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andiswamntungwa

The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
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  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
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  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
sekhele

102313498_Vilhanov.pdf - 2 views

  • The third phase of the misionary movement in Africa, which started from the end of the eighteenth and continued throughout the nineteenth century, in twentieth-century Africa led to the dramatic expansion of Christianity called “the fourth great age of Christian expansion”. In their attempt to spread the Christian faith, win converts and transform African societies, Christian missions of all denominations opened schools and disseminated education. Scientifically very important was their pioneer work in African languages. By producing grammars, dictionaries, textbooks and translations of religious texts missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages. Christian missionary enterprise was no doubt of prime importance in the Westernization of Africa. Africans were, however, not passive recipients of new influences and culture patterns. The adoption of Christianity and the process of cultural exchange were shaped by African choices, needs and efforts to Africanize Africa’s Christian experience by securing the roots of Christianity in the African context.
    • sekhele
       
      The third phase of the missionary movement in Africa from the late 18th to 19th century led to the fourth great age of Christian expansion in 20th-century Africa. Christian missions opened schools, disseminated education, and pioneered work in African languages. The adoption of Christianity in Africa was shaped by African choices and efforts to Africanize the Christian experience.
  • Before 1800 the chief contact of sub-Saharan Africa with Europe was through the traffic in slaves for the New World. Increasing Western commercial penetration from the end of the eighteenth century and ultimate political dominance in Africa coincided with a massive Christian missionary enterprise.
    • sekhele
       
      Before 1800, Europe's primary interaction with sub-Saharan Africa was through the slave trade, but later on, Western commercial expansion and political control in Africa coincided with a significant Christian missionary effort.
  • Catholic missions
    • sekhele
       
      The Catholic mission refers to the efforts of the Catholic Church to spread its teachings and convert people to the Catholic faith. This involves sending missionaries to areas where Catholicism is not yet established, building churches and other religious institutions, and providing education and other services to the local community. Catholic missions have been established all over the world, with a particular focus on regions where Christianity is not the dominant religion. The mission aims to spread the message of Jesus Christ and share the love and compassion of God with all people.
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  • The Catholic mission movement in Africa which had started in the late fifteenth century and was given new direction by the foundation in 1622 in Rome of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide by Pope Gregory XV, nearly collapsed under the impact of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars in the late eighteenth century, when many religious houses and congregations in Europe were closed down. It recovered in the first decades of the nineteenth century and revived the work of evangelization in Africa.
    • sekhele
       
      The Catholic mission movement began in Africa during the late 15th century, but it faced significant challenges during the late 18th century due to the French revolution and Napoleonic wars, which led to the closure of religious institutions in Europe. However, the movement recovered and resumed its evangelization work in Africa during the early 19th century. Pope Gregory XV played a crucial role in revitalizing the movement by establishing the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Rome in 1622.
  • The vast African continent was always present in Lavigerie’s thoughts. From 1867 until his death in November 1892 the immense African interior remained the principal object of Cardinal Lavigerie’s zeal and from the very beginning he planned an apostolate south of the Sahara. Cardinal Lavigerie, as Professor of Early Church History at the Sorbonne, knew well that Christianity had had a very long history in Africa due to the existence of the ancient Churches in Egypt, the Roman Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia.
    • sekhele
       
      The passage describes Cardinal Lavigerie's lifelong passion for Africa. He dedicated himself to missionary work in the African interior from 1867 until his death in 1892. He planned to bring Christianity south of the Sahara. As a Professor of Early Church History, he was aware of the long history of Christianity in Africa, specifically in ancient Egypt, Roman Africa, Nubia, and Ethiopia.
  • The missionary movement which was far from successful during this early period as far as Christian conversion was concerned, met with huge success in another field. In most regions of sub-Saharan Africa outside the reach of Islam, Africans were introduced to written literature through Christian propaganda, the very first books in their own African language were produced to advance the Christian cause. Missions of all denominations disseminated education in their attempt to win converts and to train African catechists. ‘Transforming Africa by the Africans”, was the formula advocated by Cardinal Lavigerie in his instructions to the White Fathers. “The missionaries must therefore be mainly initiators, but the lasting work must be accomplished by the Africans themselves, once they have become Christians and apostles. And it must be clearly noted here that we say: become Christians and not become French or Europeans.”1 1 Missionaries were therefore asked to adapt themselves to the Africans, to strip themselves, as much as possible, of the cultural elements peculiar to them, of their language in the first place. It was believed that without effective and active communication it was impossible to pursue the conversion of the Africans.
    • sekhele
       
