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alio S

Project: Carousel! » How to organise a successful student protest using onlin... - 1 views

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    Project: Carousel! » How to organise a successful student protest using online tools The author of this article is Pontus Westerberg is a member of the Project Carousel! Team, "a student-led online community working under the auspices of the Centre for Media and Film Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London". This brief article advises student protesters which online tools may be useful for organising protests and keeping protesters informed. The recommended tools include Twitter, blogs, video, plus online mapping tools. The article also recommends creating a central node, such as a website to tie all these disparate elements together, and as an example links to the UCL occupation page (http://www.ucloccupation.com/), which shows an example of this being done. Westerberg gives an overview on the use of Twitter hashtags to organise protest conversations, making them easier to keep track of, citing examples of these such as the #demo2010 that was used to organise conversations around the student protest that took place on the 24th October 2010. The 140 character limitation imposed by Twitter, also makes Blogs an attractive online tool for protest, offering a forum where ideas and issues can be disseminated and discussed in a lengthier format. Westerberg also provides examples showing the effectiveness of images and video in getting a message across, and indicates that there are benefits in utilising humour and encouraging user generated content. Overall the article provides basic information, but links to quite a few interesting examples of sites and tools that are being used by the student protest movement in the United Kingdom. References: Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Retrieved from: http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-s
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    Thanks for sharing this article Alio. It is very interesting to learn of yet another different culture group where people have taken to using social networking for the purpose of people power and creating protests. This is along the same lines of the organisation I have chosen; however, on a different scale. You stated in your above comment, "The recommended tools include Twitter, blogs, video, plus online mapping tools. The article also recommends creating a central node, such as a website to tie all these disparate elements together" (Alio S, 2011). How true is that? The main site for Avaaz (2011), also acts as a central node with its main branches being Email, Twitter and Facebook. The author of your chosen article, Pontus Westerberg seems to be very interested in "interested in how the web can be used for social good, the 'death' (or not) of journalism and ICT for development" (Westerberg, n.d.), and has written a number of articles pertaining to social media, activism and more. When I began researching for this project, I did attempt to find out how to set up a protest, but I obviously was not searching with the write keywords. I have found this article to be useful for not just understanding a protest, but also aids in how to create one. References: Alio S. (2011). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Project: Carousel. Diigo - oua_net308_2011 group. Retrieved from http://groups.diigo.com/group/oua_net308_2011 Avaaz.org. (2011).The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en Westerberg, P. (n.d.). Articles by Pontus Westerberg. Project: Carousel. Retrieved from http://www.projectcarousel.org/author/pontus/ Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful st
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    This article from the Project Carousel website is a step by step guide describing how to organize "a successful protest using online tools" (Westerberg, P. 2010). It was created specifically for student activists however it would be adaptable to many forms of online collaboration since it shows efficient strategies for creating independent networks using free web services and social networking tools. This is similar to a guide describing how to create localized 'cell' based networks from 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization', an article that I have posted to Diigo. Both of these guides explain practical methods for creating and working across decentralized networks, focusing on free online resources and web services. They also identify the primary need for a central point of contact (or node) which is connected to multiple communication and content sharing websites (as satellite services). These methods of collaboration describe "local cells that keep in touch through their decentralized networks" (anon, 2011), yet they are also effective ways to organize, manage and create widely accessible and secure channels for global communications. Both articles show techniques that allow a group to form strong and flexible networks with like minded people from across world. Refeences anon. (2011) 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization'. Anonymous Hamburg. 23rd of February 2011. Available from: http://hamburger-anon.blogspot.com/2011/02/tools-to-help-revolutions-part-ii.html Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Available from: http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-student-protest-using-online-tools/
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    Project Carousel is a 'student-led online community based at the Centre for Media and Film Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London' (Project Carousel, n.d.). The article was written Pontus Westerberg in 2010, during the student protests regarding student fees. It was written as a how-to guide to help would-be protesters make the most of social media to add their voices to the campaign in an open, transparent way. Westerberg is less informational and more instructional in his advice to establish a profile using popular social media tools like Twitter, with hashtags, creating a blog and making videos, making a particular point to be humorous at the expense of authority. 'Do something funny', suggesting that positive attention may be garnered through fun and humour. Unlike the Anonymous movement, Project Carousel appears to endorse, if not outright encourage, transparent participation with user-generated content and boldly putting faces and names toward the campaign. The points made in the article may seem obvious, but new inductees to the social media mechanism, eager to participate, would find these easy-to-follow steps a clear guide to joining the protests and being heard. Though not a crowd-funding or crowd-sourcing tool, it does provide a useful guide to generating interest from 'the crowd', be it a personal project or a community-conscious endeavour.. Westerberg, P. (2010). How to organise a successful student protest using online tools. Project: Carousel!. Retrieved from http://www.projectcarousel.org/2010/11/how-to-organise-a-successful-student-protest-using-online-tools/.
sheila mclean

Ackerman, S (February 4, 2011) Prayers, Protest, Police Brutality: Raw Videos From Egyp... - 2 views

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    Spencer Ackerman is an American national security reporter and blogger. This article appeared in Wired magazine's national security blog, Danger Room. In this article, Ackerman describes how in late January, 2011, the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, responded to hundreds of thousands of anti-government demonstrators protesting on the Egyptian streets by shutting off the internet and mobile phone access. The purpose of this was to keep the activists from organising further protests. This move did not work however, and the protesters didn't disperse. They did not have access to Facebook and Twitter, but instead took to the streets and protested in the traditional way. Al Jazeera, and other satellite news networks kept the public worldwide focused on the events. Mubarak then "began a brutal crackdown, with regime loyalists targeting dissidents and foreign journalists alike." (Ackerman, 2011) Despite the crackdown, says Ackerman, "the world still had viral-ready video footage of the truth of Egypt's precarious uprising", some of which can be viewed by clicking on the images in the article. A particular comment by a young female street protestor featured in one of the videos was interesting: "It's not about the internet," she said, "it's about the needs and demands of the Egyptian people". REFERENCE: Ackerman, S (February 4, 2011) Prayers, Protest, Police Brutality: Raw Videos From Egypt's Uprising Wired Retrieved 8th April, 2011 from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/02/cairo-protest-videos/?pid=345
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    This article by a senior Danger Room reporter Spencer Ackerman consists of a video interview with a very articulate young person talking about the situation in Egypt. The protest is about replacing the current regime with a democratically elected government. The interviewer asks about the effect of shutting down the Internet on the protests to which the reply was that there was no real effect on the protest, as people were not relying on the Internet. And then further added "It's not about the Internet it's about the needs and demands of the Egyptian people"(Ackerman, 2011). That particular question assumes that Internet communications played a part in mobilising large numbers of protestors, in a similar method to flash mobs in other parts of the world. But Issandr el-Amrani, a Cairo writer and activist told Danger Room that only a quarter of the Egyptian populace is online (Kravets, 2011). Suggesting that the protests grew by leaflets ad word of mouth. The Internet is not only a useful tool in organising large groups of people, it is also important in ensuring that news of a flash mob, or in this case a protest is distributed to as many people as possible. The flow of information is multi-directional. This article highlights that communications technology has important role to play in the mobilisation of large numbers of people and the dissemination of information, but also that not everyone has the same levels of Internet connectivity.
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    References: Ackerman, S. (2011). Prayers, Protest, Police Brutality: Raw Videos From Egypt's Uprising. Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/02/cairo-protest-videos/?pid=345 Kravets, D. (2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Wired. Retrieved from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/social-media-oppression/
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    The spotlight on the Northern Africa has been reignited on 15 April 2011 by release of the letter signed by US, British and French leaders. US President Barack Obama, British Prime Minister David Cameron and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have said in a joint letter that there can be no peace in Libya while Muammar Gaddafi stays in power. They want to put a stop to the terrible horrors at Gaddafi's hands. The joint letter holds out the prospect of reconstruction for Libya with the help of the "UN and its members" (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13090646). The 'domino effect' political situation in Northern Africa has been closely watched by the whole world. The Egypt attracted attention not just for its political protests but how the country's Internet and its services were shut down by its government during the protests. This demonstrates a level of power government can have over its people and communication. At the time of revolution the Egypt's dictator Hosni Mubarak messages and intentions were clear to grasp by anyone paying attention to politics: It is me 'Hosni Murabak' who controls the power in this country including the media; shutting down of the Internet and its services will put a stop to a fast communication platform for Egypt's people and connection with rest of the world; Egypt doesn't want any interferences from other countries, this is 'our revolution'; we will sort it out and I will stay in power as long as possible. According to Spencer Ackerman 'Suddenly, a protest movement that used Facebook pages and Twitter hashtags to coordinate and push its message out was back to the old-fashioned methods of street politicking'. However, according to other media coverage the Twitter was found as most powerful tool in network communication during the Egypt's Internet service government shut down. (e.g. Bergstrom, G. (2011). Egypt: The First Twitter
sheila mclean

