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John Sutters article presented on CNN online is a personalised recount of the factors (technological and social) leading up to the demonstrations in Egypt. This article is interesting as it outlines the impact that the Internet has on peoples daily lives, the way the it has allowed members in society the opportunity to gather information and allow freedom of speech that would never be allowed in their own government regime. Sutters article follows a man called Saleh, (Egyptian born) and explores the impacts that living in his society has brought on his daily life. Being born into a country where rape, murder and wrongful imprisonment are just a part of daily life he soon gained the motivation to want more. The lack of information that he could obtain from Egypt's two national television stations, gave him the drive and motivation to want to learn more about the world (Sutters, 2011). When he was 16 he rejoiced in the fact that the Internet had come along, "I was waiting for the Internet to arrive in Egypt years before it arrived. Reading about it, I could see how much freedom there was (online), how much information you had" (Saleh, 2011). The Internet was a way for people to gain access to limitless amounts of information, it is not by chance that these social media tools are now being used to mobilize people in society to speak out, take action and express their thoughts and feelings to create change. After an Egyptian man was allegedly beaten to death by police outside an Internet cafe Saleh and his friends were shocked by the news of the event and decided to create a Facebook page "We Are All Khaled Said". The results were astounding, more and more people started to comment and join the group, which eventually lead to a mass protest in which protesters stood along the banks of the Nile wearing black (Sutters, 2011). Events that followed on January 27 were even more impressive. The online organizers in Egypt are quick to spread

credit. No single person, group, Facebook page or political party planned this movement. It just happened, they said. Partly in response to the events in Tunisia. Partly by years and years of lingering economic, social and human rights problems. Saleh, the young man who grew up yearning for an Internet connection, said he was amazed at the degree to which the Internet played a role in the movement. These social media platforms allowed people to mobilize more freely than in public. Decoy events could be set up and changed on a moment's notice; messages could be spread to other countries and updates could be passed through out the country and the world (Sutters, 2011). The flexibility around social media is something that can shed some insight into why these types of events have become so successful. Messages can be updated, read and sent from any portable device, Facebook and Twitter can be access anywhere at anytime, meaning that mass collaboration over these services can be organised to such a precise level. As state above, the Internet has become such an influential medium for nations under tight control to express themselves and gather outside information about what is happening in the world and also to express and broadcast injustice that is happening in their own society. References Sutters, J. (2011). The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html. Saleh, O. (2011). The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html

I found this article interesting and thought provoking; being a personal, first-hand account of the events in Egypt it provided a different perspective to some of the articles I've read on this topic. The last paragraph summed up the power of social media well, "Facebook, Twitter and email created a 'parallel Egypt' on the Internet", a world where citizens could maintain anonymity and mobilize more freely than they could in public" (Saleh, 2011, cited by Sutter, 2011). I think that we tend to take for granted the freedom and rights we have here in Australia. I have joined a few political organisations online, and I couldn't imagine how I would have felt if shortly afterwards the Government hacked my computer to gain my Facebook password! Yet this is what happened to activists in Tunisia (Zuckerman, 2011). Your comment Tim, "the flexibility around social media is something that can shed some insight into why these types of events have become so successful. Messages can be updated, read and sent from any portable device, Facebook and Twitter can be access anywhere at anytime, meaning that mass collaboration over these services can be organised to such a precise level", (Findlay, 2011) reminded me of a comment made by a Cairo activist who said "We use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world," (activist cited by Howard, 2011) According to Howard (2011) "the most consistent causal features of democratization include a wired civil society that uses digital media to undermine authoritarian rule in the course of national and global public opinion." The recent events in Egypt are certainly a case in point. REFERENCES Findlay, T (April 13, 2011) The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0' Diigo OUA-Net308 group Retrieved April 14, 2011 from http://groups.diigo.com/group/oua_net308_2011 Howard, P (February 23, 2011) The Cascading Effects of the Arab Spring Miller McCune Magazine Retrieved April 13,

This ABC online article highlights some important aspects about the use of social-media and the role it played organising, coordinating and documenting Egypt's 2011 uprising. Firstly, the initial ban of web services such as Facebook and Twitter was an indication of the Egyptian government recognising the power, connectedness and participatory nature of social-media . In an attempt to silence the demonstrators and to avoid a repeat of the 2009 Iran revolution, Egyptian authorities took it one step further and not only blocked certain web site but completely shut down access to the entire world-wide-web (Stone, 2009). This act alone illustrates the fragility of the Internet, despite its decentralised design. Literally, with the flick of a switch, Internet Service Providers acting on government instructions blocked web access within the country. It can be argued the political protesting in Egypt would occur with our without a social-media influence; however, it is still important to examine the length Egyptian demonstrators went to in order to circumvent the Internet block and continue to take leverage from popular social media services. An example is the use of 'voice-to-tweet' - a cooperative development by Google, Twitter and an online voice provider called SayNow. This innovation allowed Egyptians to call a telephone number and leave a message which would automatically be converted to text, published on Twitter and tagged with #Egypt. This example highlights Twitter and new media being used for collaboration and participation; specifically between citizen activists and journalists around the world. Much like the Internet, news media was also blocked within Egypt and reporters faced the same communication challenges as everybody else, this workaround however was an effective way for Egyptians to stay connected and ensure their stories were continuing to be voiced to the eagerly listening global audience. Stone, B. (June 15, 2009). Social Net

The events that unfolded during the uprising in Egypt are a good example of how flexible and mobile social networks can be in relation to effective communication between members of society. Through the Egyptian government shutting off all Internet connections collaborative efforts were made by both Twitter and Google to still allow information to be distributed throughout the country. As stated above, the speak-to-tweet services were available in which voicemail messages were left and then converted into text messages, which were then posted via twitter (ABC News, 2011). This is a great example of how devices can be implemented and used to adjust to the situation at hand. In one of my previous posts I talked about the United States becoming concerned around social media's effectiveness in relation to social protest, in which they have made plans to impose legislation to create a 'kill switch' to re-create what the Egyptian government previous did, cut all lines of Internet communication in times of political disturbance (Grubb & Moses, 2011). The elements that unfolded in Egypt after the lines of Internet communication were cut is a good example of how other devices can be implemented for information to be distributed amongst society. It is not as simple as cutting off an Internet connection and assume that collaborative communication will cease. Just as the US government has seen the warning signs of the power of social networks, society has also seen the weakness in relying on a national Internet service. 'Mesh' Networks as I previously stated in another post are currently underdevelopment for mobile phones in which there is no central device, instead each node is equipped with radio communications which acts as a relay point to other nodes, placing the pressure off obtaining a connection from a main server (Gedda ,2010).

References: ABC News (2011). Voice tweets sidestep Egypt web ban. Retrieved April 17, 2011 from: http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2011/02/01/3126626.htm Grubb, B; Moses, A. (2011). As Egypt goes offline US gets Internet 'kill switch' bill ready. Retrieved April 17, 2011. From http://www.theage.com.au/technology/technology-news/as-egypt-goes-offline-us-gets-internet-kill-switch-bill-ready-20110131-1aah3.html Gedda, R. (2010). Mobile Phone Coverage Expanded Via 'Mesh' Networks. Retrieved April, 17, 2011. from http://www.pcworld.idg.com.au/article/352948/mobile_phone_coverage_expanded_via_mesh_networks/.

