Training guides for Arabic speaking citizen journalists focused on verification and reporting techniques. Produced by Noha Atef at Birmingham City University's Centre for Media and Cultural Research in partnership with Meedan.
Wissam Mohamed, a 26-year old translator completing a masters in political science, a scarf over her hair, bright brown eyes, says she's still a revolutionary and believes that the Military Council will not hand over power without further demonstrations by "the people". She mourns the fact that so many of the dead and wounded last month were young and from such poor families. She senses that Mubarak - the farmer Mr Smith of Orwell's 1984 - has not really gone. "Mr Smith never left," she says. "His men are still here. They might well put him back in the palace."
The media clampdown in Egypt is worsening. Over the past six weeks, the ruling military council has censored the press, raided news organizations, shut down broadcasts and intimidated journalists.
I support this idea, but the big problem here is transparency. On what criteria are Propublica going to select what is good enough for the public #MuckReads page? Do they give users clear guidelines? Will they publish everything they receive on this tag/ email so it becomes clear what they are selecting and what they are not? Can they let users help sort the feed to produce their own filter?
RT@Tahrir_Square: Social Media Lessons for Development from the #Arab Spring
6.30-8pm
Overseas Development Institute
111 Westminster Bridge Road, London SE1 7JD
Three months on from the dramatic events in Egypt, ODI and One World Media bring together an expert panel to explore what changes to the media landscape in developing countries could mean for the future of development. Social media opens up new possibilities for getting around restrictive media laws, disseminating information and mobilising political movements. More established forms of media will also continue to empower citizens and encourage accountability.
Access to technology is giving millions of people a chance to communicate beyond long established boundaries, but what will this mean for the role of media in developing societies?
Chair
Bettina Peters, Director, Global Forum For Media Development
Panel
James Deane, Head of Policy, BBC World Service Trust
Mark Harvey, Executive Director, Internews Europe
Ian Douglas, Technology Writer, The Telegraph
Jonathan Glennie, Research Fellow,ODI and blogger, Guardian Development
"Faced with the threats weighing on the unity of our country, faced with the maneuvers and propaganda of the dictator and his family, we solemnly declare nothing will divide us," the statement, drawn up in Benghazi on Apr. 12, reportedly said. "We share the same ideal of a free, democratic and united Libya."
"Faced with the threats weighing on the unity of our country, faced with the maneuvers and propaganda of the dictator and his family, we solemnly declare nothing will divide us," the statement, drawn up in Benghazi on Apr. 12, reportedly said. "We share the same ideal of a free, democratic and united Libya."
hus, while Chinese censors have declared the word Mubarak (along with “Egypt” and others) to be “sensitive” and have set up filters to delete any message that contains it, Chinese Web users, in their usual cat-and-mouse game, have invented witty substitutes. These include “Mu Xiaoping” and “Mu Jintao”—which, by playing on the names of China’s own autocrats, get around the censors and up the ante at the same time.
Agreed repression is expensive and often only causes more dissent. But the issue is whether ideological hegemony is actually about substantive arguments or a kind of rhetoric which citizens cannot break down, but know is false.
Absolutely what I was thinking of. This book was quite influential for me. Thanks Ed. (ps back in the day I tried to take forward some of those arguments for Syria here http://users.ox.ac.uk/~metheses/WeymanThesis.htm)
The example of Tunisia raises a related question, equally awkward. For China’s rulers, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, the ousted dictator, would have been seen as following their own approach—the so-called “Chinese model” of economic growth combined with political repression—and having much success with it, or so it was assumed for many years. But the Tunisian people took to the streets to overthrow him. Did the people want something more than the Chinese model? How could that be?
Shutting the internet down was in effect the Egyptian government admitting to its own weakness in the face of growing internet use that it could not control.
Chinese sources have revealed that the government spends over 500 billion yuan ($76 billion) a year on domestic “stability maintenance.”
What is the relationship between what an authoritarian regime spends on maintaining its power and the fact of its continued power? Are these resources well spent?
On February 15, Secretary of State Hilary Clinton delivered a speech on Internet freedom in which she said the US is committed to helping people in China and elsewhere “get around filters, stay one step ahead of the censors,” and in other ways join a free and open Internet. She said the US plans to award $25 million this year in competitive grants to “technologists and activists working at the cutting edge of the fight against Internet repression.”