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l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
chantesolomonstatum

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 6 views

Chante Solomons History 2A

shared by chantesolomonstatum on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban mark
    • chantesolomonstatum
      chantesolomonstatum on 24 Apr 23
       
      The East African slave trade system compromised their trade from the coast. It focused on slaves from the coast of Swahili to the Muslim markets in the north. The Mozambique slave exports to non-Muslim regions in the 1860s due to the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets.
  • ter than has traditionally been assumed: French labour demands were too small to account for the scale of the Muslim slave trade from East Africa in the nineteenth century, especially when the traffic from Mozambique to Brazil is taken into account. Instead we must keep in mind the substantial slave trade which existed before the French arrival and also its destinatio
    • chantesolomonstatum
      chantesolomonstatum on 24 Apr 23
       
      The labor from the French was not in very high demand and was small than the Muslim slave trade from East Africa. There was also traffic from Mozambique to Brazil which contributed to the slow demand for labor back in the nineteenth century.
  • However, Austen, like so many Africanists before him, misses the vital role of Madagascar in the East African slave trade
    • chantesolomonstatum
      chantesolomonstatum on 24 Apr 23
       
      Madagascar played a significant role in slave labor as well as the slave trade.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • There was a flourishing system of slavery in Madagascar, the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply involved in commercial agriculture for export, especially in the rice trade to Mauritius, and the entire economy was orientated outward after the early 1860s. Like the slave trade to Zanzibar, then, that to Madagascar cannot be dismissed simply as the product of an anomalous Arab or Malagasy slave economy, but must also be seen in the context of Madagascar's becoming an economic satellite of the West.2
    • chantesolomonstatum
      chantesolomonstatum on 24 Apr 23
       
      Madagascar was dependent on slave labor as it helped the country's economy grow. Slave trade and the use of slave labor continued to increase in Madagascar but ate the end of the nineteenth century the French took over Madagascar and their slave trade.
ncamisilenzuza9

gale submi.pdf - 2 views

Ncamisile Nzuza History 2A

shared by ncamisilenzuza9 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ncamisilenzuza9 on 25 Apr 23
     
    Page 3 of this PDF talks about 'Madagascar still recognizing slavery'. So, Madagascar was connected to the Indian Ocean slave trade, particularly it was connected with the Cape Colony, because slaves were transported to the Cape from a wide range of areas in the Indian Ocean world, including Madagascar. Some of the slaves transported were owned by the VOC, a Dutch owned company, and labored on Company farms, outposts, and docks. The majority were sold to settlers and worked as domestic servants in Cape Town or as laborers on the grain, wine, and pastoral farms of the Cape interior. Moreover, slaves laborer more on wine farms, there were also wheat farms which required the labor of slaves. The economy of the Cape colony was mostly built on slaves just as the saying goes : " Wealth in people". So, the economy of the Cape boomed mostly because of slaves. Furthermore, slavery continued in the Cape for years until the abolishment of slavery was implemented which placed a challenge for the economy of the Cape, because the shortage of slaves meant that less work was done on the farms. However, even though slavery was abolished we still have traces of it left today.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  • mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
     
    Non-academic source
talha09noor

Close encounters of the worst kind: Malagasy resistance and colonial disasters in South... - 1 views

shared by talha09noor on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The historical evidence indicates, however, that these slave-based societies did not provide substantial numbers of slaves to the European
    • talha09noor
      talha09noor on 25 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were not often traded between madagascar and europe. This probably as a result of the British Merina
  • In any case, the southern Malagasy were not interested in trade goods other than guns whilst there were few suitable commodities for the Europeans. Even the people were considered too difficult to take as slaves.
  • laves.
    • talha09noor
      talha09noor on 25 Apr 23
       
      It became too difficult for europeans to take these people as slaves. A failed venture one might argue
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves from Madagascar but failed to establish any permanent trading posts or to achieve any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century.
  • nitially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves from Madagascar but failed to establish any permanent trading posts or to achieve any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century.
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves from Madagascar but failed to establish any permanent trading posts or to achieve any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century
  • Initially excluding other European nations from the area, the Portuguese acquired slaves from Madagascar but failed to establish any permanent trading posts or to achieve any religious conversions by the early seventeenth century
keohuma

