at the time.
  • d. By the time of the first Dutch-Khoi war of I659-60, the Cape Khoi were clearly aware of some of the limitations of Dutch muskets
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Khois's knowledge of firearms was ivreasing, maybe because of the increase in the use of firearms in Southern Africa during this period.
  • N SOUTHERN AFRICA 519 guns and horses, as well as cattle.13 There was also a constant supply of firearms to the 'resisters' through the desertion of Khoi servants and slaves, who frequently fled with their masters' weapons to join the Khoisan in the mountain
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africans were aquiring guns through theft during this time because the distribution of guns to the Natives of southern Africa was illegal.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Throughout the nineteenth century, their knowledge and use of firearms was to stand the Khoisan and mixed or coloured groups in good stead. On two occasions, their joining the Xhosa in resistance (1799-I802 and I850-3) made the wars on the eastern frontier particularly formidable, while as late as I878 the long duration of the Griqua 'rebellion' was attributed to their long experience of firearm
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      their increase in knowledge of firearms and their acquiring of firearms made Africans a more formidable opponent to the settlers.
  • The significance of the acquisition of a knowledge of firearms by the Khoisan and coloured population was not limited solely to the resistance they were able to mount against white expansion. It was through them that the 'gun frontier' preceded the white man amongst the Nama and Herero of south-west Africa, the Tswana and southern Sotho groups across the Orange River,16 and the Xhosa and allied peoples on the Cape's eastern frontier. Although the arming of all these people on a large scale was a feature of the second half, if not the last third, of the nineteenth century, this first introduction to firearms may have in some ways shaped their response to them
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns shaped and heavily influenced the political and social climate
  • 7 The Africans were able to counter the mobile Boer commandos with superior numbers and, probably, with a more efficient social and military organization. Probably also because of the gradualness of the contact between the Xhosa and whites, with fifty years of trading interaction as well as the mediation of the Khoi prior to the more violent conflicts, firearms per se held no terror for the Xhosa. Moreover in this warfare even in the eighteenth century, the Xhosa were able to acquire a certain number of firearm
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Acquiring of firearms by the Africans greatly increased their military strength, making them much harder to suppress and dominate.
LIYEMA MTOLI

Sir Bartle Frere visit in East Africa (secondary source) - 3 views

www.jstor.org/...3020319

History 2A Slavery_'_' liyemamtoli

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    From page 24 onwards, this documents takes us through the events of Sir Bartle's visits in Zanzibar, as well as puts in depth his negotiations and what he does for persuasion.
  • cinderellaochu on 11 May 23
     
    Hi Mtoli, this source is not shared properly. It says "log in through your library". It appears you did not access the site through the UJ database, using your UJ details.
ndcekeasemahle

March 13, 1872 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 4 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Asemahle Ndceke

shared by ndcekeasemahle on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ndcekeasemahle on 23 Apr 23
     
    This is the letter that was written by Dr. Livingstone to Roderick Murchison. Dr. Livingstone's name is David, he was a Scottish missionary and an explorer. In this letter he tells him about the obstacles he encountered in his exploration and how he overcame them. He tells him about the letters that Sir Murchison sent to him in March 1866 and in February 1870 that were lost. He tells him about the goods that were sent by Dr. Seward from Zanzibar to depot, Ujiji but were stolen by the Governor, as a result he got a part of share from them. Other goods that were sent by Dr. Kirk through Ludha Damji were sold off at depot, Ujiji. Ludha Damji was a Banian-slaver trader while Dr. Kirk was a companion to Dr. Livingstone and a British administrator in Zanzibar. Other goods were sent through Ludha again and other two head-men but they ran riots on them, after that they stole goods from Mr. Stanley's store. Mr. Stanley was an explorer, journalist, soldier, and he had a search for missionary with Dr. Livingstone. The word expedition refers to a journey undertaken by a group of people with a particular purpose, especially that of exploration research. The same Banian-slave traders that plundered Livingstone's good are the same Banian-slave traders who were entrusted by other traders with their goods, it is just that they disliked Dr. Livingstone's expedition as a result he lost his letters, sketches, maps and his astronomical observations. This led to him waste a lot of money and lose 2 full years through the lost of supplies. The turning point was he received nine pack and packets from John Webb, he received some from Mr. Stanley and seized some from Kirk's slaves , this put him on an advantage of being able to finish his work. Despite the fact that he was attacked by pneumonia he managed to reach the height in Gondokoro.
lmshengu