      During the early period of the missionary movement, converting Africans to Christianity was largely unsuccessful, but they had success in introducing written literature in African languages through Christian propaganda. Missions of various denominations aimed to educate and train African catechists, promoting the idea of "Transforming Africa by the Africans." Missionaries were asked to adapt to the African culture and communicate effectively, believing that without active communication, conversion was impossible.
  • This concern for African languages developed by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages reduced into written form. Christianization went with reading and writing, with the rise of African literatures.
    • sekhele
       
      Catholic and Protestant missionaries' efforts to promote African languages by reducing them to written form led to the development of African literature. The Christianization process encouraged reading and writing, contributing to the growth of African literatures.
  • The schools they established were often boarding schools because missionaries believed that in an atmosphere of the boarding school far removed from the traditional cultural influences of their homes, new converts would more easily give up all or most of their traditions. The school system promoted Western values and desires. Missionary schoolmasters provided a total culture pattern, including church attendance, Christian morality, table manners, etc. All this led to the segregation and alienation of converts from their families and their societies.
    • sekhele
       
      The schools made it easy for the Christian missionaries to expand the idea of Christianity.
nonjabulorsxabar

CRL Resources on 19th-Century Christian Missionary Work in Africa | CRL - 4 views

  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • Safiyya Shakeel
       
      This newspaper article provides more information regarding the London Missionary Society before 1890 and shares additional information of Christian missionaries during that period. There are multiple articles that are relevant to Christian Missionaries in Africa before 1890 and each article shares a different perspective of the spread of Christianity back then, however the common factor is that the mission to spread the word of God was not as easy as it seemed.
  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
       
      Early in the 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those areas, missionary work was started in central and southern Africa. The earliest travelers to central and southern Africa were missionaries. David Livingstone was one of the first Europeans to cross the continent when the London Missionary Society despatched him to South Africa in 1840. International coordination played a significant role in missionary and colonial initiatives when Europeans started to occupy central and southern Africa around the turn of the century.
  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
       
      Early in the 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those areas, missionary work was started in central and southern Africa. The earliest travelers to central and southern Africa were missionaries. David Livingstone was one of the first Europeans to cross the continent when the London Missionary Society despatched him to South Africa in 1840. International coordination played a significant role in missionary and colonial initiatives when Europeans started to occupy central and southern Africa around the turn of the century.
makheda

South African Exploration - 3 views

  • II. Smith, Eider, and Co., London, 1838. This is t
    • makheda
       
      This Article portrays the Theme of the Natural History in Africa. Dr. Smith who was a zoologist explorer explored the Central and Southern Africa to study the natural beauty and animals in Africa.
  • It i
  • s
  • ...93 more annotations...
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey.
  • t is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journe
  • election from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • home by the ex
  • brough
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  • selection
  • rom the zoological collections
  • a
  • t. It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
    • makheda
       
      * It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the expedition that ventured into Central Africa some years ago under the care and supervision of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are primarily indebted for the entire planning and execution of the journey.
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey. Th
  • he care and supe~nteudence of
  • brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smit
  • a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex-
  • ection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated int
  • into
  • Africa under
  • a
  • penetrated
  • ince
  • since
  • edition which som
  • years
  • Centr
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  • netrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose
  • nce penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey.
  • selection
  • to whose persevering
  • Dr. Smith,
  • mith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
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  • zeal in the pursuit of natural h
  • of the journe
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  • hat gentleman w
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, n
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Unive
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
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  • ieve spent some part of his early ca
  • as a private lec.
  • sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • es
  • turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a seri
  • es of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the
  • e by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel
  • novel at the
  • f lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures,
  • o
  • time
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • o the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the
  • .
  • called
  • alled on at an early period to go abroad
  • Many began to trace the
  • Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
    • makheda
       
      This shows the Dr. Smith`s exploration about the natural beauty In Africa was influenced by the lectures he was taught when he was still in University.
  • eautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of
  • he
  • he singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • imbibed
    • makheda
       
      Imbibed * It is to absorb something. * The process of swallowing something or to consume it
  • zeal
    • makheda
       
      Zeal * It is the great energy or enthusiasm in pursuit of a cause or an objective
  • Museum at Cape Town
    • makheda
       
      Cape Town is a city In South Afrca
  • Sparrman
    • makheda
       
      Sparrman published several works, the best known of which is his account of his travels in South Africa and with Cook, published in English as A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Antarctic polar circle, and round the world: But chiefly into the country of the Hottentots and Caffres, from the year 1772 to 1776 (1789). He also published a Catalogue of the Museum Carlsonianum (1786-89), in which he described many of the specimens he had collected in South Africa and the South Pacific, some of which were new to science. He published an Ornithology of Sweden in 1806.
  • Le Vaillant,
    • makheda
       