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 0 views

KEORATILE HUMA HISTORY 2A

shared by keohuma on 29 May 23 - No Cached
  • Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the is
    • keohuma
      keohuma on 29 May 23
       
      Madagascar has a long history of involvement in the slave trade, with the island traditionally exporting slaves to other parts of the world. However, in the 19th century, a market for imported African slaves developed within the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This development was driven by various factors, including a desire to increase agricultural production and expand the empire's control over other parts of the island. However, the increasing demand for African slaves also contributed to a rise in conflicts and violence within Madagascar, as various groups vied for control over resources and territories. Today, the legacy of slavery in Madagascar, as well as its impact on contemporary social and economic structures, continues to be a topic of research and discussion among scholars and policymakers.
mzamombewana

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/219222.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A1d7b7db20a0ebb4bc343ab... - 2 views

www.jstor.org/...219222.pdf

Mzamo Mbewana History 2A Slavery

shared by mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
    • mzamombewana
      mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23
       
      This Journal analyses the actions of the Sourthen slavery, only few sources analyses the slavery in the Southern Africa.
    • mzamombewana
      mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23
       
      (Page 4/ First 4 lines) Indicate the period and the involvement of Europeans in the Madacascar in search for slaves during the mid-60s.
    • mzamombewana
      mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23
       
      Last Paragraph of P.4 explains the slavery ownership conflicts of European Nations ,France, British and Portuguese over the lands and population of Madagacsar and Mozambique. In the last few lines the author indicates the Arab suppliers of slaves to France from the region of Madagascar.
  • ...2 more annotations...
    • mzamombewana
      mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23
       
      Antalaotra means overseas people, it is a term linked with the History and language of Madagascar.
    • mzamombewana
      mzamombewana on 24 Apr 23
       
      In the last paragraph of Page 5 the Author indicates the slaves ports established by the Antalaotra in the area and the trade routes of slaves to the North or to the New World.
Francis Jr Mabasa

A Few Remarks on Zanzibar and the East Coast of Africa.pdf - 2 views

Francis Jr Mabasa History 2A

shared by Francis Jr Mabasa on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 345 taken by the Mission; we went as far south as Mozambique, touching, either on our way down or returning, at most places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, and at the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. From Mozambique we crossed to Madagascar, visiting Majunga in" Bembatooka Bay, Nossi Beh in Passandava Bay, Mayotta, Johanna; returning by Kilwa-Kavinja to Zanzibar, thence to Bagamoyo to assist in starting Cameron's expedition; Mombas, whence we visited the Missionary stations of Eibe and Kissoludini, Lamoo, and Eas Hafun. Thence across to Maculla
  • taken by the Mission; we went as far south as Mozambique, touching, either on our way down or returning, at most places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, and at the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. From Mozambique we crossed to Madagascar, visiting Majunga in" Bembatooka Bay, Nossi Beh in Passandava Bay, Mayotta, Johanna; returning by Kilwa-Kavinja to Zanzibar, thence to Bagamoyo to assist in starting Cameron's expedition; Mombas, whence we visited the Missionary stations of Eibe and Kissoludini, Lamoo, and Eas Hafun. Thence across to Maculla, Shehur, Muscat, Kurachee, and Bombay, and so back to Europe.
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
      Francis Jr Mabasa on 24 Apr 23
       
      This sentence provides a detailed account of the author's travels, including the various places he visited in Africa and Asia. The author indicates that he and his party traveled as far south as Mozambique, and visited many places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, as well as the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. After leaving Mozambique, the author and his party crossed over to Madagascar, where they visited several places, including Majunga, Nossi Beh, Mayotta, and Johanna. They then returned to the African mainland, passing through Kilwa-Kavinja on their way back to Zanzibar, where they helped to start Cameron's expedition. From Zanzibar, they went on to Mombasa, where they visited several Missionary stations, including Eibe and Kissoludini, as well as the towns of Lamoo and Eas Hafun. The author and his party then traveled across the Indian Ocean to Maculla, Shehur, Muscat, Kurachee, and Bombay, before returning to Europe. The level of detail in this sentence suggests that the author is attempting to provide a comprehensive account of his travels, possibly for the purpose of documenting his experiences or sharing them with others.
  • The principal caravan routes have been fully described by General Eigby, Captain Burton, and others; but I may mention that I am assured by Dr. Hildebrand that he met at Zeila and Berbera, traders who had come from the Lake Eegion, and who told him that the route thither was annually traversed by small caravans from the slaves with cotton manufactures, brass wire, and b
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
      Francis Jr Mabasa on 24 Apr 23
       
