Memedia

习惯是一种可怕的力量：我们习惯了不被政府照料年复一年过自己的紧日子——加税，然后一切再与我们无关；我们习惯了执法机器得到越来越多的资源武装到牙髓但公平在社会上越来越稀缺；我们习惯了来无影去无踪的“有关部门”一次次撒谎一次次赎职制造一起起的“冤假错案”；我们习惯了“邓玉娇”被绑在精神病院的床上；我们习惯了准备拆掉的高架桥自己倒掉；我们习惯了让人冒名顶替上大学紧接着习惯了媒体“奉命”对此冷漠以待……

5月35日

我们的UTM设备有防不良内容的功能，使用的是国际公认的ICEC数据库，里面存放着数十万条不良网站，包括毛网，暴力血腥的等等。我拿设备在客户这里测试，测到这里我把限制都加上了。可是想了半天我们都不知道有什么黄色网站可以测试。客户工程师是一个比较老实的孩子，跟我差不多，我们都是从不上黄网的。两个人硬着头皮半天也没找到个合适的，在google里搜索根本搜不到，老是因为“根据当地政策和法律屏蔽部分内容”，事

毫无疑问，Twitter是迄今为止最成功的微博客平台，它是一句话博客概念的缔造者，是实施开放API的开拓者以及坚持创新的领跑者。

Twitter早已经不再是是朋友们之间进行实时交流的工具那么单纯，它成为了政要、企业和独立媒体进行社会化品牌营销的重要策略。

当用户正在感慨，去XX地最早的一趟航班是什么时候，XX旅游公司或者XX航空公司立马发来一条消息，2009年X月XX日上午XX:XX；

社会和解是“不计”前嫌，不是“不记”前嫌。记住过去的灾难和创伤不是要算账还债，更不是要以牙还牙，而是为了厘清历史的是非对错，实现和解与和谐，帮助建立正义的新社会关系。对历史的过错道歉，目的不是追溯施害者的罪行责任，而是以全社会的名义承诺，永远不再犯以前的过错。

Message on the Twentieth Anniversary of Tiananmen SquareHillary Rodham Clinton Secretary of State Washington, DC June 3, 2009On this the 20th anniversary of the violent suppression of demonstrations in Tiananmen Square by Chinese authorities, we should remember the tragic loss of hundreds of innocent lives and reflect upon the meaning of the events that preceded that day. Hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets for weeks, in Beijing and around the country, first to honor the late reformist leader Hu Yaobang and then to demand basic rights denied to them.A China that has made enormous progress economically, and that is emerging to take its rightful place in global leadership, should examine openly the darker events of its past and provide a public accounting of those killed, detained or missing, both to learn and to heal. This anniversary provides an opportunity for Chinese authorities to release from prison all those still serving sentences in connection with the events surrounding June 4, 1989. We urge China to cease the harassment of participants in the demonstrations and begin dialogue with the family members of victims, including the Tiananmen Mothers. China can honor the memory of that day by moving to give the rule of law, protection of internationally-recognized human rights, and democratic development the same priority as it has given to economic reform.

This lack of freedom stunts any real debate on the future of China. Thinking is still circumscribed. There are areas that are still taboo or where intellectuals can only hint at what they mean. In three vital spheres, this is deeply damaging to China’s national interest. The first is foreign policy. China has evolved in less than a generation into a world power, one now placed alongside America in a newly minted category of G2. But the country is uncertain how to exercise this power. And as long as the party restricts the debate to a known ideological framework, it cannot mobilise China’s vast intellectual capabilities to address this. The second area, intellectual property, is equally damaged. As long as there is no real freedom to question the foundations of society, China will not produce innovators. It will be able to copy and develop, but not to outstrip competitors and set the framework for the world. And the third area is the legitimate assertion of religious and regional identities alongside Chinese citizenship.

“The saddest part is not they don’t care, because I can understand the indifference, short-sightedness and the complete devotion to private life. The saddest part is that they hate people who care.”

“你们”常说的话包括：“空谈误国，实干兴邦”。“这肯定又是民晕分子在造谣。”“上海比纽约还要高楼还要多！”“你以为美国真的很自由啊。”“为什么你总盯着中国的阴暗面！”

你说，这些孩子，这些青春靓丽的孩子，如果早生20年，站在当年那个广场上，他们又会喊些什么呢？