The First Twitter Revolution? - 0 views

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    This article, written by Ethan Zuckerman, a senior researcher at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society, discusses the role of social media in the events that led to the Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine fleeing the country on January 14th this year. Zuckerman compares the media coverage and online community support received by Iranians during the 2009 protests and the coverage in Tunisia, which didn't receive anywhere near the same amount of attention. As Zuckerman puts it, "the irony is that social media likely played a significant role in the events that have unfolded in the past month in Tunisia, and that the revolution appears far more likely to lead to lasting political change." (Zuckerman, 2011) The protests in Tunisia began after the suicide of an unemployed university graduate whose informal vegetable stall had been "shuttered by the police" (Zuckerman, 2011). Protests began spreading from city to city. Although Ben Ali's government tightly controlled all forms of media, Facebook remained uncensored throughout the protests. This meant that Tunisians were able to follow unfolding events on Facebook. They were then able to share what was happening with the rest of the world by posting videos to YouTube, and the end result was that "a popular revolt toppled an Arab dictator" (Zuckerman, 2011). One important point that Zuckerman makes is that it is wrong to attempt to credit "a massive political shift to a single factor -- technological, economic, or otherwise --... Tunisians took to the streets due to decades of frustration, not in reaction to a WikiLeaks cable, a denial-of-service attack, or a Facebook update." (Zuckerman, 2011)
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    (Post continued) The concluding comment is particularly insightful, considering the article was written before recent events in Egypt occurred: "Scholars aren't the only ones who want to know whether social media played a role in the end of Ben Ali's reign -- it's likely to be a hot topic of conversation in Amman, Algiers, and Cairo, as other autocratic leaders wonder whether the bubbling cauldron of unemployment, street protests, and digital media could burn them next." (Zuckerman, 2011) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- REFERENCE Zuckerman, E (January 14, 2011) The First Twitter Revolution? Foreign Policy Retrieved April 13, 2011 from http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/14/the_first_twitter_revolution?page=0,1
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    The ideas around Twitter and other social media sites like Facebook bring up an interesting discussion when assessing their involvement with political activism and collaboration. There does seem to be quite a divided view around the influence and involvement social media has played in recent events as you stated Sheila in Tunisia and also in Egypt. Social media does not take credit for all the peoples contribution and determination to be involved in the protests but it still is an extremely useful tool for the collaboration and organization of people on such a large scale, playing an important role in facilitating these protests (Morozov, 2009). There's no question that Twitter definitely helped to spread the information about what was happening in Tunisia, as demonstrated by the tweets and videos and other media (Ingram, 2011). At least one Tunisian revolutionary, who runs a website called Free Tunisia explained that social media such as Twitter along with cellphones, text messaging and various websites was crucial to the flow of information and helped protesters gather and plan their demonstrations (Ingram, 2011). The reality is that Twitter is an information distribution network that it is in real-time and easily distributed to the masses. Messages can be re-published thousands of times and transmitted halfway around the world in the blink of an eye (Ingram, 2011; Morozov, 2009). That is a very powerful thing, in part because the more rapidly the news is distributed; the more it can create a sense of momentum, both the examples of Egypt and Tunisia demonstrate this power of online collaboration. Some critics see that these issues have been arising throughout history well before the use of social media, which is not underestimated but the interesting point is the way humans are now evolving, using these platforms of communication to their advantage, to collaborate and organise such events. Social media may not be the only factor that is involved in these
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    protests but as recent events have shown, a platform that can organise and communicate with over 85,0000 people to take part in a political protest should never be underestimated (Hauslohner, 2011). References Ingram, M. (2011). Was What Happened In Tunisia A Twitter Revolution? Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://gigaom.com/2011/01/14/was-what-happened-in-tunisia-a-twitter-revolution/ Morozov, E. (2009). Moldova's Twitter Revolution. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/04/07/moldovas_twitter_revolution Hauslohner, A. (2011). Is Egypt About To Have A Facebook Revolution? Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2044142,00.html
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    Ethan Zuckerman's article brings us closer to a political situation in Tunis during the peak of the reported protests. Included image of the woman protester in the front of a flag makes a headline more interesting and debatable. Zuckerman writes about what sparked the actual protests, reactions of the Tunisian government, Tunisia's protests influencing neighborhood countries and how media off and on line functioned during the events. Zimmerman also writes about the reactions from outside the Middle East - from those countries celebrating a peace oriented time such as Christmas Day and New Year's holidays and at the same time hearing and seeing headlines about a shooting in Arizona. Zuckerman says that more attention would be given to the Tunisian protests through media during slow news month. He then analyzes Iran's promoting the Green Movement to on online audience that followed the tweets and Facebook posts and compares it with Tunisia's support from the online community. According to Zimmerman, social media played a significant role in Tunisia despite government's having a tight control over on and off line media. Zimmerman writes that the Government prevented reporters from traveling to the protest hot spots and what I understood from the Zimmerman's words - the media reports were prohibited with titles like vandalism or terrorism. As an alternative, Tunisians had access to uncensored pictures from the Facebook and communicated the political protests to the rest of the world by using YouTube and Dailymotion. The article highlighted existence of online audience and usage of social networking applications throughout the Tunisian events; however to me as a reader the content did not support sufficiently its title 'The First Twitter Revolution'.
alio S

Sukey apps built to help protesters avoid police kettles (Wired UK) - 3 views

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    "Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles" Sukey is a recently developed online tool for protesters. It is made up of a suite of applications that allow protesters to either submit or access information about police presence on roads or junctions during protests. Sukey can be accessed and updated online from any connected computer and also via mobile phones, meaning that protesters potentially have access to relevant information no matter where they are. There are two flavours of Sukey for mobiles, smart phones with GPS and Internet browsers can use the "Roar" version of Sukey which includes helpful graphics like a compass and an interactive google map (Doctrow 2011). The "Growl" version of the application is suitable for older mobile phones and is basically an SMS update service. Information is gathered by people on site at protests, from specially tagged Twitter comments, from news broadcast footage and geotagged photos from Flickr. Location information can also be submitted via Google Latitude or by SMS. This crowd-sourced information is intended to allow protesters to make informed decisions and hopefully avoid kettling. Kettling is a practice used by police whereby protesters are surrounded and confined, sometimes for hours on end without access to food, shelter or toilet facilities. At present the platform is only available in London, but the developers have plans to release national and international versions. References: Doctrow, C. (2011). Sukey: an anti-kettling app for student demonstrators in London. Retrieved from: http://boingboing.net/2011/01/28/sukey-an-anti-kettli.html Geere, D. (2011). Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles. Retrieved from: http
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    Thank you for sharing Alio. This is the first I have heard of Sukey and after reading Geere's blog post, I can really appreciate its usefulness throughout political demonstrations, in particularly the recent protests in Egypt. After some further research it appears Sukey emerged on January 27, 2011, two days after the initial January 25th 2011, Egypt demonstrations; however, there appears to be no connection between the two. The purpose of Sukey is to improve communications during protests and to counter the act of kettling, a crowd management tactic used by police that involves cornering protestors in a confined space with only one possible - normally guarded - exit (Kingsley, 2011). Sukey facilitates this through the amalgamation of information sources such as; Google Latitude, Geo tagged Flickr photos, Twitter and television news, feeding the content to web enabled phones or for a small fee traditional SMS. Throughout the Egypt uprising, there were many instances of kettling captured on video and submitted to YouTube - as per the below links. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rXbRdumboZ0&feature=related. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3xWiBCIxjIk&feature=related If available at the time Sukey may have been an advantageous asset to Egyptian activists. It can be argued that the police clashes - which resulted in numerous injuries and 125 deaths - could have been minimized if protestors had access to real-time information indicating police strategies. It is worth mentioning that Sukey would have been effective up to the point the Internet and mobile networks were shut down by Egyptian authorities. Provided there is robust communication infrastructure is in place, Sukey proves to be a powerful participatory tool that has the potential to reduce injuries and fatalities throughout demonstrations. Geere, D. (January 31, 2011). Sukey apps help protesters avoid police kettles: Wired [Blog Post]. Retrieved April 11, 2011, from, http://www.wired.co.uk/
alio S

Networked Protests in the UK: How Old and New Tactics are Being Used to Fight Rising Tu... - 2 views

  • concerns about the future of education are being voiced both online and offline, using a mix of traditional protest tactics and digital activism to get their message heard. 
  • students have turned to social media outlets to share concerns and coordinate actions
  • DIY radicalism has its own news channels, on Facebook pages and Twitter accounts and blogs,
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    [Part 1] This article brings together a number of links to UK student protest sites. Reading this and related articles it becomes clear that the students protesting about the UK government's fee cut policy are willing to use any tools at their disposal. Their primary aim has been to collaborate with, and inform supporters of offline physical protests; predominantly marches and occupations. The article itself is posted on the movements.org website, a non profit organisation whose stated mission is to identify, connect and support grassroots digital activists from around the world. The support offered by movement.org goes beyond the mere publication of articles and offers advice to individuals and groups on how to choose and best use digital tools. It is interesting to see the number of freely available digital tools that student protesters have used to disseminate information: Facebook, Twitter, websites, blogs, Google maps, YoutTube, open calendars and Flickr are all part of the student protesters' arsenal. Fast adoption of new technologies seems to be one of the strengths of the UK students' movement. Recently, for instance, student protesters in London used the new "Sukey" application, a conglomeration of tools like google maps, twitter and SMS, to avoid clashes with police (Kingley 2011). Google Maps too have been a useful tool and have been utilised to show the locations of upcoming protests, the map posted at http://www.feesprotest.com/ gives a good indication of the nationwide spread of student dissatisfaction, while at the same time hyperlinking to fairly detailed information for each locality and directing viewers to facebook protest pages for up to date information and interaction.
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    [Part 2] References: 30th November Here We Come. (2010). Retrieved from: http://www.feesprotest.com/ Cullum, B. (2010). NETWORKED PROTESTS IN THE UK: hOW OLD AND NEW TACTICS ARE BEING USED TO FIGHT RISING TUITION FEES. Retrieved from: http://www.movements.org/blog/entry/networked-protests-in-the-uk-how-old-and-new-tactics-are-being-used-to/ Kingsley, P. (2011). Inside the anti-kettling HQ. Retrieved from:  http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/feb/02/inside-anti-kettling-hq?INTCMP=SRCH
Alan Beazley

Kravets, D. (January 27, 2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. - 1 views