      This sentence describes the knowledge of caravan routes in the region as described by General Eigby, Captain Burton, and others. The author also adds that traders who had come from the Lake Eegion informed Dr. Hildebrand that small caravans annually traverse the route to the Lake Eegion, carrying cotton manufactures, brass wire, and beads. The mention of General Eigby and Captain Burton implies that there have been previous accounts of caravan routes in the region. Dr. Hildebrand's encounter with traders who had come from the Lake Eegion suggests that the information presented is current and reliable. The use of the word "assured" implies that the author is confident in the veracity of Dr. Hildebrand's account. The description of goods carried by the small caravans provides insight into the trade practices of the region.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • He hoped that his countrymen in India would profit hy what had heen done, and that even those who were connected slave by Sir Bartle Frere.
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
      Francis Jr Mabasa on 24 Apr 23
       
      This sentence expresses the hope of an unknown person that his countrymen in India would benefit from what had been done, even those who were connected to slavery by Sir Bartle Frere. The use of the word "hoped" indicates a desire for a positive outcome. The phrase "what had been done" is vague, but may refer to previous actions or initiatives. The mention of "countrymen in India" implies that the author is referring to people of Indian origin or descent. The reference to "even those who were connected to slavery by Sir Bartle Frere" suggests that there may have been individuals who were involved in or benefited from the slave trade. Sir Bartle Frere was a British colonial administrator who served in India and Africa during the 19th century. The use of the word "even" suggests that the author is aware that this connection to slavery might make it harder for these individuals to benefit from the actions being taken.
talha09noor

slavery in madagascar - Google Search - 2 views

MT NOOR slavery madagascar

shared by talha09noor on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • cinderellaochu on 05 May 23
     
    This image is not opening.
talha09noor

Part 6.pdf - 0 views

shared by talha09noor on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • T H E S L A V E T R A D E A B O L I T I O N C O M P A C T b e t w e e n M a u r i t i u s a n d M a d a g a s c a r , h u m b u g t o s o l d i e r s i n M a u r i t i u s b u t a v e r y r e a l s t r o k e o f B r i t i s h p o l i c y t o t h e B o u r b o n F r e n c h , w a s m a d e f r o m L e R e d u i t , i n d e f i a n c e o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d p r i n c i p a l M a l a g a s y s l a v e a g e n t J e a n R e n e a t t h e p o r t o f T a m a t a v e o n t h e e a s t c o a s t o f M a d a g a s c a r , b y h i s o v e r l o r d , m a j o r s l a v e s o u r c e , a n d u n d e r B r i t i s h u r g i n g h i s r e l u c t a n t b l o o d b r o t h e r , t h e M e r i n a k i n g R a d a m a I i n l a n d a t T a n a n a r i v e
    • talha09noor
      talha09noor on 25 Apr 23
       
      Even though there wasnt much movement of slave trade, the slave trade between mauritius and madagascar has been abolished with the british acting as mediator
nokubonga1219