      He was a French author, explorer, naturalist, zoological collector, travel writer, and noted ornithologist. He reported numerous new bird species based on birds he gathered in Africa, and some birds bear his name. He was among the first to use colour plates to illustrate birds and was opposed to Carl Linnaeus's use of binomial nomenclature, preferring to use descriptive French names such as bateleur (meaning "tumbler or tight-rope walker") for the peculiar African eagle. He explored most of the Southern African`s country by his time.
  • ex.
    • makheda
       
      Excursions are trips that are/were taken by explorers around the world.
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • cursion
    • makheda
       
      Question: Why did the Zoologist explorers explored Southern Africa?
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  •  
    Non-academic source
lmshengu

exploration of Africa - Students | Britannica Kids | Homework Help - 1 views

  • Archaeological
    • lmshengu
       
      it is the scientific study of material remains such as tools,pottery,jewelry,stone walls and monuments of past human life and activities.
  • The coasts of northern Africa were known to peoples of Europe and Asia since ancient times. Non-Africans later gained knowledge of the western, southern, and eastern coasts. However, the interior of Africa remained largely a mystery to foreigners until the mid-19th century. It was the last of the inhabited continents to be thoroughly explored by outsiders, along with Australia. Africa lies very close to southern Europe and even closer to the Middle East region of Asia. Nevertheless, Europeans explored the distant Americas first.
    • lmshengu
       
      The ancient inhabitants of Europe and Asia were aware of the northern African shores. Later, the western, southern, and eastern beaches were known to non-Africans. However, until the middle of the 19th century, the interior of Africa was mainly unknown to outsiders. Along with Australia, it was the last of the inhabited continents to be properly explored by outsiders. The Middle East region of Asia is even closer to Africa than it is to southern Europe. Nevertheless, the far-off Americas were first discovered by Europeans.
  • Africa posed several challenges to foreign explorers
    • lmshengu
       
      Many africans had faced several issues from the foreign explorers
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  • Mediterranean Sea.
    • lmshengu
       
      The mediterranean sea is a sea connected to the atlantic ocean, surrounded by the mediterranean basin and almost completely enclosed by land on the north by southern europe and anatolia on the south by north africa and on the east by the levant in western asia.
  • fierce storms
    • lmshengu
       
      Fierce storms is a violent storm with extremely strong winds and heavy rain
  • Portugal’s exploring aims were largely commercial. The Portuguese wanted to find a sea route around Africa to the riches of Asia. Like other European powers, they wanted to trade directly in valuable Asian spices. The older trade routes to Asia were becoming increasingly blocked to them.
    • lmshengu
       
      Portuguese exploration mostly served commercial interests. The Portuguese sought a sea route from the riches of Asia around Africa. They desired to engage in direct trade in priceless Asian spices, much like other European powers. Older trade routes to Asia were getting more and more closed off to them.
  • The Portuguese wanted to end Muslim control over northern Africa. That desire was one of several reasons why Portugal explored the continent in the 15th century. Spreading Christianity in Africa was another motive for Portuguese exploration, along with scientific curiosity. They also sought great wealth.
  • The Portuguese also wanted to establish trade with western Africa. Gold, ivory, and African slaves had long been traded across the Sahara to Muslims in the north.
    • lmshengu
       
      Additionally, the Portuguese desired to open markets in western Africa. African slaves, gold, and ivory had long been traded with Muslims in the north across the Sahara.
  • By the time Henry died in 1460, his navigators had explored the coast as far south as Sierra Leone. For a time the Portuguese were busy fighting the Moroccans, and few exploring expeditions were sent out. John II became king of Portugal in 1481. Under John, the Portuguese once again began exploring Africa regularly
    • lmshengu
       
      By the time Henry passed away in 1460, his explorers had traveled as far south as Sierra Leone to investigate the coastline. Few exploration trips were sent out for a while since the Portuguese were preoccupied with fighting the Moroccans. Portugal's John II was crowned king in 1481. Under John, the Portuguese resumed frequent exploration of Africa.
  • stone pillar
    • lmshengu
       
      A stone pillar having a rectangular cross section tapering towards a pyramidal top.it is a landform, eisther of rock or earth.
  • For the next 15 years, Livingstone was constantly on the move in the African interior. First, he ventured north of Cape Town into the Kalahari, a vast dry plain. By 1842 he had already traveled farther north in the Kalahari than any other European. In 1844 he traveled to Mabotsa to establish a mission station. Along the way he was mauled by a lion, and his left arm was injured. The following year Livingstone married Moffat’s daughter Mary. She accompanied him on many of his travels.
    • lmshengu
       