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    Kravet's Wired online article details the role social-media services such as; Facebook, Twitter and YouTube played in the 2011 Egypt political revolution. The primary focus of his article suggests the uprising was the result of years of oppression and dictatorship, not simply a Twitter or mass media revolution as some have labelled it (Bergstrom, 2009). Kravet does acknowledge the link between technology and modern upheavals by using the example of the fax machine and the role it played informing the world of the Tiananmen Square massacre. At the same time, he still emphasises that social-media and communication systems are used as an effective way of coordinating protests and political gatherings. A quarter of Egyptian citizens have Internet access; therefore, it can be said that social media is a powerful channel activists could utilise - in conjunction with leaflets and spontaneous amalgamation - to effectively facilitate organisation of the masses. Activists also used social media as a way of gauging the scope of their proposed protests by encouraging Facebook users to confirm their attendance. Prior to the Internet being blocked, one particular organiser had 80,000 confirmations for a January 29, 2011 demonstration. After the Egyptian government's initial block of popular, social-networking services (prior to the entire Internet being shutdown in Egypt) protestors took leverage from a variety of technologies such as; web proxies, VPNs and smartphone applications to gain access to Facebook and Twitter. Again this demonstrates the importance these tools play in information sharing and mass collaboration. Bergstrom, G. (2009). Egypt: The First Twitter Revolution? Retrieved, April 4 2011, from http://marketing.about.com/od/crisis_communication/a/egypt-mubarak-power-in-social-media.htm Kravets, D. (January 27, 2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Retrieved April 5, from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/
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    [Please note: This comment is in two parts due to Diigo restrictions on length] Thanks so much for adding this link Alan. I was amazed at how social media was used in helping to organize protests against the repression of the Mubarak regime in Egypt recently, yet saddened by the fact that the Egyptian Government erased Egypt from Global connectivity by shutting down the Internet across Egypt (Kravets, 2011b). As Kravets (2011b) heard from one reporter "The Egyptian government's actions tonight essentially wiped their country from the global map." What was most interesting however was how Kravets (2011a) explained that only one quarter of the Egyptian population had access to the Internet. Most of their revolution was organized the old-fashioned way via word-of-mouth, pamphlet distribution and the spontaneous gatherings of people intent on making a stand against Mubarak and his dictatorship (2011a). However despite Kravets reporting that perhaps this revolution would have occurred whether there was social media activity or not, the fact that the Egyptian government blocked access to the Internet, means that the world outside Egypt may not know what is happening until after the event - and therefore it may be too late to send assistance of any form. More importantly for the rise of social media and protests, the blocking of Egyptian Internet by their government highlights the fact that the power inherent in Internet-related social media activities was recognized. [Please navigate to the next comment]
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    [Continued from previous comment] In terms of my chosen topic of Flash Mobs, much of what occurs in public view is usually the result of months of planning, organizing and collaborating via emails and social media networks. If a Flash Mob is organized without Internet usage (both before and after the event), the impact would not be as great and therefore the issue highlighted by that activity would not have the desired global impact. The curious thing about Flash Mobs however is that they are usually organized without a cause and as such are simply a way to create a spectacle in an urban space (Molnar, 2009). Social media definitely assisted the people revolution in Egypt earlier this year, but until more of their population can gain access, organizational tools will be relying on the more traditional methods of leaflet distribution and gathering crowds street-by-street. Thanks again for sharing this article Alan - it definitely broadened my insular world and I look forward to reading about more current events regarding Egypt now that I have this background information. REFERENCES Kravets, D. (2011a). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Published by Wired January 27, 2011. Retrieved April 12, 2011 from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/social-media-oppression/ Kravets, D. (2011b). Internet Down in Egypt, Tens of Thousands Protest in 'Friday of Wrath.' Published by Wired January 27, 2011. Retrieved April 12, 2011 from: http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2011/01/egypt-internet-down/ Molnar, V. (2009). Reframing Public Space: Flash Mobs and the Futility of Contemporary Urban Youth Culture. Retrieved April 12, 2
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    I found Kravet's article interesting, particularly as I have been focusing on civil unrest and protests in Europe and the Middle East myself. Kravet acknowledged the link between technology and modern upheavals by using the example of the fax machine and the role it played informing the world of the Tiananmen Square massacre. In the last two hundred years technology has continued to facilitate communication - we have gone from print media to telephone, radio, television, and now of course computer technology, making the dissemination of information easier and more widespread. There is no doubt that social media is an effective tool in mobilizing and engaging citizens, but as Kravet says it is more than Twitter fuelling the Middle East protests. Peter Dahlgren, in Van de Donk et als "Cyberprotest: new media, citizens and social movements" (2004), summarised the role of the internet in the political arena. He said "we should avoid becoming obsessed with just the communication technology itself...we need to include in our analytical horizons the complex ways in which ICT's interplay with the dynamics of social movements, as well as with mainstream political structures and contemporary cultural trends that frame these movements" (Dahlgren, in 2004Van de Donk et al, p.xv) Thanks for sharing this article Alan. I can only imagine the wealth of scholarly articles and research that will be published in the next few years on the use of social media in political protests, its certainly an interesting topic to research. REFERENCES: Kravets, D. (2011). What's Fueling Mideast Protests? It's More Than Twitter. Published by Wired January 27, 2011. Retrieved April 13, 2011 from http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/social-media-oppression/ Van de Donk, W., Loader, B. Nixon, P. And Rucht, D. (eds). (2004) Cyberprotest: n
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    The article is interesting, but i just wanted to touch on the statements that were raised around communication after the Internet had actually been shut off. I was fascinated to read about how society can mobilize and use the resources that are available in times of need. Using third party proxies, organizers were able figure out ways to bypass the Egyptian Internet filters and to be able to once again access Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and other Internet sites (Osam, 2011). Despite the Internet blackout, landline communication was never blocked; Egyptians found another way to access the Internet through landlines dial-up Internet services and fax services. Egyptians living outside Egypt were receiving faxes through regular landline phones, by using Optical Character Recognition (OCR) technologies they could convert the fax image into text contents, and post the contents, news and updates into Facebook, Twitter and different blogs (Sutter, 2011). This convergence in technology just goes to show that these types of situations cannot be simply shut off by closing down all Internet connections within the country. As an indication on how fast online communication services are popping up into the spotlight, Google in the meantime launched a new service called "speak2tweet", which allowed Egyptians to call a regular landline number in Cairo and speak their tweet to an IVR/Voice recognition system. The speak2tweet system would then convert the caller voice message into a text tweet (Osam, 2011). References Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retrieved, April 13, 2011. From http://www.famousbloggers.net/the-erevolution.html
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    Sutter, J. (2011). The Faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved, April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html
tim findlay

The eRevolution - 1 views

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    This article is presented on famousboggers.com a blogging site dedicated to academics publishing writing on current events. In this article Mohamed Osam (network and computer engineer) talks about the technological factors leading up to the revolution in Egypt. The "eRevolution" was sparked by a group of young activists on Facebook, they were pushing for reform on freedom and social injustice (Osam, 2011). These Facebook groups attracted more than 85,000 protestors via group posts, and comments, while communicating heavily on twitter and sometimes cell phone SMS services (Osam, 2011). Other Facebook groups were initiated before and during the protests to support the logistics and the massive demonstrations that erupted all over Egypt. The "Rasd News Network (R.N.N)" Facebook group was one of the main contributors to the revolution, sending protest updates, news updates and politician and media reaction (Osam, 2011). With such a public outcry the Egyptian government shut down all Internet communication in Egypt, but by this time things had already escalated beyond the governments repair (Franco, 2011). After a few more days of the increasing number of protestors, high national and international pressures, and a total of 18 days of protesting, Omar Suleiman (the recently appointed Egyptian vice president) resigned his position (Franco, 2011). This article brings up interesting points around the effects of online collaboration and communication. What is the future for these types of online political movements? The factor that seems to be most interesting is the fact that there was social action and results gained by taking the fight online just as offline. The power of online collaboration has obviously proven its point with these recent events in Egypt, so where too next? Could this type of political movement be a stepping-stone for further political activism or just like many other tools be used for both positive and negative behavior? Some see this as
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    being a dangerous example on creating unrest and instability in society. All these questions can only be answered in time, but it does make you think about social media in a completely different light, representing the power and capability of these platforms to gain exposure and organization to a vast audience. References Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retreived, April 13, 2011. From http://www.famousbloggers.net/the-erevolution.html Franco, J. (2011). Egyptian government orders Internet blackout amid protests. Retreived, April 13, 2011. From http://www.techspot.com/news/42194-egyptian-government-orders-internet-blackout-amid-protests.html
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    Quote: On Jan 25th, 2011, the world for the first time has witnessed a revolution that brilliantly leveraged the power of social networking tools to overthrow a corrupt regime. Facebook, twitter and blogs were all used to mobilize people all over Egypt (Osam, 2011a) . This article can be related to mine in different ways. From further research, the organisation that I have used in this project Avaaz, has also aided to Egypt's cause and is still aiding toward Egypt's plight. In one way, they are seeking one million signatures on a partition called Stand With The People of Egypt, where they hope to "... end three decades of repressive rule" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). This petition includes links to also promote it through the use of Email, Facebook and Twitter to spread the word. Concurrently, Avaaz has also helped Egypt with a petition to stop Mubarak taking "... billions in stolen public money with him" (Avaaz.org, 2011b). Avaaz needed to collect 550,000 signatures, which they were successful in collecting. The author Muhamed Osam wrote the article, The eRevolution (Osam, 2011a), using a variety of sources and incorporates links to them. Osam has written a few other articles, and is very popular in social media sites such as Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn and others. His biography states that he is "A network engineer and a security specialist with a BSc degree in Computer Engineering, MS in Computer Networks, MBA in International Business and MS in global management" (Osam, n.d.) I agree with Tim Findlay's thoughts as he concludes that, "... it does make you think about social media in a completely different light, representing the power and capability of these platforms to gain exposure and organization to a vast audience" (Findlay, 2011). These organisations and the use of social networking tools do seem to make the world a smaller but better place.
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    References: Avaaz.org. (2011). Stand With The People Of Egypt. Avaaz - The World in Action. Retrieved from https://secure.avaaz.org/en/democracy_for_egypt/?fpla Avaaz.org. (2011). Freeze Mubarak's stolen fortune. Avaaz - The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/mubaraks_fortune/ Findlay, T. (2011). eRevolution on Diigo - oua_net308_2011 group. Retrieved from http://groups.diigo.com/group/oua_net308_2011 Osam, M. (n.d.). Articles by Mohamed Osam. The eRevolution. Retrieved from http://www.famousbloggers.net/author/mohamedosam Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retrieved from http://www.famousbloggers.net/the-erevolution.html
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    This is a great article that describes the technological and social influences that allowed millions of people to network and collaborate online during the protests in Egypt earlier this year. It shows how many citizens of Egypt successfully used various online services and tools in maintaining communications and mobilizing massive group actions throughout this time. The author explains how this was "the first revolution sparked, managed and orchestrated by social networking, by Facebook, twitter, blogs and YouTube"(Osam, M. 2011); and questions any potential harm that may arise from such seemingly powerful tools of social and political change. This supports the article 'Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival' that I have posted to Diigo. These works investigate the widespread use of both public and anonymous web services in the coordination of information, communications and group movements during social and political protests in the Middle East. They show how these platforms were used as flexible networking and collaborating tools which effectively reached large numbers of people. While the Anonymous article focuses on the creation and distribution of their 'Revolution Survival Guide' for Tunisians - using tools that allowed "simple, free, and publicly "anonymous" way(s) to share and collaborate on information" (Clay, K. 2011); the Egyptian protests were initially "sparked by a group of young activists on Facebook"(Osam, M. 2011). These different networking and collaboration platforms were successfully used as social and political tools against oppressive regimes. References Clay, K. (2011). Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival. Social Media and Technology. 25th of February 2011. Available from: http://www.lockergnome.com/social/2011/02/25/anonymous-uses-collaborative-document-sharing-tool-for-social-survival Osam, M. (2011). The eRevolution. Retreived, April 13, 2011. From
Alan Beazley