The Indian Ocean in Transatlantic Slavery.pdf - 1 views

Nokubonga Masuku

shared by nokubonga1219 on 21 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Voyages
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      voyages are long journeys that involves travelling by sea or by in space ( in this content it will be by sea because slaves were transported by through the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean.
  • Given the lack of source material for slave trading in the ocean, scholars have been forced to focus on the carrying capacity of the trade from specific regions throughout the Indian Ocean. These numbers are based primarily on nineteenth-century British abolitionist observations estimating the overall size of regional trade. 6
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      since there was lack of source material for slave trading in the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean, scholars were forced to focus on carrying a measured volume of the trade from different places pass the Indian Ocean .
  • Despite the connections between the two trades, one within the Indian Ocean and the other in the Atlantic, we must be constantly aware of the major differences between the two, most notably that both European and non-European slave-owning societies throughout the Indian Ocean region relied upon slaves from Asia, not upon those from Southeast Africa.
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though the two trades had connections which was within the Indian Ocean and others in the Atlantic Ocean, there were major differences, particularly the European and non-European slave owners in the Indian Ocean part depended mostly upon slaves from Asia and not those from Southeast Africa.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • Second, given the local exchanges operating around the Mozambique Channel and within East Africa, we cannot be entirely sure of the origins of slaves within the region.
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Given the local exchange operating around Mozambique and East of Africa it is not clearly were slave trade started within this regions..
  • venture. The first slaves entering the Atlantic from the Indian Ocean were probably taken to St Helena by English East India Company vessels.
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the first slaves that entered the Atlantic were taken to St Helena by English East India company vessels .
  • Figure 1. Captives carried off from Southeast Africa for the Americas by decade, 1624–1860. Source: Voyages, http://www.slavevoyages.org(accessed July 24, 2012).
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      below is a graph showing the time profile departure of almost 543 000 people who it was estimated that they had embarked o slave vessels i Southeast Africa for Americans in the years between 1624 and 1860.
  • The French also frequently conflated slaves from the Swahili coast with those from elsewhere in East Africa. 15 This confusion further complicates our understanding of the traffic from the Mascarene Islands to the Americas. Finally, given the relatively little research on the slave
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      France also rapidly mixed-up slaves from the Swahili coast with those from other places in the East of Africa .
  • For centuries, dhows had carried small numbers of slaves from many sources to a variety of markets all around the Indian Ocean. By the nineteenth century, these
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      small numbers of slaves were carried by dhow to different markets around the Indian Ocean.
  • Northeast Africa sent no slaves to the Americas. Madagascar was briefly important in the seventeenth century, as the numbers leaving the island for the Americas amounted to an estimated one-fifth of the relative few slaves traded in the Indian Ocean in that early period
    • nokubonga1219
      nokubonga1219 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Northeast Africa did not send slaves to the Americas
m222214127

Madagascar and mozambique in the slave trade of the Western Indian Ocean 1800-1861 - 3 views

www.tandfonline.com/...01440398808574968

shared by m222214127 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • m222214127 on 26 Apr 23
     
    Published in Slavery & Abolition: A Journal of Slave and Post-Slave Studies (Vol. 9, No. 3, 1988)
Safiyya Shakeel

The London Missionary Society in South Africa: a retrospective sketch.pdf - 1 views

Safiyya Shakeel History2A 222112023

shared by Safiyya Shakeel on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • commenced their labours, the Cape slaves were a mixed people, but chiefly captured from Madagascar and the south-east coast of Africa. There was also a Malay (Mohammedan) element, introduced into the country by those who were at once masters in the Indian Archipelago and at the Cape. As to South African races, the reader will please to note carefully that, philologically, there are only two families of natives in all South Africa—the Gariepine, or yellow and oblique-eyed people, and the Bantu people, who are of a more dusky hue. The Gariepine* family include the Hottentots, Namaquas, Korannas, and E * Gariep is a native name for the
    • Safiyya Shakeel
      Safiyya Shakeel on 25 Apr 23
       
      This introduction chapter of this document makes us aware of how unpopular the concept of Christianity was during the nineteenth century and that the majority being the white population was rather ignorant then open minded when it came to religion/worship.
  • read considerably, and had been enriched by the arrival, in 1688, of a number of French Huguenots—refugees from the oppression of Louis XIV.—the peculiar arrangements of the Dutch Company repressed the growth of the Colony, and imposed galling restraints upon the people. Indeed, the
    • Safiyya Shakeel
      Safiyya Shakeel on 25 Apr 23
       
      The people of South Africa were split into two native families at the time as mentioned on page 4, these families were known as the Gariepine and the Bantu people. The spread of Christianity was not easy, the majority (whites) rejected the idea of missionaries spreading the word of God and at this time banned any religious events or occurrences. Although later on the missions were reinstated and Christianity grew once more.
  • were never saleable. As to the condition of the slaves at the Cape in connection with Christianity, I shall quote the following sentences from Mr. Theal’s “ History of South Africa’ :— “According to the Dutch law no baptized person could be a slave, and this law, which was intended to raise Christian bondsmen to the position of free men effectually prevented the propagation of Christianity among them. The act of baptism being made equivalent to an act of manumission, it was to the owner’s interest to keep his slave in ignorance; and thus a law made to encourage Christianity actually prohibited it.” It is not easy for us now, either in Britain or in the Cape Colony,
    • Safiyya Shakeel
      Safiyya Shakeel on 25 Apr 23
       