This article presents tools and strategies for setting up collaborative networks in the form of localized resistance 'cells'. Anonymous use this system of local and semi-independent networks as storage points for resources and to maintain its global communications beyond larger web services. It is these "autonomously acting local cells" that allow Anonymous to keep "resources, videos, pictures, and most important (their) protest and resistance organization online"(anon, 2011). While these strategies have resulted from challenging oppressive political regimes and fighting to maintain freedom of information, the ideas can be adapted to working in more general and everyday online environments. Anonymous see small local groups acting as autonomous and self-reliant parts of a larger network, to make the entire structure stronger and more resilient as a whole. Their tactics have grown "organically in cyberspace rather than reflecting the cyber version of existing real world phenomena" (Keane, B, 2011) and show how local sub-groups can effectively create strong, flexible networks when collaborating on a global scale. Some of the major advantages of working in a localized cell are identified as being "Local organization only needs a local focus" (anon, 2011), hinting at the benefits of a simpler organizational structure; "You can continue the fight as a team even if cut of from all the other protesters/activists"(anon, 2011), which if adapted to collaboration in general suggests more resilient and efficient networks; and "you can gather resources there, videos pics, voice files, flyers and re-upload it from there if you lose resources to deletion or block"(anon, 2011), showing the benefits of decentralized networks as both data protection and archiving tools. References anon. (2011) 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization'. Anonymous Hamburg. 23rd of February 2011. Available from: http://hamburger-anon.blog

Anonymous, being a decentralised network, relies upon the interest of tech savvy individuals to contribute to their campaigns. When challenged by legal representatives of the targets of their attacks, such as the 'Cult of Scientology' (Anonymous, 2011), their efforts to disseminate information through mainstream channels may be thwarted by take-down notices. In the case presented in this article hosted by Blogspot, they admit to having been frustrated by such interference with distributing videoes, pictures, and other resources online (Anonymous, 2011). The blog entry continues with offering alternatives and suggestions for anyone interested in contributing to Anonymous' on-going campaigns, providing advice and recommendations for useful tools and techniques. It outlines the advantages to contributing in the online movement, such as 'continue the fight as a team even if cut off from all the other protesters/activists' (Anonymous, 2011), suggesting a reward through participation, which is a prime motivator for other online crowd-sourcing initiatives (Belleflamme, Lambert, & Schwienbacher, 2011). The article proceeds to then explain how a user can participate by listing potential resources the assist without danger of being identified, and caught, suggesting such websites as wall.fm, noting that the service probably has a server farm that won't suffer in the event of a Distributed Denial of Service attack. It also explains how to create a social network, including links to free domain registration services, and free webhosting, to facilitate the potential new member of the Anonymous network into building an online resistance cell. Anonymous Hamburg. (2011). We do what we must, because we can. Retrieved from http://hamburger-anon.blogspot.com/2011/02/tools-to-help-revolutions-part-ii.html. Belleflamme, P., Lambert, T., & Schwienbacher, A. (2011). Tapping the Right Crowd. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract=157817.

"Avaaz is a global web movement to bring people-powered politics to decision-making everywhere" (Avaaz.org, 2011). Avaaz means voice, in "... several European, Middle Eastern and Asian languages" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). This is not a website where you need to prove your credentials or log in to be a member. However, it is one of the most powerful and influential organisations in the world. The Avaaz community "... empowers millions of people from all walks of life to take action on pressing global, regional and national issues, from corruption and poverty to conflict and climate change" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). Their online platform "... allows thousands of individual efforts, however small, to be rapidly combined into a powerful collective force" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). The Avaaz community supports campaigns in 14 languages, has a core team on 4 continents, includes thousands of volunteers. Overall, the community helps organise the signing of petitions, funding media campaigns and direct actions, contact through emailing, calling and lobbying governments, and organizing "offline" protests and events. They do this to "... ensure that the views and values of the world's people inform the decisions that affect us all" (Avaaz, 2011a). Two very good examples of the strength of the community include: * Stand With Anna Hazare (Avaaz.org, 2011b) shows of a petition where over 624,876 people have signed since the campaign launched on the 7th April, 2011. Before the goal of one million signatures was reached, a victory has been announced. * Blackout-proof the protests (Avaaz.org, 2011c) is a current petition to "...secure satellite modems and phones, tiny video cameras, and portable radio transmitters, plus expert support teams on the ground -- to enable

Avaaz addresses global issues to generate global interest in improved conditions - globally. The world in action (Avaaz.org). Available in fourteen different language, it encourages borderless interest in issues relevant locally and internationally, promoting campaigns to 'close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want' (About Avaaz, n.d.). Avaaz is to the world what GetUp! is doing for Australia, including its policy on transparency, evidenced in the availability of financial reports, member statistics, and its member-funded, crowd-sourced model. Rather than a distributed, region-dependent staff and budget, Avaaz has a 'single, global team with a mandate to work on any issue of public concern' (Avaaz.org, n.d.). It is Avaaz members who decide where to direct resources The website projects a sense of global community, as much in being available in so many languages as in movements presented on every page heralding from many different countries representing the plights of many and varied communities. Avaaz is a global example of social awareness instigating social movements, easily promoted through the connectivity of the internet and the tools for social networking, to create a better world. Websites and movements for campaigns such as Avaaz and GetUp! Australia are helping to raise awareness and reclaim power for the people. Avaaz.org.(2011). The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org. GetUp. (n.d.) GetUp! Retrieved from http://www.getup.org.au.

As yet another online resource for the "lounge chair activist" Avaaz.org seems to cover it all. Whether you're interested in saving the whales, climate change, gay rights or donating to flood victims, there is a cause available for you. Avaaz, started in 2007 with the mission to "organise citizens of all nations to close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want" (Avaaz.org, 2011). So far they seem to be achieving this goal. With over 8 million members worldwide, who have so far taken over 38 "actions" this is a website that seems to be doing what it's promised. To ensure that there is no underlying bias, no political voice hiding behind the curtains, Avaaz ensures there is "democratic accountability" by being 100% member-funded. It is mainly staffed by volunteers, who email actions to members in way that registers interest in the project and nothing more. These actions are also normally put forward by Avaaz members themselves, rather than outside parties. Avaaz, like BOINC, relies on word-of-mouth to spread the word. Also using social network sites to keep up the interest between members. Their hope is that once someone joins through a campaign for one specific issue, that they will then continue to support other actions. To prove their success, after "China's violent crackdown on the March '08' protests and riots in Tibet"(Avaaz, 2011) Avaaz was able to build the most successful global position to date. They were able to achieve 1.5 million signatures in just three weeks calling for dialogue between China and the Dalai Lama. Whether you just sign a petition or donate money, having so many available voices ensures that Avaaz will make it count. As stated by Zainab Bangura, the foreign minister of Sierra Leone "Avaaz is an ally, and a rallying place, for disadvantaged people everywhere to help create real change"(Avaaz, 2011). Avaaz.org. (2011). Avaaz.org: The World in Action. R