Voice tweets sidestep Egypt web ban. (February 1, 2011). ABC News online. Retrieved A... - 2 views

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    This ABC online article highlights some important aspects about the use of social-media and the role it played organising, coordinating and documenting Egypt's 2011 uprising. Firstly, the initial ban of web services such as Facebook and Twitter was an indication of the Egyptian government recognising the power, connectedness and participatory nature of social-media . In an attempt to silence the demonstrators and to avoid a repeat of the 2009 Iran revolution, Egyptian authorities took it one step further and not only blocked certain web site but completely shut down access to the entire world-wide-web (Stone, 2009). This act alone illustrates the fragility of the Internet, despite its decentralised design. Literally, with the flick of a switch, Internet Service Providers acting on government instructions blocked web access within the country. It can be argued the political protesting in Egypt would occur with our without a social-media influence; however, it is still important to examine the length Egyptian demonstrators went to in order to circumvent the Internet block and continue to take leverage from popular social media services. An example is the use of 'voice-to-tweet' - a cooperative development by Google, Twitter and an online voice provider called SayNow. This innovation allowed Egyptians to call a telephone number and leave a message which would automatically be converted to text, published on Twitter and tagged with #Egypt. This example highlights Twitter and new media being used for collaboration and participation; specifically between citizen activists and journalists around the world. Much like the Internet, news media was also blocked within Egypt and reporters faced the same communication challenges as everybody else, this workaround however was an effective way for Egyptians to stay connected and ensure their stories were continuing to be voiced to the eagerly listening global audience. Stone, B. (June 15, 2009). Social Net
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    This article dated 1 February 2011 announced a new service whereby voicemail sent to several mobile numbers could be converted into text messages and subsequently posted to twitter with a special hashtag appended. The hashtag #egypt served to organise the received tweets into a searchable topic. The service was developed by Google in consultation with Twitter and a third application, a social online voice platform called SayNow. It aimed to bypass the Egyptian government's shut down of the Internet and to facilitate the free speech of Egyptian protesters and the dissemination of information. In an article written for the Guardian on 3rd February 2011, Patrick Kingsley mentions the Egyptian government shutting down both Internet and mobile access. Egyptian protesters, however, refused to give in and "improvised by using dial-up connections"(Kingsley 2011) that continued to enable this new "speak to tweet" technology" (Kingsley 2011). There appears to be a dialectic at play whereby protesters make use of new technologies to communicate and collaborate and the government responds by blocking access to the technology being thus used. Protesters then find alternative ways to access the technologies that facilitate their communication and collaboration. The Egyptian government's actions to stifle what it considers dissent, led Shervin Pishevar, founder of the Open Mesh project, to begin work on developing small, easy to conceal, mobile routers that can create "mesh networks between people with computers or other wifi-connected devices and others with these pocket-sized routers, so the information can hop along until it can find someone near enough an uplink to the outside world to get the information through" (Meadows 2011). Open Mesh routers are still in development, but promise to create an alternative avenue for protester communications, one that will be more difficult for governments to shut down.
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    REFS: ABC News (2011). Voice tweets sidestep Egypt web ban. Retrieved from: http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2011/02/01/3126626.htm Kingsley, P. (2011). Inside the anti-kettling HQ. Retrieved from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2011/feb/02/inside-anti-kettling-hq?INTCMP=SRCH Meadows, C. (2011). Open Mesh Project seeks to use mesh networking to promote freedom. Retrieved from: http://www.teleread.com/net-related-tooks-from-search-engines-to-blogware/open-mesh-project-seeks-to-use-mesh-networking-to-promote-freedom/
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    Don't call it a Twitter revolution just yet is the message from Kravets in his article on recent protests in Egypt. "It's about years of repression and dictatorship. Revolutions existed before Twitter and Facebook," said Issandr el-Amrani, a Cairo writer and activist, said in a telephone interview from Tunisia. These important statements bring closer a situation in the Egypt and what role played Twitter during recent protests raging through Egypt. It is known fact that the technology has always been linked to political activities. People always find new ways how to communicate as long as it is fast and reliable for the information to get out to public either locally or worldwide. It is no surprise the Twitter provided communication link to people in Egypt and between Egypt and the rest of the world while Egyptian government shut down the Internet and its attached SMS and VOIP phone coverage services during the protests. As stated by Cairo writer and activist, 'revolutions existed before the Twitter' which is correct and revolutions will exist after the Twitter's life is over and will be replaced with something new that may offer its communication services when needed.
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    The events that unfolded during the uprising in Egypt are a good example of how flexible and mobile social networks can be in relation to effective communication between members of society. Through the Egyptian government shutting off all Internet connections collaborative efforts were made by both Twitter and Google to still allow information to be distributed throughout the country. As stated above, the speak-to-tweet services were available in which voicemail messages were left and then converted into text messages, which were then posted via twitter (ABC News, 2011). This is a great example of how devices can be implemented and used to adjust to the situation at hand. In one of my previous posts I talked about the United States becoming concerned around social media's effectiveness in relation to social protest, in which they have made plans to impose legislation to create a 'kill switch' to re-create what the Egyptian government previous did, cut all lines of Internet communication in times of political disturbance (Grubb & Moses, 2011). The elements that unfolded in Egypt after the lines of Internet communication were cut is a good example of how other devices can be implemented for information to be distributed amongst society. It is not as simple as cutting off an Internet connection and assume that collaborative communication will cease. Just as the US government has seen the warning signs of the power of social networks, society has also seen the weakness in relying on a national Internet service. 'Mesh' Networks as I previously stated in another post are currently underdevelopment for mobile phones in which there is no central device, instead each node is equipped with radio communications which acts as a relay point to other nodes, placing the pressure off obtaining a connection from a main server (Gedda ,2010).
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    References: ABC News (2011). Voice tweets sidestep Egypt web ban. Retrieved April 17, 2011 from: http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2011/02/01/3126626.htm Grubb, B; Moses, A. (2011). As Egypt goes offline US gets Internet 'kill switch' bill ready. Retrieved April 17, 2011. From http://www.theage.com.au/technology/technology-news/as-egypt-goes-offline-us-gets-internet-kill-switch-bill-ready-20110131-1aah3.html Gedda, R. (2010). Mobile Phone Coverage Expanded Via 'Mesh' Networks. Retrieved April, 17, 2011. from http://www.pcworld.idg.com.au/article/352948/mobile_phone_coverage_expanded_via_mesh_networks/.
alio S

Mobile communication and new sense of places: a critique of spatialization in... - 1 views

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    [Part 1] Lemos' paper depicts map-making as a socio-political act, an expression of power. Maps themselves are a visual way of presenting geographic information, and have been traditionally controlled by technicians, governments and private companies, but since the advent of interactive online tools, some of the power inherent in map-making has shifted to ordinary people. Interactive tools such as Google Maps, allow the everyday person to experience a new practice of place, as Lemos writes "mapping our moves on the streets allows us to control the space; it is territorialization. […] The use of GPS and other devices for location and location-based services puts the emphasis on control and domination over a territory" (Lemos 2008, p.15). From the perspective of student protesters in London at the end of 2010, the use of an interactive Google map (see and example at: http://www.movements.org/blog/entry/maptivism-in-london), allowed protest organisers to control the flow of digital information between cyberspace and the urban environment. Protesters themselves, those armed with locative media such as smart phones, had access to near real time data superimposed upon street maps relevant to their own position. This allowed protesters to collaborate by providing feedback to organisers or by reacting geographically to reported police location and action.
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    [Part 2] The act of real time digital mapping and urban annotation by protest movements potentially creates a new dynamic where the distribution of power relative to a location is altered. The ways in which citizens perceive the city and interact with its structure is changed when citizens have access to information about proximity and distance, when they are kept informed of lines of escape from controlled spaces. The act of protesting creates a temporary urban space, changing a location's social meaning. With the use of digital mapping tools a mobile social network is created, one that has the potential to communicate more effectively than the police forces arrayed against them. References: Cullum, B. (2010). Maptivism in London. Retrieved from: http://www.movements.org/blog/entry/maptivism-in-london Lemos, A.(2008). Mobile communication and new sense of places: a critique of spatialization in cyberculture.  Retrieved from:  http://www.andrelemos.info/artigos/spatialization.pdf Live Protest Map (2010). Retrieved from: UCL Live Protest Map
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    Lemos' journal examines the notion that recent mobile innovations have facilitated new and socially focussed communication systems. Locative media is the primary focus of the article and Lemos argues that technology and its relationship with mobility, community and place are creating new forms of 'territorization' - a socio-political act that involves control, surveillance and tracking. The distinction is made that locative media creates new uses for non-virtual space and bridges the gap between the physical and the virtual. This is achieved through augmented reality, mobile information consumption, events and geo-mapping; all which reinforce collaboration and participation among real world communities. Examples of locative media and territorization include CitizenMap, a community focussed web service which utilises Google Maps, Twitter and news sources to identify and detail environmental incidents throughout Hong Kong and the South China region. Sukey, an anti-police kettling application is another example of locative media, this service aims to improve communications throughout demonstrations by feeding police tactics and information from an assortment of data sources such as Twitter, Google Maps, Flickr and directly aggregating it to mobile / SMS enabled devices (Sukey, 2011). What Lemos fails to expand on in the journal is the technical and participatory expectations required for the services to be successful. Without regular and active participation these services add little or no value to the community or the cause.
Taraeta Nicholls

The Power of Momentary Communities - Salmond, M (2010) - Journal of Media Geography - 0 views