      As much as slavery was on the radar so was serfdom during the nineteenth century. Christianity was used a form of liberation during this oppressive period therefore it was known that a baptized person could not be a slave and naturally the slave masters did not like this idea at all and sought to keep their slaves in ignorance, however Christianity grew daily, and the acceptance of Christian missionaries soon become inevitable.
nicolezondo

'Cloths with Names': Luxury Textile Imports in Eastern Africa, c. 1800-1885.pdf - 1 views

''Nosipho Mthiyane'' ''222145931''

shared by nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ivory
  • ivory
  • ivory
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • The same thirty or so cloth types were sought by élites, and, increasingly , the general population, across the vast area of Sub-Saharan eastern Africa engaged in the ivory , slaves, gum copal and spices which, at its peak in the 1870s, radiated from Zanzibar to Somalia in the north, to Mozambique in the south, as far west as Uganda and east to Madagascar and the Comoros Islands.
  • As the export ivory trade in particular expanded far into the interior of
  • As the export ivory trade in particular expanded far into the interior of eastern Africa in the nineteenth century , rising wealth and changing fashions led increasing numbers of people to give up their local barkcloth or hide dress for imported woven cloth.
    • nicolezondo
      nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23
       
      Historically, East Africa was well-known for its wide trade networks that crossed the continent and brought together people from varied racial and ethnic origins. These networks extended as far as east India and deep into the interior of Central Africa.
  • In 1856, English explorer Richard Francis Burton, the first European to cross the central ivory ‘cloths with names’.
  • s the ivory frontier expanded, so too did the
  • However, ivory kunguru’s fortunes. Kunguru is the probable origin of the iconic ‘Maasai plaid’, the red and
Mnqobi Linda

History, Materialization, and Presentation of Slavery in Tanzania.pdf - 2 views

Mnqobi Linda 222051757

shared by Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Abu Abdullah Muhammad al-Idrisial Qurtubi al-Hasani as-Sabati
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      He was a Muslim Arab geographer and cartographer who served in the court of King Roger II at Palermo, Sicily.
  • prostrate
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means to lie down with one's face turned toward the ground. As a sign of showing respect towards Visitors
  • When they [Africans] see an Arab, whether a traveler or a merchant, they prostrate themselves before him. The visitors to this country steal their children, enticing them away by offering them fruits, finally take possession of them and carry them off to their country. (translated in Martin and Ryan 1977, 73)
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      Abu Abdullah highlight here that in the early ages of slavery, Visitors or Arabs would visits Africans and end up stealing their children buy offering them fruits and capture them and take them away of their families.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • In this account, we see most usefully the destination of those trafficked in the trade: the homelands of “Arab” traders. This destination contributes to a continuing lack of western historical knowledge about the East African slave trade. In contrast to the West African slave trade, the trade of enslaved captives in East Africa was not managed for the benefit of European economies. Local slave traders were part of an Arab trading system that was fundamentally separate from European capitalism until well into the eighteenth century. The organization of early Islamic society, like societies based on Christianity and Judaism, included the exploitation of individuals as coerced labor. Even when manumission was practiced and urged by the Prophet Muhammed, a caveat of tolerance for the practice remained.
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      Arabs were the main slave traders who took some of the from the Europeans and from East of AFrica.
  • The development of international trade links therefore supported the continuation of the institution of slavery within Islamic law. Of course, Muslims were not the only group involved in the export of slaves from East Africa. For example, later eighteenth-century activity specifically supported the Madagascan plantation economy of colonial France. The Portuguese also participated in slaving to a more limited extent during their colonial control of the Swahili Coast in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries. In 1606, during the Portuguese colonial period, Gaspar de Santo Bernadino recorded his observations of the slave trade as practiced on the Swahili Coast:
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      This discuss that not only the muslims were involved in enslaving people but also continents near the Indian ocean were involved, like Madagascar, the Portuguese.
  • When we reached Pate we were informed that some Moors from Arabia had arrived in a small vessel for the purpose of bartering for African boys whom they carried off to their country. There the boys were made to follow the Moorish religion and treated as slaves for the rest of their lives. Six of them had already been purchased. (translated in FreemanGrenville 1962, 162)
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23
       
      Arabs would also bring a small amount of Men to exchange for a huge amount of boys from Africa.
Mnqobi Linda