Kravet's Wired online article details the role social-media services such as; Facebook, Twitter and YouTube played in the 2011 Egypt political revolution. The primary focus of his article suggests the uprising was the result of years of oppression and dictatorship, not simply a Twitter or mass media revolution as some have labelled it (Bergstrom, 2009). Kravet does acknowledge the link between technology and modern upheavals by using the example of the fax machine and the role it played informing the world of the Tiananmen Square massacre. At the same time, he still emphasises that social-media and communication systems are used as an effective way of coordinating protests and political gatherings. A quarter of Egyptian citizens have Internet access; therefore, it can be said that social media is a powerful channel activists could utilise - in conjunction with leaflets and spontaneous amalgamation - to effectively facilitate organisation of the masses. Activists also used social media as a way of gauging the scope of their proposed protests by encouraging Facebook users to confirm their attendance. Prior to the Internet being blocked, one particular organiser had 80,000 confirmations for a January 29, 2011 demonstration. After the Egyptian government's initial block of popular, social-networking services (prior to the entire Internet being shutdown in Egypt) protestors took leverage from a variety of technologies such as; web proxies, VPNs and smartphone applications to gain access to Facebook and Twitter. Again this demonstrates the importance these tools play in information sharing and mass collaboration. Bergstrom, G. (2009). Egypt: The First Twitter Revolution? Retrieved, April 4 2011, from http://marketing.about.com/od/crisis_communication/a/egypt-mubarak-power-in-social-media.htm Kravets, D. (January 27, 2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Retrieved April 5, from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/

The article is interesting, but i just wanted to touch on the statements that were raised around communication after the Internet had actually been shut off. I was fascinated to read about how society can mobilize and use the resources that are available in times of need. Using third party proxies, organizers were able figure out ways to bypass the Egyptian Internet filters and to be able to once again access Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other Internet sites (Osam, 2011). Despite the Internet blackout, landline communication was never blocked; Egyptians found another way to access the Internet through landlines dial-up Internet services and fax services. Egyptians living outside Egypt were receiving faxes through regular landline phones, by using Optical Character Recognition (OCR) technologies they could convert the fax image into text contents, and post the contents, news and updates into Facebook, Twitter and different blogs (Sutter, 2011). This convergence in technology just goes to show that these types of situations cannot be simply shut off by closing down all Internet connections within the country. As an indication on how fast online communication services are popping up into the spotlight, Google in the meantime launched a new service called "speak2tweet", which allowed Egyptians to call a regular landline number in Cairo and speak their tweet to an IVR/Voice recognition system. The speak2tweet system would then convert the caller voice message into a text tweet (Osam, 2011). References Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retrieved, April 13, 2011. From http://www.famousbloggers.net/the-erevolution.html

Sutter, J. (2011). The Faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved, April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html

The author of this article, Jody McIntyre, is a journalist and political activist. The article was published in Jody's regular blog for The Independent. This article is not a scholarly article, rather an opinion piece. The source (The Independent) is reliable. McIntyre has also written for The Guardian, the New Statesman, Electronic Intifada and Disability Now. By focusing on recent events south of Yemen, and in particular the 'million person march' in early March 2011, the article highlights how broadcast media is focusing on events in Libya, while ignoring political unrest in other areas. McIntyre relates how Al Jazeera, the Qatari-based news channel, tends to "choose" one uprising at a time to focus on and "leading the gaze of the public" (McIntyre, 2011). McIntyre asks whether "a revolution on the Egyptian model" would have succeeded without the media attention it received. New media sources, and the Internet in particular, have allowed the public "to follow these uprisings in a way that would never have been possible in the past." (McIntyre, 2011) Traditional broadcast media organisations, such as the BBC, "can no longer monopolise our opinions". By viewing Twitter feeds we are "seeing events as they happen, not as they are reported". (McIntyre, 2011) McIntyre highlights an important point - although the public are not "seeing" these events in the traditional sense (via television broadcast), they are "seeing" them unfold through collaborative social media. The public are not just "seeing" events unfold, they are also disseminating the news. McIntyre, J (March 10, 2011) Only some revolutions will be televised The Independent - Independent Blogs. Retrieved April 9, 2011 from http://blogs.independent.co.uk/2011/03/10/only-some-revolutions-will-be-televised/

A very interesting comment and article Sheila and I agree that the author "...Jody McIntyre, is a journalist and political activist ... This article is not a scholarly article, rather an opinion piece" (McLean, 2011). Jody McIntyre has written a variety of articles on many different topics within the political activist discourse. However, has anything really changed? In 2005, I had hired out the movie Hotel Rwanda that was a new DVD release, without realising that it was "The true-life story of Paul Rusesabagina, a hotel manager who housed over a thousand Tutsi refugees during their struggle against the Hutu militia in Rwanda" (Hotel Rwanda, 2004). After watching the horrifying scenes, I then searched the Internet for further information. Whilst questioning myself "How did I miss this war in 1994?" A few years later, I was able to determine that it only briefly touched the traditional news broadcast reporting in a world wide scale. I mean who cared that "An estimated 1 million people were killed within a three month period in 1994" (GlobalSecurity, 2011)? I cared, and very strongly. Today, traditional news media is still missing many details of what is happening around the world. Events that do get reported seem, at times, to be glorified to entertain the consumers. Where traditional media fail to inform the public, the certainly is a broader world of informative available from many different sources and for many different reasons. This is where sites such as Avaaz and many others help spread the news about global issues where people-power now has the action over the traditional way of doing too little, too late, due to being uninformed. No one person controls the content published on the Internet. However, there are groups that control what is televised, when it is televised and where. References: GlobalSecurity. (2011). Rwanda Civil War. GlobalSecurity.org. Retrieved from http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/w

Jody McIntyre highlights the fact about the important role the Internet and Twitter have been playing in the mass information exchange during recent political protesting in Yemen and countries across Northern Africa. An information share and exchange through individual use of the Twitter and the Internet has been providing access to people's information instead to mass information filtered through major media like BBC, Al Jazeera and other. As Jody McIntyre states, the Twitter feeds are representing the events as they happen, not as they are reported. I fully agree with Jody McIntyre, there seems to be a domino effect surrounding the political movements in the Northern Africa. What started in Tunisia has been carried over to its neighborhood. The main difference is the protests are of different ratio and longevity reflecting a deep cultural and political constitution experienced by each particular country. 'Whilst the media continue to focus exclusively on events in Libya, the huge march in the south of Yemen was ignored', writes Jody McIntyre. It is known, the media works in an organized way, placing their correspondents in areas where information or reports are of 'hot topic'. When analyzing the Twitter media where the Twitter usage is based on its availability amongst people and not on strategic positioning of media outlets, it is obvious the Twitter is being a portable and convenient communication tool accessible by those who can afford it, and its affordance was possible in the Northern Africa where third world description is still in existence.