      Livingstone moved about constantly throughout the interior of Africa for the following 15 years. He first traveled into the Kalahari, a large, dry desert, to the north of Cape Town. He had already traversed the Kalahari further north than any previous European by 1842. He went to Mabotsa in 1844 to start a mission station there. He was attacked by a lion along the route, which hurt his left arm. Livingstone wed Mary, Moffat's daughter, the following year. She traveled with him on many occasions.
  • Modern exploration of the Nile basin began when Egypt conquered Sudan starting in 1821. As a result, the Egyptians learned more about the courses of the Blue Nile and the White Nile. A Turkish officer, Selim Bimbashi, led three expeditions between 1839 and 1842. Two of them reached the point in what is now South Sudan where rapids make navigation of the Nile difficult.
    • lmshengu
       
      When Egypt seized control of Sudan beginning in 1821, modern exploration of the Nile basin began. The Egyptians gained deeper knowledge of the Blue Nile and White Nile's courses as a result. Between 1839 and 1842, Selim Bimbashi, a Turkish officer, was in charge of three expeditions. Two of them arrived at the spot where the Nile's navigation becomes challenging due to rapids in what is now South Sudan
sekhele

312_1.tif.pdf - 1 views

  • THE EXTENSION OF ARAB INFLUENCE IN AFRICA. 1
    • sekhele
       
      The extension of Arab influence in Africa refers to the spread of Arab culture, religion, and trade in the African continent. Arab influence in Africa began in the 7th century with the spread of Islam and continued through the trans-Saharan trade. Arab influence had a significant impact on the development of African societies, including language, religion, and political organization. The Arab influence on Africa was not uniform and varied by region and time period. Today, Arab influence in Africa can be seen in the cultural practices, languages, and religion of many African countries.
  • ONE of the most striking phenomena in the march of events in Africa is, m~doubtedly, the extension of Arab influence from the north-east of the continent over nearly all the northern part, as far as the Gulf of Guinea, and from the east towards the Central Equatorial zone. Like sn inundation, it threatens some day to overflow the entire con- ti~lent. Men of all classes, whether explorers, missionaries, politicians, or philanthropists, alike recognise it--some to extol the effect of this iHflucnce on the natives and to depreciate that of European civilisation, others to absolutely deny the value of the civilisation imported by the adherents of Islam and the means by which it is promoted. Without attempting to interfere in the discussion on the question raised in the English, French, and German reviews, we desire, in summing up the data on which all these publications agree, and in adding information furnished by certain special works, to mark the stages of the develop- ment of Arab influence in Africa, to trace its actual limits, and to indicate its principal causes.
    • sekhele
       
      The spread of Arab influence across Africa from the northeast to almost the entire northern region and towards the Central Equatorial zone is a significant phenomenon in African history. It is compared to an inundation that threatens to overflow the entire continent. This influence is acknowledged by various groups, including explorers, missionaries, politicians, and philanthropists. Some believe it has a positive impact on the natives, while others disagree and criticize the value of Islamic civilization and its means of promotion. The aim of this discussion is to provide an overview of the development of Arab influence in Africa, identify its limits, and explore its principal causes.
  • The third period extends from the seventeenth century to our own day. The principal propagating agents of the Arab influence at the present time are the Foulbes. Hitherto they had been content with founding agricultural colonies in the Central Sudan, but at the beginning of this century they were seized with a proselytising zeal which promised to carry everything before it. A priest of the province of Gobir, Otman dan Fodio, began the religious war against the pagan populations of the Hausa tribes. The conquering Foulbes spread as far as the ocean in the west, and penetrated far into the south and south-west. They attacked Bornu, but without success. Otman then divided the conquered territory into parts :--Gandu, to the west, and Sokoto, to the east, and the sovereigns of these two kingdoms were expected to bring the natives
    • sekhele
       
      From the 17th century until now, the Foulbes have been spreading Arab influence through agricultural colonies in Central Sudan. They later began to conquer pagan tribes and spread Islam, establishing new kingdoms and transforming once-savage tribes into semi-civilized nations. Islam now reigns from the Nile to the Atlantic and from the Sahara to the north of the Equator.
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  • Amru soon undertook the conquest of the north of Africa; after his death, in 664~ the Egyptian Governor, Okba~ seized Eezzan, founded Kairwan, and advanced as far as the frontiers of Marocco, which, since 618, had belonged to the Visigoths of Spain. After the battle of Maluya, all Marocco, as far as Ceuta, fell into the hands of the Arabs. The Berbers, who at first opposed, in a short time nearly all adopted, Islamism, and, for the most part, the Arab language as well. Sixty- six years sufficed for the Arabs and Islam to subdue all the north of Africa, fl'om Egypt to the Atlantic.
    • sekhele
       