SlaveryandSlaveTradeinEasternAfrica.pdf - 1 views

Mnqobi Linda 222051757

shared by Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Traditionally, most societies in Africa, many with divine kings and strict hierarchical forms of government with local chiefs at village level, kept slaves as body guards, tax collectors, domestic servants and farm workers. They were an important indicator of power and wealth. They were seldom sold as chattels but could be given away as gifts to others in position. However, with the discovery of the Americas and the European need for increased cheap labor changed the character of African slave ownership when Europeans introduced the Atlantic Slave Trade and escalated slave raids and enslavement of Africans and their forced migration for use in the Americas. Later in the early 18th century, the rulers of Dahomey/Benin became major slave traders, raiding their neighboring tribes and capturing them, providing more than 10,000 slaves to the Europeans. Some of the captives were former slave traders themselves
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Communities Chiefs made slaves out of their people. They would also sell them or exchange them for food to Europeans.
  • Swahili patricians, the ruling class of coastal society of mixed African-Asian origin in the ports and islands of East Africa, comprising Sultans, chiefs, government officials, ship owners and wealthy merchant houses, used non-Muslim slaves as domestic servants, sailors, coolies and workers on farms and plantations, even in the interior of modern day Tanzania around trading centers such as Tabora, Mwanza on Lake Victoria, and Ujiji and Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika. Swahili craftsmen, artisans and clerks were free Muslim men or Islamized former slaves. The divisions between the different social classes were often not very strict because of intermarriage and social mobility. Seyyid Said, Sultan of Oman an Zanzibar, and his relatives and associates, became so rich because of his clove plantations in Zanzibar employing slave labor that he moved his capital Muscat in Oman to Zanzibar in 1840; thus he became the first of 12 Omani Sultans of Zanzibar.
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23
       
      In this portion they discuss different use of Slavery after being captured and moved to other countries.
  • Slavery and slave trade within East Africa were well established before the Europeans arrived on the scene. Export of slaves was mostly to the countries of the Middle East, especially in the Persian Gulf region. African slaves worked as sailors in Persia, pearl divers and laborers on date plantations in Oman and the Gulf, soldiers in the various armies and workers on the salt pans of Mesopotamia (todays Iraq). Many Africans were domestic slaves, working in rich households. Many young women were taken as concubines, i.e. sex slaves. However, the bulk of the slaves in the countries around the Indian Ocean were from South Asia and South East Asia, particularly South India, Malaysia and Indonesia, most of them being women, many of whom were brought to East Africa by the Portuguese to work in their fortresses, naval bases and wine-houses or sold away as concubines.
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23
       
      They highlighted that slavery has always been before the arrival of the Europeans to obtain them and move them abroad.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • 1. New clove and coconut plantations in Zanzibar and date plantations in Oman needed labor. 2. New farms in the interior of East Africa for production of food crops around inland centers along the caravan routes needed labor. 3. More slaves were needed as porters to carry trade goods from the coast to the interior, and ivory and other products from the interior to the coast. 4. Brazilian traders, to avoid the British navy intercepting their slave ships in West Africa, had started obtaining slaves from the Portuguese in Angola, the Zambezi valley and the coast of Mozambique. 5. The French needed cheap labor on their newly started sugar and coffee plantations in the islands of Mauritius, Seychelles, Reunion, Rodrigues and southern Madagascar. 6. Many male slaves in Zanzibar and Mombasa would become free after some years in servitude, older slaves would retire or die, and new ships and businesses, building and construction work needed new slaves.
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Why Slavery?
  • 1. the Prazeros, descendants of Portuguese fathers and African mothers, operating mostly along the Zambezi River. 2. the Yao of southern Tanzania and northern Mozambique working north-east of the Zambezi River. 3. the Makua operating east of the Yao, closer to the coast. 4. The Yeke operating further north around Lake Tanganyika under the leadership of Chief Msiri of Katanga and the Nyamwezi Chief Mirambo, who established a short-lived trading and raiding kingdom at Urambo during 1860-70's. Slaves were brought by them from as far west as southern Angola. 5. the Kamba, Galla/Oromo and the Somali in Kenya. 6. the Christian Amhara and the Oromo later systematically raided the Muslim Somali in modern Ethiopia to obtain slaves well into the 1930s.
    • Mnqobi Linda
      Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Suppliers of Slaves in the East of Africa.
mtshiza221192212