This article is presented on famousboggers.com a blogging site dedicated to academics publishing writing on current events. In this article Mohamed Osam (network and computer engineer) talks about the technological factors leading up to the revolution in Egypt. The "eRevolution" was sparked by a group of young activists on Facebook, they were pushing for reform on freedom and social injustice (Osam, 2011). These Facebook groups attracted more than 85,000 protestors via group posts, and comments, while communicating heavily on twitter and sometimes cell phone SMS services (Osam, 2011). Other Facebook groups were initiated before and during the protests to support the logistics and the massive demonstrations that erupted all over Egypt. The "Rasd News Network (R.N.N)" Facebook group was one of the main contributors to the revolution, sending protest updates, news updates and politician and media reaction (Osam, 2011). With such a public outcry the Egyptian government shut down all Internet communication in Egypt, but by this time things had already escalated beyond the governments repair (Franco, 2011). After a few more days of the increasing number of protestors, high national and international pressures, and a total of 18 days of protesting, Omar Suleiman (the recently appointed Egyptian vice president) resigned his position (Franco, 2011). This article brings up interesting points around the effects of online collaboration and communication. What is the future for these types of online political movements? The factor that seems to be most interesting is the fact that there was social action and results gained by taking the fight online just as offline. The power of online collaboration has obviously proven its point with these recent events in Egypt, so where too next? Could this type of political movement be a stepping-stone for further political activism or just like many other tools be used for both positive and negative behavior? Some see this as

References: Avaaz.org. (2011). Stand With The People Of Egypt. Avaaz - The World in Action. Retrieved from https://secure.avaaz.org/en/democracy_for_egypt/?fpla Avaaz.org. (2011). Freeze Mubarak's stolen fortune. Avaaz - The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/mubaraks_fortune/ Findlay, T. (2011). eRevolution on Diigo - oua_net308_2011 group. Retrieved from http://groups.diigo.com/group/oua_net308_2011 Osam, M. (n.d.). Articles by Mohamed Osam. The eRevolution. Retrieved from http://www.famousbloggers.net/author/mohamedosam Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retrieved from http://www.famousbloggers.net/the-erevolution.html

This is a great article that describes the technological and social influences that allowed millions of people to network and collaborate online during the protests in Egypt earlier this year. It shows how many citizens of Egypt successfully used various online services and tools in maintaining communications and mobilizing massive group actions throughout this time. The author explains how this was "the first revolution sparked, managed and orchestrated by social networking, by Facebook, twitter, blogs and YouTube"(Osam, M. 2011); and questions any potential harm that may arise from such seemingly powerful tools of social and political change. This supports the article 'Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival' that I have posted to Diigo. These works investigate the widespread use of both public and anonymous web services in the coordination of information, communications and group movements during social and political protests in the Middle East. They show how these platforms were used as flexible networking and collaborating tools which effectively reached large numbers of people. While the Anonymous article focuses on the creation and distribution of their 'Revolution Survival Guide' for Tunisians - using tools that allowed "simple, free, and publicly "anonymous" way(s) to share and collaborate on information" (Clay, K. 2011); the Egyptian protests were initially "sparked by a group of young activists on Facebook"(Osam, M. 2011). These different networking and collaboration platforms were successfully used as social and political tools against oppressive regimes. References Clay, K. (2011). Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival. Social Media and Technology. 25th of February 2011. Available from: http://www.lockergnome.com/social/2011/02/25/anonymous-uses-collaborative-document-sharing-tool-for-social-survival Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retreived, April 13, 2011. From

Spencer Ackerman is an American national security reporter and blogger. This article appeared in Wired magazine's national security blog, Danger Room. In this article, Ackerman describes how in late January, 2011, the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, responded to hundreds of thousands of anti-government demonstrators protesting on the Egyptian streets by shutting off the internet and mobile phone access. The purpose of this was to keep the activists from organising further protests. This move did not work however, and the protesters didn't disperse. They did not have access to Facebook and Twitter, but instead took to the streets and protested in the traditional way. Al Jazeera, and other satellite news networks kept the public worldwide focused on the events. Mubarak then "began a brutal crackdown, with regime loyalists targeting dissidents and foreign journalists alike." (Ackerman, 2011) Despite the crackdown, says Ackerman, "the world still had viral-ready video footage of the truth of Egypt's precarious uprising", some of which can be viewed by clicking on the images in the article. A particular comment by a young female street protestor featured in one of the videos was interesting: "It's not about the internet," she said, "it's about the needs and demands of the Egyptian people". REFERENCE: Ackerman, S (February 4, 2011) Prayers, Protest, Police Brutality: Raw Videos From Egypt's Uprising Wired Retrieved 8th April, 2011 from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/02/cairo-protest-videos/?pid=345

References: Ackerman, S. (2011). Prayers, Protest, Police Brutality: Raw Videos From Egypt's Uprising. Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/02/cairo-protest-videos/?pid=345 Kravets, D. (2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/social-media-oppression/

The spotlight on the Northern Africa has been reignited on 15 April 2011 by release of the letter signed by US, British and French leaders. US President Barack Obama, British Prime Minister David Cameron and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have said in a joint letter that there can be no peace in Libya while Muammar Gaddafi stays in power. They want to put a stop to the terrible horrors at Gaddafi's hands. The joint letter holds out the prospect of reconstruction for Libya with the help of the "UN and its members" (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13090646). The 'domino effect' political situation in Northern Africa has been closely watched by the whole world. The Egypt attracted attention not just for its political protests but how the country's Internet and its services were shut down by its government during the protests. This demonstrates a level of power government can have over its people and communication. At the time of revolution the Egypt's dictator Hosni Mubarak messages and intentions were clear to grasp by anyone paying attention to politics: It is me 'Hosni Murabak' who controls the power in this country including the media; shutting down of the Internet and its services will put a stop to a fast communication platform for Egypt's people and connection with rest of the world; Egypt doesn't want any interferences from other countries, this is 'our revolution'; we will sort it out and I will stay in power as long as possible. According to Spencer Ackerman 'Suddenly, a protest movement that used Facebook pages and Twitter hashtags to coordinate and push its message out was back to the old-fashioned methods of street politicking'. However, according to other media coverage the Twitter was found as most powerful tool in network communication during the Egypt's Internet service government shut down. (e.g. Bergstrom, G. (2011). Egypt: The First Twitter

The online protest group 'Anonymous' use web based networking and collaboration tools as effective ways to support and achieve their collective goals. This article follows the technological and social conditions that have shaped the groups innovative use of the internet as a tool for political protest. Like the author states, "as the social, political and technological environment has developed, some have already begun to explore new options, seizing new chances for digital activism"(Anonymous, 2011). In many ways it is hard to see how decentralized networks of like-minded protesters can achieve political change. While Anonymous are aware of how "a loose network of people with shared values and varying skill sets (providing) substantial help to a population abroad is seen as quixotic"(Anonymous, 2011), recent campaigns in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya are generally recognized as highly effective and indicative of what is achievable when collaborating on real world projects via web-based networks (see, Keane, B. 2011). Like Wikipedia and other mass-collaboration projects, it is a global network that drives Anonymous' influence. For example, anonymous use tools such as 'Low Orbit Ion Cannon'; or 'LOIC' (see, Arthur, C. 2010), allowing people from around the world to collaborate together. LOIC enables the group to carry out "distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks, involving thousands of computer users who request large amounts of data from a website simultaneously, overwhelming it" (Anonymous, 2011). Online systems of mass-collaboration are proving to be productive and influential vehicles for social or political change. To understand their success we need to acknowledge how the "technological infrastructure that allows these movements has been in place for well under a decade - but phenomena such as WikiLeaks and Anonymous have already appeared, expanded, and even become players within the geopolitical environment" (Anonymous, 2011).