      This passage describes the conquest of North Africa by the Arab armies led by Amru, followed by the Egyptian governor Okba who founded Kairwan and extended Arab rule up to the borders of Morocco. The Berber population initially resisted, but soon converted to Islam and adopted the Arabic language. Within 66 years, the Arabs had successfully conquered and subdued the entire North African region, from Egypt to the Atlantic.
  • within tile pale of Islam. The sovereigns of Sokoto extended their power over Adamawa, and the father of the present sultan, iY[allem Adama, founded a new Mohammedan kingdom on the ruins of several pagan States, of which the most important was Kokomi. When the work of destruction was accomplished, the conquerors began to colonise and reconstruct ; after having ravaged immense stretches of country they attempted to cultivate it afresh ; and in order to establish political unity, destroyed a great number of natives, so that the scattered States, once joined under their seeptre, became available for extensive commercial relations. Thus, the explorer Joseph Thomson writes in the Contem- porary .Review that in comparing the degraded populations of the Coast of Guinea and the banks of the Lower Niger with those of the Central Sudan, what he saw there gave him a very different impression from what he had expected to see. Although he was in the heart of Africa, in the midst of veritable Negroes, they were very different from those he had met in his travels. He found there large and well-built towns, well-clothed people, behaving with self-possessed dignity; and everywhere signs of an in- dustrious community, highly advanced in the path of civilisation, carry- ing on different trades; the various metals were worked, stuffs were spun and dyed, and the markets were thronged with people. Savage tribes had been transformed into semi-civilised nations l Fetichism, with its degrading superstitions, had disappeared before Islam, which had in- spired the Negroes with a new and vigorous life. Thomson adds that Islam reigns at the present day from the. Nile to the Atlantic, and from the Sahara as far as the sixth or even the fourth degree north of the Equator.
  • According to Paulitschke, Islam is making great progress amongst the Gallas. The great tribe of Day has embraced Islamism, while the Walashi and Garura have remained pagan. However this may be, the Arabs are found everywhere in Eastern Africa, either in colonies of a few families, or as travellers. They are to be met with in all the towns of any importance in Southern Africa as far as the colony of Natal and Cape Town. Nevertheless, they do not sensibly influence the population there.
    • sekhele
       
      The text suggests that Islam is spreading among the Gallas, a group of people in Eastern Africa. The author, Paulitschke, notes that the Day tribe has embraced Islam while the Walashi and Garura tribes have remained pagan. The text also mentions that Arabs can be found throughout Eastern Africa, either living in small communities or traveling through the region. They are present in many towns in Southern Africa, as far as the colony of Natal and Cape Town. However, despite their presence, the text suggests that the Arabs do not have a significant impact on the local population.
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
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  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  •  
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
nicolezondo

Vol.+40+-+Article+10+-+Ramey+p.+105-114.pdf - 1 views

  • In exchange, East Africa ivory
  • n exchange, East Africa ivory
  • In exchange, East Africa ivory
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
  • In exchange, East Africa became a significant exporter of ivory to India.
    • nicolezondo
       
      East African ivory is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. it figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast.
  • Because of its sacred value, Indians required huge importations of ivory, especially from the East African coast for its pliability and the ease with which it could be formed into marriage bangles.
  • s required huge importations of ivory,
  • The use of ivory developed over the centuries from jewelry to being the primary material of goods used throughout various areas of society.
    • nicolezondo
       
      The carving of ivory into ornaments predates even gold and other jewelry. In India, ivory is mentioned in the Vedas and there have been many pieces down the ages depicting religious icons-Hindu and otherwise. It has been carved into boxes, statues, necklaces, bangles and so on.
  • By consequence, the complex development of the ivory trade enhanced Indian economic control along the East African coast.
  • As a result, India became a large importer of ivory that had been transported from the African interior to the Swahili East African c o a s t.
  • Six centuries later, Cambay was the main ivory importer from East Africa.3 8
  • Six centuries later, Cambay was the main ivory importer from East Africa.
  • Six centuries later, Cambay was the main ivory importer from East Africa.3
  • The ivory trade, like the material imports, gave the Indians tremendous power in East Africa
  • Not only was East Africa dependent on India for goods but India was also dependent on East Africa for ivory. A strong, complex relationship emerged between East Africa and India throughout the first two millennia.
nkosithand

Travel and Exploration - Document - Gale eBooks - 0 views

  • The rest of Africa, however, remained a mystery to the outside world until medieval* travelers began exploring the continent. Arabs crossed the northern and western parts of Africa. The Chinese learned much about eastern Africa's coast along the Indian Ocean. Europeans spent hundreds of years charting the shores of Africa and then probing all of the continent's interior. Driven by trade, conquest, religion, science, or curiosity, generations of explorers gradually revealed Africa to the rest of the world.
    • nkosithand
       