The Landscapes of Slavery in Kenya.pdf - 1 views

Phozisa Mtshiza

shared by mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • epitome
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      a person or thing that is a perfect example of a particular quality or type
  • imbued
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      inspire or permeate with
  • Therefore, to understand a landscape, we must go beyond what is visually apparent and look at the meanings and values that people have assigned to that landscape.
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      since the author has explained and given meanings of a landscape here the author urges us to not only look at the formation of the landscape but to also look meaning and values which people added to the landscape and the impact which has be made by the people in the landscape
  • ...15 more annotations...
  • arena
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      a level area surrounded by seating, in which sports, entertainments, and other public events are held.
  • contestation
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the action or process of disputing or arguing
  • ambergris
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      ambergris, a solid waxy substance originating in the intestine of the sperm whale. in Eastern cultures ambergris is used for medicines and potions and as spice , in the West it was used to stabilize the scent of fine perfumes.
  • Petanguo is a fiord that was a suitable point for crossing the river; its name derives from the Swahili phrase petanguo (to tuck up a 194 H. O. KIRIAMA Stickynote Stickynote piece of clothing) since one had to fold his or her clothes to avoid wetting them when crossing the river
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this shows how little or not of value they were seeing the slaves
  • replenish
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      to fill up something again
  • Kenya had several land and sea routes that brought enslaved captives to its coastline from as far as the eastern part of what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo and western Madagascar (Cooper 1977; Morton 1990; Middleton 1992)
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Kenya has an advantage of its routes to transport or bring in slaves that is why they had an increased population of slaves
  • Cities along the mainland coast and Zanzibar Island became major international slave trading centers (Harris 1971). By the 1830s, clove plantation agriculture had experienced a boom in Zanzibar and this saw the increase in local slave populations from 15,000 in 1819 to over 100,000 in the 1830s (Cooper 1980; Davidson 1980; Croucher 2015). The plantation economy’s apex was reached between 1875 and 1884 when there were 43,000–47,000 slaves on the Kenyan coast which represented 44 percent of the population (Cooper 1980; Morton 1990); the largest concentrations of enslaved laborers were in the Malindi- Mambrui region near Takaungu and in the Lamu and Pate area, although there were smaller numbers of slaves in Mombasa and Vanga, among many other places (Morton 1990).
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slavery came about to Kenya because of the need for labor the population of slavery increased because the demand in agriculture increased therefore there was also a demand for laborers that is why the population of slaves increased
  • These efforts culminated in the British Parliament passing laws between 1807 and 1832, that outlawed slavery and slave trade at home and abroad
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      these people were the ones who started slavery so when they realized that they were inhumane they took the responsibility for their inhumane actions to put an end to slavery
  • The pressure of British naval patrols forced slave traders to start selling their captives to internal merchants; instead of being shipped overseas, many captives began to be retained on the East African coast to support the labor needs of the rising plantation economy.
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      i think this is where they were doing this step by step because radical change would have brought war
  • Before the founding of Freretown, another settlement for freed slaves was established at Rabai, in the Mombasa hinterland, where the Germany Missionary, Ludwig Krapf had established a mission station in 1846.
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      a form of showing regret and a kind gesture because the slaves had nowhere else to go
  • appellations
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      name or title
  • intangible
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      unable to be touched, not having physical presence
  • resonate
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      produce or be filled with a deep, full, reverberating sound.
  • repositories
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      a place or container where something is deposited or stored
  • subalterns
    • mtshiza221192212
      mtshiza221192212 on 26 Apr 23
       
      an officer in the British army below the rank of captain especially a second lieutenant
talha09noor

Close encounters of the worst kind: Malagasy resistance and colonial disasters in South... - 2 views

www.tandfonline.com/...00438243.1997.9980355

MT NOOR

shared by talha09noor on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
    • talha09noor
      talha09noor on 24 Apr 23
       
      There wasnt many exports of slaves from this island during this time.
    • talha09noor
      talha09noor on 24 Apr 23
       
      This was probably as aresult of the British Merina which pledged to end slave trade of these people
  • slave‐based societies did not provide substantial numbers of slaves to the Europeans.
  • cinderellaochu on 05 May 23
     
    Good attempt Noor but you shared it incorrectly. This is a preview page.
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