One of the problems with digital activism is that the internet is a tool that can be accessed by many people, cross-border and across many different countries. What might be acceptable practice and perfectly legal in a country like Australia, might be liable to prosecution in countries like China where the government censors not only the internet, but people in general. Freedom in countries like Australia is taken for granted. Other countries might not enjoy this freedom, and when people try to access content that is politically sensitive or illegal in their country, questions are raised about who is providing the illegal content, and the person accessing the material can be liable to prosecution. Internet laws are also changing rapidly, and it is very difficult for people to keep up with the constantly changing landscape of laws that are evolving and reshaping. While there is a need for activism, an awareness or a better understanding of the potential for breaking the law needs to be clearly understood when posting politically or socially active sensitive material online. There is a real danger that activities that are legal for people surfing the web in Australia are not legal in other countries, and the implications this can mean for people not only posting material, but those reading and interacting content, especially if they have to by-pass traditional methods of accessing the internet to get through to what they want to read, hear or see. Louis-Jacques, L. (2003). Legal Research on International Law Issues. Retrieved from http://www2.lib.uchicago.edu/~llou/forintlaw.html

Digital or online 'Hacktivism' has a perception of existing as a natural extension of more traditional forms of protest. Being that the Internet has moved on from being a relatively static information source and into a dynamic realm where regulation and social policy is conducted by governments, protesting has struggled to find its place. An example of collaboration gone astray can be seen in the story of 22 year old Matthew George. In October 2009, in reaction to the Australian Federal Government's attempts to legislate an Internet filter Matthew volunteered to let his PC take part in a denial of service attack on government websites. In collaborating with other PC's Matthew thought "We hoped to achieve a bit of media attention to why internet censorship was wrong..." (SMH 2011) Charged and bought before court, the hacking was not seen as protest by authorities but more akin to cyber-terrorism. Whilst the 'real world' allows avenues for protest, as in registered street marches...the Internet has no such outlet, with the exception of self-publication on forums and social media. This has led to a situation where online collaborative protest seems to lead frequently to vandalism in the form of denial of service attacks. Meet the hacktivist who tried to take down the government (2011) Retrieved from http://www.smh.com.au/technology/security/meet-the-hacktivist-who-tried-to-take-down-the-government-20110314-1btkt.html#ixzz1L9cdAeuE

Project: Carousel! » How to organise a successful student protest using online tools The author of this article is Pontus Westerberg is a member of the Project Carousel! Team, "a student-led online community working under the auspices of the Centre for Media and Film Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London". This brief article advises student protesters which online tools may be useful for organising protests and keeping protesters informed. The recommended tools include Twitter, blogs, video, plus online mapping tools. The article also recommends creating a central node, such as a website to tie all these disparate elements together, and as an example links to the UCL occupation page (http://www.ucloccupation.com/), which shows an example of this being done. Westerberg gives an overview on the use of Twitter hashtags to organise protest conversations, making them easier to keep track of, citing examples of these such as the #demo2010 that was used to organise conversations around the student protest that took place on the 24th October 2010. The 140 character limitation imposed by Twitter, also makes Blogs an attractive online tool for protest, offering a forum where ideas and issues can be disseminated and discussed in a lengthier format. Westerberg also provides examples showing the effectiveness of images and video in getting a message across, and indicates that there are benefits in utilising humour and encouraging user generated content. Overall the article provides basic information, but links to quite a few interesting examples of sites and tools that are being used by the student protest movement in the United Kingdom. References: Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Retrieved from: http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-s

This article from the Project Carousel website is a step by step guide describing how to organize "a successful protest using online tools" (Westerberg, P. 2010). It was created specifically for student activists however it would be adaptable to many forms of online collaboration since it shows efficient strategies for creating independent networks using free web services and social networking tools. This is similar to a guide describing how to create localized 'cell' based networks from 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization', an article that I have posted to Diigo. Both of these guides explain practical methods for creating and working across decentralized networks, focusing on free online resources and web services. They also identify the primary need for a central point of contact (or node) which is connected to multiple communication and content sharing websites (as satellite services). These methods of collaboration describe "local cells that keep in touch through their decentralized networks" (anon, 2011), yet they are also effective ways to organize, manage and create widely accessible and secure channels for global communications. Both articles show techniques that allow a group to form strong and flexible networks with like minded people from across world. Refeences anon. (2011) 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization'. Anonymous Hamburg. 23rd of February 2011. Available from: http://hamburger-anon.blogspot.com/2011/02/tools-to-help-revolutions-part-ii.html Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Available from: http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-student-protest-using-online-tools/

Project Carousel is a 'student-led online community based at the Centre for Media and Film Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London' (Project Carousel, n.d.). The article was written Pontus Westerberg in 2010, during the student protests regarding student fees. It was written as a how-to guide to help would-be protesters make the most of social media to add their voices to the campaign in an open, transparent way. Westerberg is less informational and more instructional in his advice to establish a profile using popular social media tools like Twitter, with hashtags, creating a blog and making videos, making a particular point to be humorous at the expense of authority. 'Do something funny', suggesting that positive attention may be garnered through fun and humour. Unlike the Anonymous movement, Project Carousel appears to endorse, if not outright encourage, transparent participation with user-generated content and boldly putting faces and names toward the campaign. The points made in the article may seem obvious, but new inductees to the social media mechanism, eager to participate, would find these easy-to-follow steps a clear guide to joining the protests and being heard. Though not a crowd-funding or crowd-sourcing tool, it does provide a useful guide to generating interest from 'the crowd', be it a personal project or a community-conscious endeavour.. Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Project: Carousel!. Retrieved from http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-student-protest-using-online-tools/.