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    This article was published in the Aether[1], Journal of Media Geography in 2010. It should be noted that whilst the article is written in an academic style Aether is not a commonly recognised Journal. The editors are academics at three different recognised universities giving credibility to this boutique publication. This paper argues that all FlashMob events are a form of protest. Salmond (2010) contrasts between illegal dance parties or Raves and 21st Century FlashMob events. One similarity between Flash Mobs and Raves is the creation of an instant community. This community in raves and Flash Mobs is the taking of land that is not being used and using it for public good, similar to the squatters culture. Salmond (2010) cites Coco (2008) stating, "The individuals became tied together under a group interest, creating a connection and bond whilst sharing in a local event." (p.92). The ubiquity of technology is discussed throughout the article reinforcing that technology has assisted in the development and promotion of FlashMob events. Salmond (2010) also looks to introduce variances on the FlashMob such as SmartMob and Protest Cell. The SmartMob is a more structured and organised event with a clearly defined purpose or cause, which can be on a global scale. The protest cell is the using of ring tones to protest against the decided cause. Salmond (2010) attempts to connect the legislation designed to stop illegal raves in the UK and apply it to the illegality of FlashMob events. This correlation is fragile but is not the main focus of the paper. There is a strong reliance by Salmond (2010) on the illegal nature of FlashMob events and less on the artistic performance aspect. Footnotes [1] http://130.166.124.2/~aether/index.html
Helen Pidoulas

Anonymous and the global correction - Opinion - Al Jazeera English - 4 views

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    The online protest group 'Anonymous' use web based networking and collaboration tools as effective ways to support and achieve their collective goals. This article follows the technological and social conditions that have shaped the groups innovative use of the internet as a tool for political protest. Like the author states, "as the social, political and technological environment has developed, some have already begun to explore new options, seizing new chances for digital activism"(Anonymous, 2011). In many ways it is hard to see how decentralized networks of like-minded protesters can achieve political change. While Anonymous are aware of how "a loose network of people with shared values and varying skill sets (providing) substantial help to a population abroad is seen as quixotic"(Anonymous, 2011), recent campaigns in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya are generally recognized as highly effective and indicative of what is achievable when collaborating on real world projects via web-based networks (see, Keane, B. 2011). Like Wikipedia and other mass-collaboration projects, it is a global network that drives Anonymous' influence. For example, anonymous use tools such as 'Low Orbit Ion Cannon'; or 'LOIC' (see, Arthur, C. 2010), allowing people from around the world to collaborate together. LOIC enables the group to carry out "distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks, involving thousands of computer users who request large amounts of data from a website simultaneously, overwhelming it" (Anonymous, 2011). Online systems of mass-collaboration are proving to be productive and influential vehicles for social or political change. To understand their success we need to acknowledge how the "technological infrastructure that allows these movements has been in place for well under a decade - but phenomena such as WikiLeaks and Anonymous have already appeared, expanded, and even become players within the geopolitical environment" (Anonymous, 2011).
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    How one man tracked down Anonymous-and paid a heavy price While Anonymous may have seized "new chances for digital activism" it remains subject to investigations and attacks both on the group's concepts and any individuals that can be identified. Its aim to achieve political change through civil disobedience leaves individuals open to prosecution and persecution if identified. This article looks further at attempts to infiltrate Anonymous. It becomes a contest between those seeking to expose the real identities of the Anonymous activists and the activist's responses to these attacks. This article describes one such conflict. It is not clear from the article just what the result was and it is implied that publicity was the aim for an attempt to gain Government Internet Security contracts. The interesting point is that a loose gathering of diversely motivated activists is as vulnerable to cyber attacks as the targets they attack. In a private e-mail Barr is quoted to have said :"They think I have nothing but a hierarchy based on IRC [Internet Relay Chat] aliases!" he wrote. "As 1337 as these guys are supposed to be they don't get it. I have pwned them! :)" (Andersen, 2011) The article claims that from leaked e-mails it attained the full story of how Barr infiltrated Anonymous, used social media to compile his lists, and even resorted to attacks on the codebase of the Low Orbit Ion Cannon-and how others at his own company warned him about the pitfalls of his research. What is 'pwned'? "Pwned" means "to be controlled against your will", or "to be defeated by a superior power". The noun version is pwnage. The "pwn" expression originated in the 1980's from the word "owned". It was used to describe when a hacker would take remote control of a server or another computer. The use of "p" to replace "o" was simply a misspelling at first, but the spelling stuck as a stylistic point. (Gil, 2011) What is 1337? "H
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    What is 1337? "Hacker "Sp33k" for leet, or elite. Originating from 31337 "eleet" the UDP port used by Dead Cow Cult, a hacker group, to access Windows 95 using Back Orifice, a notorious hacking program." (Urban Dictionary, 2011) Works Cited Andersen, N. (2011, March). How one man tracked down Anonymous-and paid a heavy price. Retrieved April 12, 2011, from ars technica: http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/news/2011/02/how-one-security-firm-tracked-anonymousand-paid-a-heavy-price.ars Gil, P. (2011). What is 'pwned'? Retrieved April 10, 2011, from About.com: http://netforbeginners.about.com/od/p/f/pwned.htm Urban Dictionary. (2011). Retrieved April 10, 2011, from Urban Dictionary: http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=1337
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    Low Orbit ION Cannon This hacking tool can be downloaded free of charge by anyone from Source Forge. (abatishchev, 2011) This is interesting as it will probably be illegal for anyone to use the tools to "impair the operation" of a computer which includes servers. According to reports on the Source Forge you should note that the program may include Trojans. There is a clear warning: USE ON YOUR OWN RISK. WITH NO ANY EXPRESS OR IMPLIED WARRANTIES. In Great Britain for example anyone who uses Low Orbit ION Cannon would be likely to have committed an offence under Computer Misuse Act 1990. Specifically: "This subsection applies if the person intends by doing the act-(a)to impair the operation of any computer;(b)to prevent or hinder access to any program or data held in any computer;(c)to impair the operation of any such program or the reliability of any such data; or(d)to enable any of the things mentioned in paragraphs (a) to (c) above to be done." "A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable-(a)on summary conviction in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 12 months or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum or to both;(b)on summary conviction in Scotland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum or to both;(c)on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years or to a fine or to both." (Computer Misuse Act 1990, 1990) Works Cited abatishchev. (2011, January 23). Low Orbit Ion Cannon. Retrieved April 11, 2011, from SourceForge: http://sourceforge.net/projects/loic/ Computer Misuse Act 1990. (1990). Retrieved April 11, 2011, from legislation.gov.uk: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/18/section/3
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    A loosely organised group of hackers is targeting oppressive regimes and says this is just the beginning (Anonymous, 2011). Anonymous presents a mechanism for socio-political change, using the available technological infrastructure that also facilitates such movements as WikiLeaks. This opinion piece, hosted by Al Jazeera, describes an evangelical movement in protest against what they perceive to be oppressive establishments, as governments or institutions. They consider themselves a movement for digital activism, and in this article focus almost exclusively on the plight of the Tunisian people, with mentions of attacks on the Church of Scientology and WikiLeaks, and the Australian government following the introduction of internet censorship laws (Anonymous, 2011). The article reads like a resume of Anonymous' achievements, and the motivations behind their actions, such as the WikiLeaks release of material exposing atrocities perpetrated by the Tunisian government provoking participants in the Anonymous network to attack via distributed denial of service (DDoS) non-essential government websites and replace them with messages of support for the Tunisian people (Anonymous, 2011). Such activities require the concerted efforts of collaborating individuals across a potentially widely dispersed online network. When compared with GetUp!, a community-minded tool for promoting activism for campaigns relevant to Australians, or Avaaz, a global community-minded campaign tool, the Anonymous movement, though also created with the best intentions, still reads in this article as taking matters more directly into their own hands, with limited accountability. The article uses such language as 'information warfare', 'revolution', and 'attacking', and endorses the breaking of laws to achieve what members of the movement believe in; '[t]here is a reason, after all, that those of us who have seen the movement up close have dedicated our lives to what it stands for, and have even vio
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    One of the problems with digital activism is that the internet is a tool that can be accessed by many people, cross-border and across many different countries. What might be acceptable practice and perfectly legal in a country like Australia, might be liable to prosecution in countries like China where the government censors not only the internet, but people in general. Freedom in countries like Australia is taken for granted. Other countries might not enjoy this freedom, and when people try to access content that is politically sensitive or illegal in their country, questions are raised about who is providing the illegal content, and the person accessing the material can be liable to prosecution. Internet laws are also changing rapidly, and it is very difficult for people to keep up with the constantly changing landscape of laws that are evolving and reshaping. While there is a need for activism, an awareness or a better understanding of the potential for breaking the law needs to be clearly understood when posting politically or socially active sensitive material online. There is a real danger that activities that are legal for people surfing the web in Australia are not legal in other countries, and the implications this can mean for people not only posting material, but those reading and interacting content, especially if they have to by-pass traditional methods of accessing the internet to get through to what they want to read, hear or see. Louis-Jacques, L. (2003). Legal Research on International Law Issues. Retrieved from http://www2.lib.uchicago.edu/~llou/forintlaw.html
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    Digital or online 'Hacktivism' has a perception of existing as a natural extension of more traditional forms of protest. Being that the Internet has moved on from being a relatively static information source and into a dynamic realm where regulation and social policy is conducted by governments, protesting has struggled to find its place. An example of collaboration gone astray can be seen in the story of 22 year old Matthew George. In October 2009, in reaction to the Australian Federal Government's attempts to legislate an Internet filter Matthew volunteered to let his PC take part in a denial of service attack on government websites. In collaborating with other PC's Matthew thought "We hoped to achieve a bit of media attention to why internet censorship was wrong..." (SMH 2011) Charged and bought before court, the hacking was not seen as protest by authorities but more akin to cyber-terrorism. Whilst the 'real world' allows avenues for protest, as in registered street marches...the Internet has no such outlet, with the exception of self-publication on forums and social media. This has led to a situation where online collaborative protest seems to lead frequently to vandalism in the form of denial of service attacks. Meet the hacktivist who tried to take down the government (2011) Retrieved from http://www.smh.com.au/technology/security/meet-the-hacktivist-who-tried-to-take-down-the-government-20110314-1btkt.html#ixzz1L9cdAeuE
Chris Johnson

The limits of the 'Twitter revolution' | Anne Nelson | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk - 3 views