      The Medieval travellers were the one who begin to explore the continent of Africa. The Europeans spent many years trying to discover Africa and after many years of trying they were able to reveal the continent of Africa to the rest of the world.
  • The major European effort to explore Africa before 1500 took place at sea, not on land, and focused on Africa's western coast. In 1419 Prince Enrique of Portugal, known to later historians as Henry the Navigator, set up a research center on Portugal's south coast to gather information about Africa and to sponsor expeditions southward into waters unknown to European sailors. After the prince died in 1460, Portugal continued to send these explorers out to sea.
    • nkosithand
       
      When they were trying to explore Africa, they tried exploring Africa at a sea not in land. They tried to explore Africa in water as they were using Sailers, during the 14th century, Portugal continued with their explorations, as they sent explorers out to the sea.
  •  
    IN THE EARLY 600O, PEOPLE FROM OUTSIDE AFRICA VISITED AFRICA
nrtmakgeta

v36a13.pdf - 4 views

  • This review essay examines a number of recent works that contribute to the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa; two based upon new and original research (Story and Guy) and the others on reproductions of earlier seminal contributions to the historiography of firearms in Africa (Lamphear and Smaldone).
  • Firearms have a long and significant history in Africa. From their early introduction into the continent, largely as items of trade, firearms have been intricately bound in the various forms of European intrusion into Africa, from the slave trade to pacification and colonisation.
  • Predictably, the history of firearms in Africa has attracted substantial scholarly attention over the past half a century.
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  • ‘that firearms have had an impact on African history cannot be denied, but the nature of that impact is more questionable’. 2
  • In 2002, David Northrup reiterated this sentiment, acknowledging that ‘firearms were arguably the most significant technical innovation to arrive
  • from the Atlantic, and their impact on the continent has been hotly disputed
  • At the turn of the nineteenth century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principal means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports. The older historiography has been dominated by a guns-for-slaves stereotype of Euro-African trade, whereby African demand for firearms increased their capacity to produce the slaves required to supply the Atlantic demand, leading in turn to the general destabilisation of the continent. 9 Such assessments claimed that firearms were a menace to African societies and caused mayhem and anarchy among pre-colonial states. The argument followed that ‘the importation of guns was the principal reason for warfare within Africa and that it was by means of such wars that gun-toting Africans supplied the Atlantic economy with slaves’. 10
  • Not only did guns play an ancillary rather than primary role in most African armies of this era, but for the most important states, guns [were merely an element in] a process of military transformation that was already underway. 12
  • In addition, Richards notes that the firearm trade peaked in the 1830s (although he gives no figures for this peak), which again weakens the ‘slave–gun cycle’ theory. 13 Firearms were being imported well before the heyday of the slave trade and their importation continued to rise in many key slaving areas after its abolition.
  • the development of skill in handling firearms that developed in southern Africa and how these had to adapt to the technological advancements made in the production of firearms over the same period. Firearms as a technology, and as a tool, were adaptable. They were manipulated for a range of activities and purpose
  • What this suggests is that the overwhelming demand for firearms in Africa came from Africans of limited means, for personal rather than military use. 19 Another reason why the cheaper arms would have been more sought after by African populations is that many of them could be repaired in situ by their owners.
  • Many of the more expensive and modern weapons were machine-made and so difficult for owners to mend or maintain. The cheap muskets made for Africans could be repaired by the owner or local African gunsmith. In many of the regions where firearms became an important feature of local life, blacksmiths and gunsmiths proved vital service industries. 20
  • Industrialisation in Europe not only created an increased demand for raw materials in Africa, but also led to advances in technology which had a direct impact on the performance and efficiency of firearms.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      FLINTLOCK RIFLE S-A general term for any firearm that uses a flint-striking ignition mechanism.
  • In the eighteenth century, flintlock rifles were the main trade weapon to Africa, along with older matchlock versions
  • For the first half of the century, many improvements and alterations were made in the design and function of flintlocks but the real breakthrough came in the 1860s with the breech-loading revolution. This revolution brought about significant changes in the functioning of arms that made them more suited to warfare and hunting. They were easier to load and fired faster and this, together with precision production techniques, meant that firearms were more reliable, handled better and were more durable. Equally as important, the first metal cartridge bullets were developed at the same time which provided the gunpowder with greater protection from rain and humidity, and made the process of firing much quicker.
  • Hunting, crop protection and the destruction of vermin were all key activities that firearms were put to by Africans
  • Richards and Northrup also show that large quantities of cheap industrial firearms were produced and traded into Africa; the Bonny gun and the Angola gun being two prime examples. This not only demonstrates the demand for cheap firearms, but also the ‘subtleties and interregional differences of African demand’. 15 As Northrup stated:
  • (hunting, crop protection, eradication of vermin).
  • The extensive debates about the limitations, control and confiscation of black-owned firearms that took place in the Cape Colony during the final decades of the nineteenth century were indicative not only of the white colonial fear of black uprising, but also of extending and entrenching a colonial project that was exclusionary and inflexible.
  •  
    SOURCE NUMBER 5 This source highlights the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa and what significance did the firearms have since they were introduced in Africa and how they were used. It also tells us about the guns that African used to fight and protect themselves. It also explain how large quantities of guns were produced and traded in Africa and lastly that guns in Africa were used for hunting , crop protection and to destruct vermin(which are wild animals that are believed to be harmful to crops, farm animals, or game. or which carry disease, e.g rodents)
Oreneile Maribatze