[Part 1] This article brings together a number of links to UK student protest sites. Reading this and related articles it becomes clear that the students protesting about the UK government's fee cut policy are willing to use any tools at their disposal. Their primary aim has been to collaborate with, and inform supporters of offline physical protests; predominantly marches and occupations. The article itself is posted on the movements.org website, a non profit organisation whose stated mission is to identify, connect and support grassroots digital activists from around the world. The support offered by movement.org goes beyond the mere publication of articles and offers advice to individuals and groups on how to choose and best use digital tools. It is interesting to see the number of freely available digital tools that student protesters have used to disseminate information: Facebook, Twitter, websites, blogs, Google maps, YoutTube, open calendars and Flickr are all part of the student protesters' arsenal. Fast adoption of new technologies seems to be one of the strengths of the UK students' movement. Recently, for instance, student protesters in London used the new "Sukey" application, a conglomeration of tools like google maps, twitter and SMS, to avoid clashes with police (Kingley 2011). Google Maps too have been a useful tool and have been utilised to show the locations of upcoming protests, the map posted at http://www.feesprotest.com/ gives a good indication of the nationwide spread of student dissatisfaction, while at the same time hyperlinking to fairly detailed information for each locality and directing viewers to facebook protest pages for up to date information and interaction.

[Part 2] References: 30th November Here We Come. (2010). Retrieved from: http://www.feesprotest.com/ Cullum, B. (2010). NETWORKED PROTESTS IN THE UK: hOW OLD AND NEW TACTICS ARE BEING USED TO FIGHT RISING TUITION FEES. Retrieved from: http://www.movements.org/blog/entry/networked-protests-in-the-uk-how-old-and-new-tactics-are-being-used-to/ Kingsley, P. (2011). Inside the anti-kettling HQ. Retrieved from:  http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/feb/02/inside-anti-kettling-hq?INTCMP=SRCH

This article, written by Huffington Post writer, Catharine Smith was published shortly after the Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak stepped down from power. The article is a report on an interview between CNN's Wolf Blitzer and activist Wael Ghonim (who is also a marketing manager for Google). Video footage of the interview is also provided. Ghonim played a key role in organising the January 25 street protests by "reaching out to Egyptian youths on Facebook" (Smith, 2011). Ghonim was arrested and imprisoned for 12 days after the protest, and since his release "has become a symbol for the Egyptian movement" (Smith, 2011). Ghonim argues this idea however and has stated that he is not a hero, "I was writing on a keyboard on the Internet and I wasn't exposing my life to danger." (Ghonim, 2011). Ghonim would however, like to thank Mark Zuckerberg. In the CNN interview, Ghonim relates how he believes the "revolution started on Facebook" (Ghonim, 2011). The revolution, according to Ghonim, started in June 2010 when Egyptians started collaborating content. "We would post a video on Facebook that would be shared by 60,000 people on their walls within a few hours" (Ghonim, 2011). The revolution has been dubbed "Egypt's Facebook Revolution" by the media. It would be naive to say that the revolution was caused by social media, however there is no doubt that social media such as Facebook and Twitter has played a significant role in mobilizing and engaging citizens in Egypt's political protests. ___________________________________________________ Reference: Smith, C. (February 11, 2011) Egypt's Facebook Revolution: Wael Ghonim Thanks The Social Network Huffington Post. Retrieved March 8, 2011 from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/02/11/egypt-facebook-revolution-wael-ghonim_n_822078.html

"Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles" Sukey is a recently developed online tool for protesters. It is made up of a suite of applications that allow protesters to either submit or access information about police presence on roads or junctions during protests. Sukey can be accessed and updated online from any connected computer and also via mobile phones, meaning that protesters potentially have access to relevant information no matter where they are. There are two flavours of Sukey for mobiles, smart phones with GPS and Internet browsers can use the "Roar" version of Sukey which includes helpful graphics like a compass and an interactive google map (Doctrow 2011). The "Growl" version of the application is suitable for older mobile phones and is basically an SMS update service. Information is gathered by people on site at protests, from specially tagged Twitter comments, from news broadcast footage and geotagged photos from Flickr. Location information can also be submitted via Google Latitude or by SMS. This crowd-sourced information is intended to allow protesters to make informed decisions and hopefully avoid kettling. Kettling is a practice used by police whereby protesters are surrounded and confined, sometimes for hours on end without access to food, shelter or toilet facilities. At present the platform is only available in London, but the developers have plans to release national and international versions. References: Doctrow, C. (2011). Sukey: an anti-kettling app for student demonstrators in London. Retrieved from: http://boingboing.net/2011/01/28/sukey-an-anti-kettli.html Geere, D. (2011). Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles. Retrieved from: http

Thank you for sharing Alio. This is the first I have heard of Sukey and after reading Geere's blog post, I can really appreciate its usefulness throughout political demonstrations, in particularly the recent protests in Egypt. After some further research it appears Sukey emerged on January 27, 2011, two days after the initial January 25th 2011, Egypt demonstrations; however, there appears to be no connection between the two. The purpose of Sukey is to improve communications during protests and to counter the act of kettling, a crowd management tactic used by police that involves cornering protestors in a confined space with only one possible - normally guarded - exit (Kingsley, 2011). Sukey facilitates this through the amalgamation of information sources such as; Google Latitude, Geo tagged Flickr photos, Twitter and television news, feeding the content to web enabled phones or for a small fee traditional SMS. Throughout the Egypt uprising, there were many instances of kettling captured on video and submitted to YouTube - as per the below links. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rXbRdumboZ0&feature=related. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xWiBCIxjIk&feature=related If available at the time Sukey may have been an advantageous asset to Egyptian activists. It can be argued that the police clashes - which resulted in numerous injuries and 125 deaths - could have been minimized if protestors had access to real-time information indicating police strategies. It is worth mentioning that Sukey would have been effective up to the point the Internet and mobile networks were shut down by Egyptian authorities. Provided there is robust communication infrastructure is in place, Sukey proves to be a powerful participatory tool that has the potential to reduce injuries and fatalities throughout demonstrations. Geere, D. (January 31, 2011). Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles: Wired [Blog Post]. Retrieved April 11, 2011, from, http://www.wired.co.uk/

ABC LATELINE Michael Atkin Byline: "Australian website Pozible is helping to connect generous donors with needy projects, but there are concerns about how the website operates." The article introduces crowd-funding as an 'innovation of the internet age', bringing together donors and projects in need of funding, using an environmental group called Green Way Up as an example project, and a website called Pozible as an example of a crowd-funding resource. As an introduction to crowd-funding it presents Green Way Up as being both environmentally and socially conscious, as well as a good example of a crowd-funded project worth attention: Bob Miles and Chuck Anderson want to travel around the world on bio-fuel converted from recycled fats and oils obtained, in one case, from the waste of a chicken shop. However, Green Way Up may not have had such a start toward achieving this venture if not for Pozible; a crowd-funding resource whose Co-founder, Rich Chen, created the site 'because he was sick of hearing about exciting projects which failed to go ahead because they lacked money' (Atkin, 2011). Though it presents a hopeful opportunity to projects and financial benefactors alike, the article turns critical of the website's operations, suggesting Pozible may be 'violating the Corporations Act by raising money and offering rewards without issuing a prospectus' (Atkin, 2011).