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    Nelson, A. (2011). The limits of the 'Twitter revolution. The Gaurdian  Retrieved 11th April 2011, from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/24/digital-media-egypt   
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    This article by Anne Nelson argues against the idea that Twitter was strongly influential in the recent uprisings in Egypt. She backs up her statement by pointing out that there "were well under 15,000 Egyptians tweeting, out of a population of more than 80 million" and that some of those may not have even been inside Egypt. Her figures were intimated from figures released by Social Media Intelligence company "Sysomos" (O'Dell 2011), who after analysing 52 million Twitter users, Found that only 14,642 identified their location as Egypt, Yemen or Tunisia (O'Dell 2011). The majority of these, however, were identified as originating in Egypt. O'Dell's article points out that even these numbers are suspect as it is likely that a percentage of Twitter users in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen do not provide location information in order to protect their identities (2011). Nelson also remarks on the ineffectiveness of other online tools, for instance a Crisis-mapping application named Ushahidi. While she admires the utility of Ushahida, Nelson is quick to point out that crisis maps, particularly those covering low grade problems are generally not sufficiently supported by volunteers willing to update them. Evgeny Morozov coined the term slacktivism "to describe feel-good online activism that has zero political or social impact. It gives those who participate in 'slacktivist' campaigns an illusion of having a meaningful impact on the world without demanding anything more than joining a Facebook group" (Morozov 2009). Nelson clearly feels that the majority of online activism falls into this category. REFS: Morozov, E. (2009). The brave new world of slacktivism. Retrieved from: http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/05/19/the_brave_new_world_of_slacktivism O'Dell, J. (2011). How Egyptians Used Twitte
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    Anne Nelson's article comes to the conclusion that "the new digital technologies are powerful tools in moments of crisis, but they cannot substitute for sustained citizen activism". (Nelson, 2011) Nelson points out how "in Egypt, there has been a lot of emphasis on Twitter, but the data suggests that there were well under 15,000 Egyptians tweeting, out of a population of more than 80 million". Nelson also makes reference to "slactivism" "where it's easier to click a "like" button on Facebook than it is to participate in a crisis-mapping platform." , and brings up a "notion of citizenship that involves more than one-click participation". I think that Nelson is missing the point here. Egypt may have been labelled the "Twitter Revolution" and the "Facebook Revolution" by the media, but this was not because of citizens and a "one-click participation", instead social media was used very successfully to mobilize citizens, who then faced real dangers when they took their protests to the streets. As Howard (2011) points out, there are dangers in both "overemphasizing and ignoring the role of digital media in political change in Egypt and Tunisia". While Nelson may not have ignored the role of digital media in Egypt, I think she has certainly under-emphasized it in this particular article. REFERENCES: Howard, P (February 23, 2011) The Cascading Effects of the Arab Spring Miller McCune Magazine Retrieved April 13, 2011 from http://www.miller-mccune.com/politics/the-cascading-effects-of-the-arab-spring-28575/ Nelson, A. (2011). The limits of the 'Twitter revolution. The Guardian Retrieved April 14 2011, from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/24/digital-media-egypt
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    I agree Sheila, many of these articles seem to be missing the point, there seems to be a real criticism towards the effects that social media has had on the protests in Egypt. I keep hearing statements like "Social media is not a substitute for individual action" (Nelson, 2011). Many of these articles seem to be coming to the conclusion that social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook are seen as taking the sole responsibility for the events that have been played out in recent months. I have not seen one pro Twitter article that has put the credit directly in the hands of social network platfroms. Many articles in favor of social media state that they do not give absolute credit to Twitter or Facebook in the successfulness of the protests. For example (Morozov, 2009) states that social media does not take credit for all the peoples contribution and determination to be involved in the protests but it still is an extremely useful tool for the collaboration and organization of people on such a large scale, playing an important role in facilitating these protests. Social media is a very successful collaboration tool that is used in conjunction with society to gain results. Social media did play an extremely vital part in the organization and efficiency of these protests that cannot be denied. But it was individual action and determination that aided these people to contribute and gain results. Perhaps it should not be called a "Twitter Revolution", as this is where I think criticism and confusion has come about, the headline does place a biased opinion in favor of Twitter. Regardless of the attitudes towards social medias role in these events, its effectiveness in these matters has shocked the world and demonstrated how powerful it is as a communicative tool.
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    Nelson makes a strong argument suggesting the 2011 Egypt uprising was not necessarily fuelled by social media; instead she links it to years of oppression and dictatorship as the main triggers. On the flipside, many of Nelson's statements need to be challenged. Firstly, she states that only 15,000 Egyptians were tweeting - out of a population of 80 million - throughout the protests. What she fails to mention is that less than 20% of Egyptians actually have Internet access (Internet World Stats, 2011). In addition, many of these users also reside outside of Cairo and may not have directly participated in the demonstrations. Lastly, the Internet and SMS services were shutdown in Egypt two days after the initial January 25th demonstration and this act would drastically reduce numbers as the only way to circumvent the block was through dialup or a voice-to-tweet service. An interesting concept raised in this article is 'slackivism', a term coined to describe the attraction of getting caught up in the euphoria of online activism. The benefits however have little or no impact on society because clicking a 'like' button within a Facebook group is far from participatory and adds very little value to the cause. Instead, Nelson argues that web users need to be better educated in the use and the expectations of crisis-mapping platforms to effectively participate. Sukey , an anti-police kettling web application is a recent example of internet enabled, active participation. Its use during a recent political demonstration in London resulted in successful, non-violent outcome (Kingsley, 2011). This was attributed to activists working together and feeding information from Twitter, Google Maps and news feeds into Sukey to counter the act the police kettling. This example highlights that technical aptitude and active participation are required to effectively coordinate a internet enabled, protest. Internet World Stats - Usage and Population Statistics. (2011
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    References: Morozov, E. (2009). Moldova's Twitter Revolution. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/04/07/moldovas_twitter_revolution Nelson, A. (2011). The Limits Of The "Twitter Revolution". Retrieved April, 16 2011. From http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/24/digital-media-egypt
Hans Dusink

Dadaist lunacy or the future of protest? Flash Mobs - an introduction to the world of f... - 1 views

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    The Social Issues Research Centre (SIRC) is an independent, non-profit organisation that conducts research on social and lifestyle issues. It aims to provide balanced perspectives on social issues and to promote rational debate based on evidence rather than ideology (Social Issues Research Centre, 2011) . In this paper Elanor Taylor, a social researcher, tries to understand the nature of flash mobs and whether they are just for fun or whether they are potentially a new form of protest movement. Sean Savage, credited with naming flash mobs (2006) is quoted as saying that "If anyone tells you they know what the point is, they either don't know what they are talking about, or they're lying" (as cited in Taylor, 2003) . Taylor provides a set of instructions for a London flash which reveal a "combination of military efficiency, complete anonymity, rapid communication and organisation by internet"(Taylor, 2003). The motivation to attend is this left up to the individual. Taylor indicates that there are some, such as the website why-war.com (Why War?, 2003) and cyclist activist group Critical Mass (Carlssson, 2011a) that would like to see flash mobs put to a political purpose rather than be apolitical.
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    Chris Carlsson, founder of Critical Mass wrote: Critical Mass is a movement with no leaders or formal organization behind it. No one in charge - which is another way of saying "everyone is in charge!" There are as many ideas about what Critical Mass is as there are participants (2011b) Taylor questions whether this can actually happen: "what use is a political protest with no-figure head?" (2003). In light of recent events in Iran and Egypt I think Taylor has been a little premature in discounting flash mobs as a form of political protest. Carlssson, C.(2011a). Critical Mass. Retrieved from http://www.sfcriticalmass.org/ Carlssson, C. (2011b, January 26). Critical Mass & Radical Politics: A Forum [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.sfcriticalmass.org/page/2/ Savage, S. (2006, March 29). Flash Mob Flashback . Cheesebikini? [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.cheesebikini.com/2006/03/29/flash-mob-flashback/ Social Issues Research Centre.(2011). About SIRC. Retrieved from http://www.sirc.org/about/about.html Taylor, E. (2003). Dadaist lunacy or the future of protest? : An introduction to the world of flash-mobbing. Social Issues Research Centre. Retrieved from http://www.sirc.org/articles/flash_mob.shtml Why War? (2003, August 1). An Introduction to Swarming and the Future of Protesting [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.why-war.com/features/2003/07/swarming.html
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    Are FlashMobs Collaborative Behavior? The question arises as to whether or not FlashMobs are truly collaborative behavior. While there is definitely a conversation taking place and a resultant activity, this resultant activity does not have a specific achievement or productive task to complete. A talk from Howard Reingold (Rheingold, 2005) describes the history of human collaboration and has some ideas about the potential benefits of worldwide social collaborative behavior. This talk also includes a discussion of social dilemmas: the prisoner's dilemma and the tragedy of the commons. These are important factors in understanding why people collaborate or co-operate. Collaboration is the basis for bringing together the knowledge, experience and skills of multiple persons to contribute to the development of a new product, idea or activity. Collaboration is a more effective problem solving solution than individuals performing narrow tasks in support of a defined plan or programme. Essential requirements for effective collaboration include early involvement and the availability of resources to effectively collaborate. This uses a culture that supports teamwork, cooperation and collaboration as well as co-location or virtual co- location and some form of collaboration technology. Flashmobs seem to lack the problem solving aspects of true collaborative behaviour. It is more a themed social gathering than a co-operative task solving exercise. Works Cited Rheingold, H. (2005, February). Howard Rheingold on collaboration. Retrieved April 7, 2011, from Ted: http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/eng/howard_rheingold_on_collaboration.html
Jocelyn Peucker