Firearms in Africa: An Introduction.pdf - 1 views

  • THAT
  • not be denied, but the nature of that impact is more questionable. There has been little research on the subject and no way in which to assess assertions about the influence of guns on any particular period or area.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Firearms have had an important influence on the course of Africa's history is beyond doubt however there has been little consensus on the the issue beyond basic acknowledgement
  • firearms have had an impact on African histo
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the use of guns was very significant in Africa, being items of trade.
  • ...17 more annotations...
  • 'Guns and firearms in the Ottoman Empire', and it became apparent that firearms were of little use without appropriate tactic
  • First, the impact of firearms in African warfare was not as decisive as had been expected. Perhaps the expectation itself was the product of some unhistorical ideology. The collection and lore of firearms have attracted impartial scholars and enthusiasts, but they have also attracted devotees who regard firearms as symbols of industrial or social or other prowess.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The impact of guns is that they radically changed the strategies and tactics used by the armies in African countries.Having a gun in the olden days meant that people would respect you as guns symbolized having power and influence in the community. The arrival of guns assisted the expansion of hunting of both animals and men and made warfare more murderous
  • t is impossible for those with firearms to lose battles to those without firearms, and to some it is impossible for those who have not developed or made firearms to maintain or use them properly
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      it was believed that if an army had guns they would be able to defeat another which is funny as the other could defeat them with indigenous tactics and traditional weapons such as spears and being on horseback
  • or abuse of firearms in Af
  • A second tentative conclusion is that firearms in war had an initial success but rapidly declined in significance. This might be through the enemy acquiring equivalent weapons, or evolving tactics to cope with them, or through the original weapons deteriorating or being deprived of ammunition.
  • Gunpowder was more widely made in Africa, though most observers note that the quality obtained was poor.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      From the 17th centuary onward, guns reached the hinterlands of central Africa trading ports and many traders such as the Akan traders bought muskets and gunpowder far in land. The Adal empire developed gunpowder during the Adal-Abyssinian War.
  • African states did have standing armies, but even some of these must have found it expensive to provide musketry practice
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      it was not cheap to train armies as it required at lot of expenses that many countries found it very expensive
  • . From I650 to I700 one should expect Africa to receive a flood of new trade flintlocks, together with old matchlocks released by European armies.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa received their supplies from European armies
  • same problem existed in Europe from the age of the long-bow; bowmen were first drawn from hunters and foresters, and archery was then encouraged as a sport
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      This is really suprising that a country like Europe could also not afford to train armies. This country is very powerful so one would expect it to afford to adequately train its people
  • As for Africa, we find some references to firearms used in hunting, though this is mainly in southern Africa
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      In the Southern part it seems like guns were not actually used for war only but hunting was an important activity that guns played a role in.
  • The African trade musket, while produced in greater quantities than every other type, or almost every other type, of firearm,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      It is really suprising that a continent that is viewed as being poor was able to supress the other strong continents in producing and manufacturing guns
  • 'female' guns were made in Birmingham and were valuable only for buying female slave
  • e vast majority of Birmingham guns went to Africa; in I864 it cannot have been more than half, since only II9,503 oUt of 221,726 barrels produced were of 'plain iron' such as might be found in trade gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Shows the huge numbers that Africa received guns from other states
  • African muskets were priced in Birmingham at gs. in I845, 7s. 6d. in i850, ios. 6d. in I855, and 6s. gd. in i865.41 In I907 the cost of an African barrel was zs. 3d. in Birmingham, and of the whole gun 6s. gd.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The prices that were set for the muskets produced in Africa, changing with the years
  • Guns shipped to South or East Africa were of higher value. In I900 exports of this unidentified gun to West Africa were 8,803, and to East Africa a mere 352, with Cape Colony taking 566, and Natal I,294. In 1905 all figures were half as high again, save for the Cape which stood at 3,989.43
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The statistics shows how much guns were in demand in Africa and which parts received more guns. In the Cape one can speculate that it was for colonial reasons and forceful taking of livestock and land
  • Effective use of firearms by Africans in war often depended on muskets being used primarily for hunting and crop protection. Availability of firearms may well have made agriculture possible in areas otherwise overrun with game. For these purposes, military arms would be less suitable than the African muskets
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns were of a significance as they made agriculture (through hunting ) possible for most parts of Africa
  • Availability of firearms may well have made agriculture possibl
kserobatse