Jennifer McKay, Professor at the University of South Australia is also concerned that Pozible infringes upon consumer protection laws and security laws, but when asked by Lateline, the Australian Securities and Investment Commission said they were 'considering whether crowd-funding poses any regulatory concerns' (Atkin, 2011). Green Way Up is presented as an exception rather than a rule for projects seeking crowd-sourced funding; '[p]rojects only receive the money if they reach their funding target within 90 days and currently two-thirds fail' (Atkin, 2011). Built upon and relying heavily on trust, the article concludes there is potential risk for all involved. Atkin, M. (2011). Website helps to make dreams come true. Lateline. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2011/s3180494.htm.

SETI@home and the various other projects that use BOINC rely on public contributions to achieve their computer processing goals. In a similar vein, the website Pozible.com.au also relies on public response to assist what would otherwise be unheard of projects. Pozible is a website that uses "crowd-funding" to get its donations. "Crowd-funding is an innovation of the internet age which links generous donors with needy projects" (ABC, 2011). In the example provided by this resource, the needy case is an environmental group called Green Way Up who want to fund an expedition to Norway using only bio-fuel. First shown on ABC's Lateline on the 1st April 2011, this interview discusses numerous aspects of Pozible. It talks through the set-up process, talks to a donator, and even questions the administration process from an ASIC/ACCC point of view. Not only does this website help otherwise unknown projects get up off the ground, it also helps connect them to "lounge-chair activists" looking to donate to causes they believe in. There are still a few problems with the donation process. Projects are required to generate 100% of their goal amount within 90 days to receive the money, meaning that currently only 1/3 of projects achieve this goal. There is also no formal follow-up process to ensure that the projects do what they have promised. On a positive note however, if a project fails to meet the requested total, no money changes hands. Donations work more on a pledge system, and even Pozible makes no profit from the projects, unless this total is met(Pozible.com, 2010). Projects like BOINC and Pozible are innovative ways of using current computer/internet usage to get public interest and participation in what could otherwise be undiscovered projects that could have positive implications in the future. ABC. (2011). Website Helps To Make Dreams Come True. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2011/s3180494.htm Pozible.com. (20

CitizenMap - a South China Morning Post initiative is a web-based reporting tool which geo-maps news, community generated media and other local citizen reports throughout Hong Kong and the South China region. Its primary focus is environmental incidents including; the illegal dumping of waste, unauthorised construction and the removal of native plantation. Moving forward, CitizenMap will eventually branch out to include other topics in the future. CitizenMap utilises an array of online services such as; Google Maps, Twitter, Flickr and other Web 2.0 features like tagging, verifications and geo-mapping to encourage local participation and information sharing among the community. Although CitizenMap is not directly linked to the coordination of political demonstrations, it can still be a useful tool for environmental activists. The documented evidence contained within this web service can act as ammunition for protestors and further fuel their campaigns - especially once the report is official verified by the South China Morning Post. Example includes green groups challenging the HK Environment Bureau over a flawed policy which will allow a 5 hectare clearing to be used as landfill. Another incident involves journalism students providing photographic evidence that details the illegal dumping of waste in a Mong Tseng Wai pond (Reports, 2011). Encouraging the community to engage in citizen journalism surrounding environmental issues is an effective way to promote accountability, responsibility and the notion to 'think green' among the community. CitizenMap. (2011). Retrieved from: http://citizenmap.scmp.com/main Reports. (2011). CitizenMap. Retrieved April 15, 2011, from: http://citizenmap.scmp.com/reports/view/238

[Part 1] The CitizenMap, created by Hong Kong's South China Morning Post (SCMP), is a good example of a combination of crowd sourcing and crisis mapping. According to Blogger Jennifer Jett, the project's aim is to make up for the shortfall in staffing at Honk Kong's planning and lands departments. Jett wrote on her blog that "Almost 60 percent of government investigations into improper land use stem from citizen complaints, and the percentage rises to 90 percent for dumping". The SCMP mapping project's use of crowd sourcing to report illegal and polluting acts, therefore meets an identified need within the Hong Kong community. The South China Citizen's map uses an open source crowd-sourcing tool called Ushahidi to map environmental issues in Hong Kong. The Citizen Map site's tag line "For Hong Kong by Hong Kong" suggests ownership of both the project and the land itself by the people, it invites citizens to report instances of environmental destruction and disputed land use. As such it is a form of citizen surveillance. The map is interactive; sites of improper land use are pinpointed on a map by the placement of circles, the larger the circle, the larger the number of reports there are for a particular incident. Clicking a within a circle opens a dialogue box with brief details, clicking within that box opens an incident report page containing more comprehensive details including photographs and the option to append further details to the report. The act of digitally mapping and tagging environmental events provides the citizenry with a widely accessible forum for complaint, and the prospect of exerting some form of power over their environment.

[Part 2] References: Citizen Map (2010). Retrieved from: http://citizenmap.scmp.com/main Jett, J. (2010) SCMP uses citizen reporting to map environmental destruction. Retrieved from: http://jennjettkw.wordpress.com/2010/11/16/scmp-uses-citizen-reporting-to-map-environmental-destruction/ Ushahidi (2010). Retrieved from: http://www.ushahidi.com/

Nelson, A. (2011). The limits of the 'Twitter revolution. The Gaurdian  Retrieved 11th April 2011, from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/24/digital-media-egypt   

Nelson makes a strong argument suggesting the 2011 Egypt uprising was not necessarily fuelled by social media; instead she links it to years of oppression and dictatorship as the main triggers. On the flipside, many of Nelson's statements need to be challenged. Firstly, she states that only 15,000 Egyptians were tweeting - out of a population of 80 million - throughout the protests. What she fails to mention is that less than 20% of Egyptians actually have Internet access (Internet World Stats, 2011). In addition, many of these users also reside outside of Cairo and may not have directly participated in the demonstrations. Lastly, the Internet and SMS services were shutdown in Egypt two days after the initial January 25th demonstration and this act would drastically reduce numbers as the only way to circumvent the block was through dialup or a voice-to-tweet service. An interesting concept raised in this article is 'slackivism', a term coined to describe the attraction of getting caught up in the euphoria of online activism. The benefits however have little or no impact on society because clicking a 'like' button within a Facebook group is far from participatory and adds very little value to the cause. Instead, Nelson argues that web users need to be better educated in the use and the expectations of crisis-mapping platforms to effectively participate. Sukey , an anti-police kettling web application is a recent example of internet enabled, active participation. Its use during a recent political demonstration in London resulted in successful, non-violent outcome (Kingsley, 2011). This was attributed to activists working together and feeding information from Twitter, Google Maps and news feeds into Sukey to counter the act the police kettling. This example highlights that technical aptitude and active participation are required to effectively coordinate a internet enabled, protest. Internet World Stats - Usage and Population Statistics. (2011

References: Morozov, E. (2009). Moldova's Twitter Revolution. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/04/07/moldovas_twitter_revolution Nelson, A. (2011). The Limits Of The "Twitter Revolution". Retrieved April, 16 2011. From http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/24/digital-media-egypt

The Social Issues Research Centre (SIRC) is an independent, non-profit organisation that conducts research on social and lifestyle issues. It aims to provide balanced perspectives on social issues and to promote rational debate based on evidence rather than ideology (Social Issues Research Centre, 2011) . In this paper Elanor Taylor, a social researcher, tries to understand the nature of flash mobs and whether they are just for fun or whether they are potentially a new form of protest movement. Sean Savage, credited with naming flash mobs (2006) is quoted as saying that "If anyone tells you they know what the point is, they either don't know what they are talking about, or they're lying" (as cited in Taylor, 2003) . Taylor provides a set of instructions for a London flash which reveal a "combination of military efficiency, complete anonymity, rapid communication and organisation by internet"(Taylor, 2003). The motivation to attend is this left up to the individual. Taylor indicates that there are some, such as the website why-war.com (Why War?, 2003) and cyclist activist group Critical Mass (Carlssson, 2011a) that would like to see flash mobs put to a political purpose rather than be apolitical.