Avaaz - The World in Action - 3 views

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    "Avaaz is a global web movement to bring people-powered politics to decision-making everywhere" (Avaaz.org, 2011). Avaaz means voice, in "... several European, Middle Eastern and Asian languages" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). This is not a website where you need to prove your credentials or log in to be a member. However, it is one of the most powerful and influential organisations in the world. The Avaaz community "... empowers millions of people from all walks of life to take action on pressing global, regional and national issues, from corruption and poverty to conflict and climate change" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). Their online platform "... allows thousands of individual efforts, however small, to be rapidly combined into a powerful collective force" (Avaaz.org, 2011a). The Avaaz community supports campaigns in 14 languages, has a core team on 4 continents, includes thousands of volunteers. Overall, the community helps organise the signing of petitions, funding media campaigns and direct actions, contact through emailing, calling and lobbying governments, and organizing "offline" protests and events. They do this to "... ensure that the views and values of the world's people inform the decisions that affect us all" (Avaaz, 2011a). Two very good examples of the strength of the community include: * Stand With Anna Hazare (Avaaz.org, 2011b) shows of a petition where over 624,876 people have signed since the campaign launched on the 7th April, 2011. Before the goal of one million signatures was reached, a victory has been announced. * Blackout-proof the protests (Avaaz.org, 2011c) is a current petition to "...secure satellite modems and phones, tiny video cameras, and portable radio transmitters, plus expert support teams on the ground -- to enable
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    activists to broadcast live video feeds even during internet and phone blackouts" (Avaaz.org, 2011c). This is a campaign to raise monies through 30,000 donors. Many more of their success stories can be viewed on the highlights page of the Avaaz website, success stories from the Avaaz movement worldwide (Avaaz.org, 2011d). References: Avaaz.org. (2011a).The World in Action Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/about.php Avaaz.org. (2011b). Stand With Anna Hazare [Petition]. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/stand_with_anna_hazare/ Avaaz.org. (2011c). Blackout-proof the protests [Fund-raising]. Retrieved from https://secure.avaaz.org/en/blackout_proof_the_protests/?vc Avaaz.org. (2011d). Success stories from the Avaaz movement worldwide. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/highlights.php
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    The opening statement to this web site reads " Avaaz is a global movement to bring people-powered politics to decision-making everywhere" (Avaaz.org, 2011) Immediately the reader is in no doubt that this is an organisation that is able to bring together large numbers of people to influence governments worldwide. Like other commentators I had not been aware of this organisation and spent some time researching. Unlike flash mobs and Anonymous, it appears that Avaaz has a formal structure and employs staff. As their website points out the staff write email alerts to the community and work with experts to develop campaign strategies (Avaaz.org, 2011). But it is the Avaaz community that decide where and how to campaign. This is very reminiscent of the Australian Democrats, where all policies are decided by a poll of members (Australian Democrats, 2011). Flash mobs occur in local communities, but the global nature of Avaaz means that this can be magnified to call attention to new issues on a worldwide or country-by-country basis if needed. The key to Avaaz, flash mobs and Anonymous is the use of Internet communication Technology. As the Avaaz website points out in "previous times each group would need to build up a constituency to reach a scale that could make a difference….Today thanks to new technology and ….. global interdependence this constraint no longer applies" (Avaaz.org, 2011). Australian Democrats.(2011). Structure of the Australian Democrats. Retrieved from http://www.democrats.org.au/about/structure.htm Avaaz.org.(2011). The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org/en/about.php
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    Avaaz's systems of collaboration allow decentralized networks to form around community and global projects, " ...(taking) action on pressing global, regional and national issues, from corruption and poverty to conflict and climate change" (Avaaz 2011). The Avaaz community, like Anonymous, are examples of how decentralized networks of like-minded individuals are capable of achieving common goals. The influences and successes that these groups are currently having regarding the sharing of global resources and fighting for basic human rights and freedoms of information show how powerful these network structures can be. The strength and flexibility of collective intelligence networks such as Avaaz and Anonymous is found in the diversity of their participants. For example, Avaaz uses methods that "allows thousands of individual efforts, however small, to be rapidly combined into a powerful collective force" (Avaaz 2011). Similarly, Anonymous is "a loose network of people with shared values and varying skill sets" (Anonymous, 2011). Like all collective intelligence networks, every member of these groups is acknowledged as having valuable skills that can benefit the community - so a method of harnessing this is input has been developed. However Avaaz and Anonymous use different techniques regarding how they attempt to achieve their goals. Avaaz use socially and politically transparent methods of traditional protest such as "signing petitions, funding media campaigns and direct actions, emailing, calling and lobbying governments, and organizing "offline" protests and events". In contrast, Anonymous are notorious for their use of "distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks" using software such as 'Low Orbit Ion Cannon'; or 'LOIC' (see, Arthur, C. 2010). These different ways of collaborating online show that while "the social, political and technological environment has developed, some have already begun to explore new options, seizing new chances
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    Avaaz addresses global issues to generate global interest in improved conditions - globally. The world in action (Avaaz.org). Available in fourteen different language, it encourages borderless interest in issues relevant locally and internationally, promoting campaigns to 'close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want' (About Avaaz, n.d.). Avaaz is to the world what GetUp! is doing for Australia, including its policy on transparency, evidenced in the availability of financial reports, member statistics, and its member-funded, crowd-sourced model. Rather than a distributed, region-dependent staff and budget, Avaaz has a 'single, global team with a mandate to work on any issue of public concern' (Avaaz.org, n.d.). It is Avaaz members who decide where to direct resources The website projects a sense of global community, as much in being available in so many languages as in movements presented on every page heralding from many different countries representing the plights of many and varied communities. Avaaz is a global example of social awareness instigating social movements, easily promoted through the connectivity of the internet and the tools for social networking, to create a better world. Websites and movements for campaigns such as Avaaz and GetUp! Australia are helping to raise awareness and reclaim power for the people. Avaaz.org.(2011). The World in Action. Retrieved from http://www.avaaz.org. GetUp. (n.d.) GetUp! Retrieved from http://www.getup.org.au.
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    As yet another online resource for the "lounge chair activist" Avaaz.org seems to cover it all. Whether you're interested in saving the whales, climate change, gay rights or donating to flood victims, there is a cause available for you. Avaaz, started in 2007 with the mission to "organise citizens of all nations to close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want" (Avaaz.org, 2011). So far they seem to be achieving this goal. With over 8 million members worldwide, who have so far taken over 38 "actions" this is a website that seems to be doing what it's promised. To ensure that there is no underlying bias, no political voice hiding behind the curtains, Avaaz ensures there is "democratic accountability" by being 100% member-funded. It is mainly staffed by volunteers, who email actions to members in way that registers interest in the project and nothing more. These actions are also normally put forward by Avaaz members themselves, rather than outside parties. Avaaz, like BOINC, relies on word-of-mouth to spread the word. Also using social network sites to keep up the interest between members. Their hope is that once someone joins through a campaign for one specific issue, that they will then continue to support other actions. To prove their success, after "China's violent crackdown on the March '08' protests and riots in Tibet"(Avaaz, 2011) Avaaz was able to build the most successful global position to date. They were able to achieve 1.5 million signatures in just three weeks calling for dialogue between China and the Dalai Lama. Whether you just sign a petition or donate money, having so many available voices ensures that Avaaz will make it count. As stated by Zainab Bangura, the foreign minister of Sierra Leone "Avaaz is an ally, and a rallying place, for disadvantaged people everywhere to help create real change"(Avaaz, 2011). Avaaz.org. (2011). Avaaz.org: The World in Action. R
Josh van de Scheur

'The Internet is Here' - iConference 2011 | Why We Protest | Activism Forum - 2 views

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    This academic paper explores anonymous' internal processes as they collaborated over the internet to co-ordinate both on and offline protests against the church of Scientology in February 2008. The authors analyze the "public, online sources used by members of Anonymous to plan, discuss, coordinate, and execute" their campaign; as well as data "drawn from a quantitative analysis of interactions amongst (the projects) participants at a wiki site"(Underwood, P., Welser, H. 2011). This innovative and skillful use of online networking and collaboration tools allowed Anonymous to successfully mobilize and co-ordinate group activity on a large scale. The work identifies Anonymous' structure as a decentralized network with little "evidence of official leadership positions or formal organizational structures" (Underwood, P., Welser, H. 2011) guiding the groups actions. These processes are seemingly organic to the internet and the study shows how working in this way significantly increased Anonymous' flexibility, as well as how this "collaborative structure allowed the group to work rapidly and democratically"(Underwood, P., Welser, H. 2011). Other advantages of the groups' use of decentralized network structures were found in the "development of highly dynamic and emergent strategies as many individuals with varying ideas and talents... work simultaneously on a project"; and the fact that "large volumes of participants can coordinate their actions even in the absence of an official bureaucratic leadership" (Underwood, P., Welser, H. 2011). references Underwood, P., Welser, H. (2011) 'The Internet is Here': Emergent Coordination and Innovation of Protest Forms in Digital Culture. Available from:http://oak.cats.ohiou.edu/~welser/Underwood.Welser.2011.pdf
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    This article specifically explores "Project Chanology", a project of the worldwide organisation known as Anonymous against the Church of Scientology. The authors point out "that social movements are a basic foundation of contemporary democratic societies" as well as "providing outlets for political positions to be voiced and grievances to be aired"(Underwood & Welser, 2011). Importantly, it is crucial that people participating can see value in the cause and in the form that action may take. This article attracted my attention due to its similarity and differences to flash mobs. Both organisations have no formal organisation structure yet they are able to mobilise large numbers of people by utilising Internet communications (Facebook, twitter, email and Internet Relay Chat (IRC)). Another similarity is that in both cases the public displays appear bizarre and absurd to outsiders. In the case of most flash mobs, the idea is to simply have fun (Taylor, 2003). For Anonymous it is to "present itself as a movement about making a difference through having fun " as well as setting itself apart from "typical street demonstrations"(Underwood & Welser, 2011). But there are also differences. Each flash mob is distinctly separate operation whereas Anonymous has a group identity. Underwood and Welser do point out that members of the group do balk at the notion of being seen as a traditional group (2011).
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    Participants in Anonymous activities are also required to learn more about the group and its actions. This requirement seems to be a way of strengthening bonds and a cultural knowledge. There is no such requirement to participate in a flash mob only the desire to have fun. What these movements show is that if the cause (whether it be fun or a political point) is right then it is possible to bring together large numbers of people through the use of new media. REFERENCES: Taylor, E. (2003). Dadaist lunacy or the future of protest? : An introduction to the world of flash-mobbing. Social Issues Research Centre. Retrieved from http://www.sirc.org/articles/flash_mob.shtml Underwood, P., & Welser, H. T. (2011). 'The Internet is Here": Emergent Coordination and Innovation of Protest Forms in Digital Culture. Paper presented at the iConference 2011, Seattle. Retrieved from http://oak.cats.ohiou.edu/~welser/Underwood.Welser.2011.pdf
Josh van de Scheur

» Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival - So... - 2 views

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    This blog post looks at how the internet and online collaboration tools helped to guide political and social protests in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia earlier this year. It focuses on Anonymous' use of TypeWith.me when creating the 'Anonymous Revolution Survival Guide' for the people of Tunisia during this time. TypeWith.me is a "live, dynamic, document collaboration platform," that is "based on open source code"(Clay, K. 2011), and allows users to easily, quickly and anonymously collaborate on text documents. Combined with twitter.com, anonymous were able to collaborate and communicate effectively as a decentralized and global network in support of pro-democracy protesters. The author of this article acknowledges the importance and need for "simple, free, and publicly "anonymous" way(s) to share and collaborate on information" (Clay, K. 2011), especially for societies oppressed by strict regimes. It describes the influences that web tools and social networking services such as TypeWith.me and twitter.com are having on "social and political revolution", claiming it is "indicative of... the way these types of platforms will be used in the future" (Clay, K. 2011). Through this work we can see how online collaboration tools in general have "emerged as a popular communication mechanism in recent years" (Clay, K. 2011), allowing communities and groups to successfully work across different mediums and platforms to achieve social and political change. As Anonymous state, "all significant human activity is the result of human collaboration" (Anon, 2011), suggesting these tools are relevant to every system of social interaction and production - not only to sociopolitical networks and protesting against oppressive regimes. References Anonymous (2011) 'A Message from Anonymous' http://anonops.blogspot.com/2011/01/message-from-anonymous-01292011.html Clay, K. (2011). Anonymous Uses Collaborative Document Sharing Tool for Social Survival. Soc
Josh van de Scheur

Anonymous Hamburg: Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organ... - 1 views

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    This article presents tools and strategies for setting up collaborative networks in the form of localized resistance 'cells'. Anonymous use this system of local and semi-independent networks as storage points for resources and to maintain its global communications beyond larger web services. It is these "autonomously acting local cells" that allow Anonymous to keep "resources, videos, pictures, and most important (their) protest and resistance organization online"(anon, 2011). While these strategies have resulted from challenging oppressive political regimes and fighting to maintain freedom of information, the ideas can be adapted to working in more general and everyday online environments. Anonymous see small local groups acting as autonomous and self-reliant parts of a larger network, to make the entire structure stronger and more resilient as a whole. Their tactics have grown "organically in cyberspace rather than reflecting the cyber version of existing real world phenomena" (Keane, B, 2011) and show how local sub-groups can effectively create strong, flexible networks when collaborating on a global scale. Some of the major advantages of working in a localized cell are identified as being "Local organization only needs a local focus" (anon, 2011), hinting at the benefits of a simpler organizational structure; "You can continue the fight as a team even if cut of from all the other protesters/activists"(anon, 2011), which if adapted to collaboration in general suggests more resilient and efficient networks; and "you can gather resources there, videos pics, voice files, flyers and re-upload it from there if you lose resources to deletion or block"(anon, 2011), showing the benefits of decentralized networks as both data protection and archiving tools. References anon. (2011) 'Tools to help the Revolutions Part II - Online resistance cell organization'. Anonymous Hamburg. 23rd of February 2011. Available from: http://hamburger-anon.blog
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    Anonymous, being a decentralised network, relies upon the interest of tech savvy individuals to contribute to their campaigns. When challenged by legal representatives of the targets of their attacks, such as the 'Cult of Scientology' (Anonymous, 2011), their efforts to disseminate information through mainstream channels may be thwarted by take-down notices. In the case presented in this article hosted by Blogspot, they admit to having been frustrated by such interference with distributing videoes, pictures, and other resources online (Anonymous, 2011). The blog entry continues with offering alternatives and suggestions for anyone interested in contributing to Anonymous' on-going campaigns, providing advice and recommendations for useful tools and techniques. It outlines the advantages to contributing in the online movement, such as 'continue the fight as a team even if cut off from all the other protesters/activists' (Anonymous, 2011), suggesting a reward through participation, which is a prime motivator for other online crowd-sourcing initiatives (Belleflamme, Lambert, & Schwienbacher, 2011). The article proceeds to then explain how a user can participate by listing potential resources the assist without danger of being identified, and caught, suggesting such websites as wall.fm, noting that the service probably has a server farm that won't suffer in the event of a Distributed Denial of Service attack. It also explains how to create a social network, including links to free domain registration services, and free webhosting, to facilitate the potential new member of the Anonymous network into building an online resistance cell. Anonymous Hamburg. (2011). We do what we must, because we can. Retrieved from http://hamburger-anon.blogspot.com/2011/02/tools-to-help-revolutions-part-ii.html. Belleflamme, P., Lambert, T., & Schwienbacher, A. (2011). Tapping the Right Crowd. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract=157817.
Keith Law

Gabriella Coleman on Anonymous - 19 views

http://vimeo.com/19806469 This interview describes itself as:" a look at the visuals that have made the web collective Anonymous a brand with Gabriella Coleman of the Department of Media, Cu...

anonymous ouanet308-2011 coleman

started by Keith Law on 03 Apr 11 no follow-up yet
tim findlay

The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0' - 1 views

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    John Sutters article presented on CNN online is a personalised recount of the factors (technological and social) leading up to the demonstrations in Egypt. This article is interesting as it outlines the impact that the Internet has on peoples daily lives, the way the it has allowed members in society the opportunity to gather information and allow freedom of speech that would never be allowed in their own government regime. Sutters article follows a man called Saleh, (Egyptian born) and explores the impacts that living in his society has brought on his daily life. Being born into a country where rape, murder and wrongful imprisonment are just a part of daily life he soon gained the motivation to want more. The lack of information that he could obtain from Egypt's two national television stations, gave him the drive and motivation to want to learn more about the world (Sutters, 2011). When he was 16 he rejoiced in the fact that the Internet had come along, "I was waiting for the Internet to arrive in Egypt years before it arrived. Reading about it, I could see how much freedom there was (online), how much information you had" (Saleh, 2011). The Internet was a way for people to gain access to limitless amounts of information, it is not by chance that these social media tools are now being used to mobilize people in society to speak out, take action and express their thoughts and feelings to create change. After an Egyptian man was allegedly beaten to death by police outside an Internet cafe Saleh and his friends were shocked by the news of the event and decided to create a Facebook page "We Are All Khaled Said". The results were astounding, more and more people started to comment and join the group, which eventually lead to a mass protest in which protesters stood along the banks of the Nile wearing black (Sutters, 2011). Events that followed on January 27 were even more impressive. The online organizers in Egypt are quick to spread
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    credit. No single person, group, Facebook page or political party planned this movement. It just happened, they said. Partly in response to the events in Tunisia. Partly by years and years of lingering economic, social and human rights problems. Saleh, the young man who grew up yearning for an Internet connection, said he was amazed at the degree to which the Internet played a role in the movement. These social media platforms allowed people to mobilize more freely than in public. Decoy events could be set up and changed on a moment's notice; messages could be spread to other countries and updates could be passed through out the country and the world (Sutters, 2011). The flexibility around social media is something that can shed some insight into why these types of events have become so successful. Messages can be updated, read and sent from any portable device, Facebook and Twitter can be access anywhere at anytime, meaning that mass collaboration over these services can be organised to such a precise level. As state above, the Internet has become such an influential medium for nations under tight control to express themselves and gather outside information about what is happening in the world and also to express and broadcast injustice that is happening in their own society. References Sutters, J. (2011). The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html. Saleh, O. (2011). The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0'. Retrieved April 13, 2011. From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/TECH/innovation/02/21/egypt.internet.revolution/index.html
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    I found this article interesting and thought provoking; being a personal, first-hand account of the events in Egypt it provided a different perspective to some of the articles I've read on this topic. The last paragraph summed up the power of social media well, "Facebook, Twitter and email created a 'parallel Egypt' on the Internet", a world where citizens could maintain anonymity and mobilize more freely than they could in public" (Saleh, 2011, cited by Sutter, 2011). I think that we tend to take for granted the freedom and rights we have here in Australia. I have joined a few political organisations online, and I couldn't imagine how I would have felt if shortly afterwards the Government hacked my computer to gain my Facebook password! Yet this is what happened to activists in Tunisia (Zuckerman, 2011). Your comment Tim, "the flexibility around social media is something that can shed some insight into why these types of events have become so successful. Messages can be updated, read and sent from any portable device, Facebook and Twitter can be access anywhere at anytime, meaning that mass collaboration over these services can be organised to such a precise level", (Findlay, 2011) reminded me of a comment made by a Cairo activist who said "We use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world," (activist cited by Howard, 2011) According to Howard (2011) "the most consistent causal features of democratization include a wired civil society that uses digital media to undermine authoritarian rule in the course of national and global public opinion." The recent events in Egypt are certainly a case in point. REFERENCES Findlay, T (April 13, 2011) The faces of Egypt's 'Revolution 2.0' Diigo OUA-Net308 group Retrieved April 14, 2011 from http://groups.diigo.com/group/oua_net308_2011 Howard, P (February 23, 2011) The Cascading Effects of the Arab Spring Miller McCune Magazine Retrieved April 13,
sheila mclean

Egypt's Facebook Revolution: Wael Ghonim Thanks The Social Network - 0 views

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    This article, written by Huffington Post writer, Catharine Smith was published shortly after the Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak stepped down from power. The article is a report on an interview between CNN's Wolf Blitzer and activist Wael Ghonim (who is also a marketing manager for Google). Video footage of the interview is also provided. Ghonim played a key role in organising the January 25 street protests by "reaching out to Egyptian youths on Facebook" (Smith, 2011). Ghonim was arrested and imprisoned for 12 days after the protest, and since his release "has become a symbol for the Egyptian movement" (Smith, 2011). Ghonim argues this idea however and has stated that he is not a hero, "I was writing on a keyboard on the Internet and I wasn't exposing my life to danger." (Ghonim, 2011). Ghonim would however, like to thank Mark Zuckerberg. In the CNN interview, Ghonim relates how he believes the "revolution started on Facebook" (Ghonim, 2011). The revolution, according to Ghonim, started in June 2010 when Egyptians started collaborating content. "We would post a video on Facebook that would be shared by 60,000 people on their walls within a few hours" (Ghonim, 2011). The revolution has been dubbed "Egypt's Facebook Revolution" by the media. It would be naive to say that the revolution was caused by social media, however there is no doubt that social media such as Facebook and Twitter has played a significant role in mobilizing and engaging citizens in Egypt's political protests. ___________________________________________________ Reference: Smith, C. (February 11, 2011) Egypt's Facebook Revolution: Wael Ghonim Thanks The Social Network Huffington Post. Retrieved March 8, 2011 from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/02/11/egypt-facebook-revolution-wael-ghonim_n_822078.html
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