Mungo Park's African Adventures - Document - Gale eBooks - 1 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Lwandile Mshengu History 2A

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • By the end of the eighteenth century, vigorous exploration of the interiors of major continents was well underway. In North America, the eastern part of the continent was well known, and major portions west of the Mississippi had been explored by the Spanish and the French. South America had been explored by the Spanish, and much of Asia had been visited or described as well. The Australian interior remained a mystery, nor was anything known of the African interior. Of these, Africa was of far greater interest because of its animals, great lakes and rivers, natives, and jungle. It simply seemed more exotic, dangerous, and interesting than Australia. It was also more accessible, lying just a few thousand miles from Europe.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      The interiors of the main continents had been vigorously explored by the end of the eighteenth century. The eastern half of North America was well known, and the Spanish and French had explored the most of the territory west of the Mississippi. The Spanish had explored South America and had visited or written about much of Asia. Both the Australian interior and the interior of Africa remained a mystery. Africa was the most fascinating of all due to its wildlife, large lakes and rivers, inhabitants, and jungle. Simply put, it appeared to be more exotic, perilous, and fascinating than Australia. Due to its proximity to Europe-just a few thousand miles-it was also more accessible.
  • After Park's disappearance public and political interest in Africa began to increase. He had proved that Africa could be explored, showing that it was possible to journey through unknown territory to a major African river, with few supplies and little help—but that doing so was dangerous business. More than 15 years would pass before the next major expedition left for Africa. (This is surprising when you consider that Africa, is, after all, geographically closer to Europe than either of the Americas or Asia. Yet, trade was established with India and China, colonies were established in both North and South America, and a struggling colony was present in Australia before African exploration was well underway.) Hugh Clapperton, Dixon Denham, and Walter Oudney led a three-year expedition for the British government (1822-1825) through Saharan and sub-Saharan Africa—and returned to England to tell about it. They were followed by many others in subsequent decades, culminating in the epic journeys of David Livingstone (from 1852 until his death in 1873
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      By the end of the eighteenth century, the innards of the major continents had undergone active exploration. The eastern part of North America was well known, while the majority of the area west of the Mississippi had been explored by the Spanish and French. The Spanish had traveled through most of Asia and had explored South America. The interiors of Australia and Africa both remained a mystery. Due to its wildlife, numerous lakes and rivers, residents, and jungle, Africa was the most fascinating of all the continents. In other words, it seemed more exotic, dangerous, and exciting than Australia. It was also easier to get to because of how close it was to Europe-just a few thousand kilometers away.
  • Back in England, Park married, wrote a book, and became licensed in surgery. In 1805 he set out again on another expedition sponsored by the African Association, accompanied by nearly 40 men, trying again to map the course of the Niger. This time, after reaching the river, they built boats and sailed along it for over 1,000 miles (1,609 km), mapping its course as it flowed to the east and turned south. Disease, however, killed all but 11 of his expedition members, and the weakened party was never to reach the mouth of the Niger. They were killed in a battle with natives near the present city of Bussa in 1806.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Park married, published a book, and obtained his surgical license back in England. With roughly 40 additional men, he headed out on another African Association-sponsored trip in 1805 in an effort to survey the Niger once more. This time, they arrived at the river, built boats, and sailed nearly 1,000 miles (1,609 km) down it while charting its course as it ran to the east before turning south. However, disease claimed the lives of all but 11 of his expedition's participants, and the weaker group was unable to make it to the Niger River's mouth. In 1806 they lost their lives in a conflict with locals close to the modern-day city of Bussa.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • Over the next century, Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium all established (or tried to establish) colonies, trading outposts, or both in Africa. Although warfare between competing European powers rarely erupted, the natives often resisted European incursions. The African tribes, however, could neither coordinate their efforts nor overcome the technological advantage of European weapons. In every instance but one (Ethiopia, who defeated the Italians in 1896), they failed to resist the onslaught of European colonizers.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the next century, colonies, trading outposts, or both, were created (or attempted to be formed) in Africa by Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium. The locals frequently opposed European advances, notwithstanding the rarity of conflict between rival European nations. However, the African tribes were unable to work together or overcome the technological superiority of European weapons. In all but one case-Ethiopia, which beat the Italians in 1896-they were unable to fend off the invasion of European invaders.
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