Chris Carlsson, founder of Critical Mass wrote: Critical Mass is a movement with no leaders or formal organization behind it. No one in charge - which is another way of saying "everyone is in charge!" There are as many ideas about what Critical Mass is as there are participants (2011b) Taylor questions whether this can actually happen: "what use is a political protest with no-figure head?" (2003). In light of recent events in Iran and Egypt I think Taylor has been a little premature in discounting flash mobs as a form of political protest. Carlssson, C.(2011a). Critical Mass. Retrieved from http://www.sfcriticalmass.org/ Carlssson, C. (2011b, January 26). Critical Mass & Radical Politics: A Forum [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.sfcriticalmass.org/page/2/ Savage, S. (2006, March 29). Flash Mob Flashback . Cheesebikini? [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.cheesebikini.com/2006/03/29/flash-mob-flashback/ Social Issues Research Centre.(2011). About SIRC. Retrieved from http://www.sirc.org/about/about.html Taylor, E. (2003). Dadaist lunacy or the future of protest? : An introduction to the world of flash-mobbing. Social Issues Research Centre. Retrieved from http://www.sirc.org/articles/flash_mob.shtml Why War? (2003, August 1). An Introduction to Swarming and the Future of Protesting [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.why-war.com/features/2003/07/swarming.html

Are FlashMobs Collaborative Behavior? The question arises as to whether or not FlashMobs are truly collaborative behavior. While there is definitely a conversation taking place and a resultant activity, this resultant activity does not have a specific achievement or productive task to complete. A talk from Howard Reingold (Rheingold, 2005) describes the history of human collaboration and has some ideas about the potential benefits of worldwide social collaborative behavior. This talk also includes a discussion of social dilemmas: the prisoner's dilemma and the tragedy of the commons. These are important factors in understanding why people collaborate or co-operate. Collaboration is the basis for bringing together the knowledge, experience and skills of multiple persons to contribute to the development of a new product, idea or activity. Collaboration is a more effective problem solving solution than individuals performing narrow tasks in support of a defined plan or programme. Essential requirements for effective collaboration include early involvement and the availability of resources to effectively collaborate. This uses a culture that supports teamwork, cooperation and collaboration as well as co-location or virtual co- location and some form of collaboration technology. Flashmobs seem to lack the problem solving aspects of true collaborative behaviour. It is more a themed social gathering than a co-operative task solving exercise. Works Cited Rheingold, H. (2005, February). Howard Rheingold on collaboration. Retrieved April 7, 2011, from Ted: http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/eng/howard_rheingold_on_collaboration.html

[Please note: This comment is in two parts due to Diigo restrictions on length] Topic of Study: Flash Mobs Eric Kluitenberg is a researcher studying the significance of new technologies. In this article, he "draws attention to a number of activist strategies to encourage public and private action in a hybrid space." Flash mobs are "semi-spontaneous public gatherings of groups of people...[not usually] known to one another, nondescript, with no determining characteristics [who] briefly perform some collective synchronous action, and then dissolve...back into 'the general public'..." who are alerted to "Directions and information about...[gatherings via]...text messages, or e-mails...with the aim of starting a chain reaction resulting in...an unpredictably large mob at a predetermined time and place" (Kluitenberg, 2006). Kluitenberg (2006, p. 8) believes that Flash Mobs and other earlier examples of mass public gatherings, street parties, and demonstrations, all highlight the fact that "we are living in a space in which the public is reconfigured by a multitude of media and communication networks interwoven into the social and political functions of space to form a 'hybrid space.' [Continued in the comment below]

[Continued from previous comment above] This unique explanation of why and how Flash Mobs and other spontaneous public gatherings occur is based on the fact that the 'traditional' space found in cities has now been "overlaid by electronic networks...creating a highly unstable system, uneven and constantly changing" (Kluitenberg, 2006, p. 8). Although I feel that Kluitenberg's rationale may be too removed from what is actually occurring in relation to Flash Mobs, I believe he is correct in stating that the increasing use of mobile communication technologies has assisted the rise of "new social morphologies...[such as]...the flash mob" (Kluitenberg, 2006, p. 8) and that this type of phenomenon is perhaps indicative of the transience of modern life and the way community spaces are employed in modern times. The populace is increasingly pressed for time and usually always on the move, so the phenomenon of flash mobs, in one sense, is a unique response to the temporality of modern suburban and city life. REFERENCES Kluitenberg, E. (2006). The Network of Waves: Living and Acting in a Hybrid Space. Retrieved April 5, 2010 from: http://www.socialbits.org/papers

This article describes various scenarios showing individuals and groups using technology to engage with traditional public spaces in socially and politically influential ways. As the author of this work explains, "traditional space is being overlaid by electronic networks such as those for mobile telephones and other wireless media"; and the resulting environments "...can not be properly understood without a very precise analysis of the structure of that space"(Kluitenberg, 2006. p8). By looking at the social and technological factors that allow these events to take place, we can understand how networks and collaboration projects are carried out in these 'hybrid spaces'. This way of analyzing a group's or individual's uses of technology in public spaces supports research from an article that I have posted to Diigo - 'The Internet is Here': Emergent Coordination and Innovation of Protest Forms in Digital Culture'. The author of this work states that 'as modes of social interaction... become increasingly rich it becomes easier for online culture to bleed into what William Gibson dubbed the "meatspace", and for events from the "meatspace" to reverberate back into the computer mediated world' (Underwood, P., Welser, H. 2011). While Underwood's paper investigates Anonymous' internal workings and uses of technology as they battled with the Church of Scientology in 2008, it also shows that Anonymous exists in what Kluitenberg's acknowledges as 'Space Flows', surviving on the "intangible flows of information, communication, services and capital"(Kluitenberg, 2006. p9). This is a benefit of Anonymous' decentralized networks and both articles reflect the fact that "the more decisions that are made at the 'nodes' ...instead of at the 'hubs' ..., the more chance there is of a space in which the sovereign subject is able to shape his or her own autonomy."(Kluitenberg, 2006. p14) Referneces Kluitenberg, E. (2006). The Network of Waves: Livi