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其实无数中国人的意识中间还是有那么多思维定势。虽然越来越多人的头脑已经很开放，却也无法摆脱这种定势的影子。来源自教育，来源自媒体的轰炸，也来源自心底那些尚未设定的信念，或者难以实现的分享主义自由状态。其实民主绝不是洪水，却可能是猛兽，但是猛兽可以进化。

中国需要2.0，中国的经济总量增加到如今的地步得益于多样性的产能和输出渠道，却无法继续还靠这种模式腾飞起来。

选举就是一种群体智能的形式，结果自身也在迭代的进化中，关键是开关要打开，否则就永远不知道智慧的世界在哪里？

Did you wonder whether our economy had grown a little overly precious? How can we really be producing value if we're all sitting around blogging and Facebook-friending each other?

1999 the British think-tanker Charles Leadbeater published the book Living on Thin Air. It was both an appealing notion and a scary one: that we no longer have to produce anything but ideas. And that was even before Web 2.0--a platform for everyone to share their ideas, opinions, favorite tunes, and relationship statuses with each other. It was all a lot of fun, but I occasionally wondered whether it was really good for economic productivity.

it wouldn't be a bad outcome if the current crisis led to a more diligent, industrious economic climate. Chatting and socializing are important things, but they're not the only things.

事情远远不只了解这些术语这么简单。你需要决定使用什么工具——这种工具能最大限度地发挥公司在信息技术上的投入吗？

比尔•盖茨表示未来几乎所有的服务都将以数据中心的形式实现。

信息技术2.0的管理者不仅需要知道公司应该使用什么软件，还需要知道应该采用本地服务、在线云服务还是二者的结合？

*我们假设Wikipedia有1亿页面浏览/天。（我见过超过2亿/天的估算量。） *假定这些页面80%通过可以缓存完成（根据Yahoo的browser cache统计），那么就是8000万页/天。 *假定其中10%或者5%是浏览主页，那么每天就是4000万页，每页包含13个HTTP请求来验证那些图片，一天就是52.0万的图片请求。 *假定一个Web服务器一秒钟能处理100个这样的请求，一天就是860万个请求。那么这些流量就需要6台这样的Web服务器工作一年来处理完成。 *假设一个满载工作的服务器是100瓦，6台服务器一年就是5000千瓦小时的能源以及大约500到1000磅的二氧化碳排放。

天安门2.0是什么？是独立性，是良心，是依靠自己做简单好事，是天天坐在家，日复一日坐在电脑前面，跟老婆玩Wii，making babies，相信自己相信的事。也是一种healthy eating，很多写博客，作一个有人性的极客，了解极客的工具箱里有什么，怎样使用那些工具，知道为什么好奇不杀猫也不杀人，一个常识为王的状态，一个以rss feed为武器的kingdom，https为矛盾的空间，而Tor是曾金燕驾驶的车型的国家：

但，无论如何，昨天我是又认真读了，打印出来并做了一些标记，最后把他所说的一些阴阳事例做了一个总结。这个过程也有了一点延续，首先是教育中的，2018年教育宣言目前该是阴弱的部分；而早晨发现又可加的项目：***和***员，其实之前在twitter也提到过***2.0和在回答eltondisney 的提问中有更多的说明这些内容也曾在单位和负责党建的新人谈到过。但目前来看，仅仅是新奇而无力的一个想法。

Kai-Fu Lee, co-president for Google Greater China told us there will be no GMail in the foreseeable future, because Google would be unable to protect user data from the government.

Lin is also well known for her photography. In this interview, she speaks about the lack of development in the Chinese web 2.0 / Internet industry, Taiwan's uncensored Internet, the opportunity average Chinese people got to "taste the flavor of freedom in an unblocked Internet" during the Olympics, and digitally savvy Chinese netizens.

The games have been billed as China's "coming out party" to the world. They are far more significant than that. These Olympics are the coming out party for a disturbingly efficient way of organizing society, one that China has perfected over the past three decades, and is finally ready to show off. It is a potent hybrid of the most powerful political tools of authoritarianism communism -- central planning, merciless repression, constant surveillance -- harnessed to advance the goals of global capitalism. Some call it "authoritarian capitalism," others "market Stalinism," personally I prefer "McCommunism."

By next year, the Chinese internal security market is set to be worth $33-billion. Several of the larger Chinese players in the field have recently taken their stocks public on U.S. exchanges, hoping to cash in the fact that, in volatile times, security and defense stocks are seen as the safe bets. China Information Security Technology, for instance, is now listed on the NASDAQ and China Security and Surveillance is on the NYSE. A small clique of U.S. hedge funds has been floating these ventures, investing more than $150-million in the past two years. The returns have been striking. Between October 2006 and October 2007, China Security and Surveillance's stock went up 306 percent.

Ever since the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, U.S. companies have been barred from selling police equipment and technology to China, since lawmakers feared it would be directed, once again, at peaceful demonstrators. That law has been completely disregarded in the lead up to the Olympics, when, in the name of safety for athletes and VIPs (including George W. Bush), no new toy has been denied the Chinese state.

為了盛事，全民被「含淚勸告」收聲。如果不收聲，就會失去說話權。比如說，「豆瓣」這個這兩年迅速壯大的文化討論網站，以同好者的形式匯聚了一個個自由暢談的小組，令人欣喜覺得這是網絡自由空間的拓荒地，但先是「文革小組」和「林昭小組」被封，繼而眾小組被勸諭毋論國事，接覑一系列所謂敏感實則只是在調侃的小組被關閉，像「和諧社會2.0」、「網絡第49號看管所」、「我們是社會主義的接班人」，最後連純屬搞笑的「悲慘新聞小組」也被封了，而極有影響的「北方周末」小組，有幾千個成員，剛剛也被勒令在奧運開幕前七天禁止發表新的言論。 有哀其不幸怒其不爭的豆瓣網友寫了一篇《豆瓣已死》，說出了真相：「當初還想覑理解豆瓣，知道在這個偉大的國家，豆瓣也有不得以的苦衷，但到了最後，就變成了一種笑話。嚴要求、高標準在豆瓣得到了完美的執行，以至於在內地各大網站通行無阻的文章，到了豆瓣就會威脅網站的運營。」原來不只是官方壓力，更多的是自我審查，自我閹割。

至少有一点我不怀疑的本善假设，那就是社会性筛选会趋近于合理性。胡佳获得提名，就等于很多有类似追求的人获得提名，不存在很多人都有资格就否定一个代表的资格。

买好烟花，静候佳音，希望能够在10月10日那晚点燃。获奖与否，并不重要。和平奖，关乎你我，却无需在乎惊厥，只需要秉持的心。