Christian Missionaries in East Africa - ATIKA SCHOOL - 6 views

  • Christian missions were organized efforts to spread the Christian faith for the purpose of extending religious teaching at home or abroad. Their coming of Christian missionaries to East Africa and Africa in general was based on a number of motives which were humanitarian, economic, political and social in nature. The Portuguese were the first to introduce Christianity to the east African coast in the 15th c. this attempt however had little success. By the 19th century, a number of missionary groups worked in East Africa and these included; The Church Missionary Society The Holy Ghost Fathers
  • Reasons for the coming of Christian missionaries in East Africa The missionaries had the ambition to spread Christianity to the people of East Africa. This would be through preaching and teaching the holy gospel so that many would get converted to Christianity. They wanted to fight against slave trade in East Africa. Earlier travelers like John Speke and James Grant, H.M. Stanley, Dr. David Livingstone and others had reported about the evils of slave trade in East Africa. They wanted to check on the spread of Islam in East Africa from the coast with intentions of converting many to Christianity. Some missionaries came because they had been invited by certain African chiefs, For example, Mutesa I of Buganda wrote a letter through H.M Stanley inviting missionaries to Buganda. They came to establish legitimate trade in East Africa. They, for instance wanted to trade in items like glass, cloths, etc. as Dr. Livingstone told Cambridge University students, “I go back to Africa to make an open pass f
    • ceborh
       
      these are some of the reasons for the coming of christianity
  •  
    Christian Missionaries in East Africa, Reasons for the coming of Christian missionaries in East Africa, Activities, Reasons for the success of missionary work in East Africa
preciousbosiki29

Strategic tangles: Slavery, colonial policy, and religion in German East Africa, 1885-1... - 1 views

  • Slavery and the slave trade in East Africa were quite distinct from their West African and transatlantic counterparts. In East Africa, the translocal slave trade did not emerge until the late eighteenth century and grew throughout the nineteenth century, fuelled by the expansion of ivory hunting and the caravan economy into the hinterland, as well as by the labour demands of Zanzibar’s booming clove plantations. When the clove market declined in the 1870s and the British forced the Zanzibari sultan to end slave exports in 1873, the slave trade in Tanganyika did not decrease, but was now driven by the demand from coconut and sugar plantations along the coast as well as the acquisitions by wealthy households along the caravan routes. 1 In the 1860s, European missionaries began to discover East African slavery as a rallying cause, most notably the Universities’
    • preciousbosiki29
       
      In comparison to West Africa and the transatlantic slave trade, slavery and the slave trade in East Africa were considerably different. The translocal slave trade did not start in East Africa until the late eighteenth century, and it developed during the nineteenth century thanks to the growth of the caravan economy and the extension of the ivory trade into the hinterland, as well as the labor needs of the thriving clove plantations in Zanzibar. When the demand for cloves decreased in the 1870s and the British forced the Zanzibari sultan to stop exporting slaves in 1873, the slave trade in Tanganyika did not decline; instead, it was now fueled by demand from coconut and sugar plantations along the coast as well as the purchases of affluent families along the caravan routes.1 Around 1860, European.
  • Initially, slavery and the slave trade were of no concern to the German colonial acquisitions. Carl Peters, the infamous pioneer of German acquisitions in East Africa, and his German East Africa Company sought to lay the economic and political foundations for their nationalist expansionist ideology, and had no interest in the humanitarian rhetoric of their abolitionist contemporaries. Instead, the Company pondered various measures of how to “raise the Negro to plantation work,” and its schemes for labour coercion soon provoked the criticism that the Company was itself practising a form of slavery. 6 Likewise, on the side of Imperial politics, there was no incentive to get involved in the fight against slavery and the slave trade. Bismarck’s charter policy only allowed for political interference as far as German trade interests were concerned and did not make room for larger geopolitical narratives of “civilisation.” When in 1885 the German consul in Zanzibar, Gerhard Rohlfs, suggested to use the German corvette “Gneisenau” for disrupting the slave trade as a way of bolstering German authority in the region, Bismarck famously replied: “[...] the slaves are none of your business. You are to strive for friendship and transit. ” 7 Similarly, a judicial expertise by the Foreign Office concluded a few months later that subjects in the territories of the German East Africa Company could not be seen as German citizens and thereby could not claim a constitutional right of freedom from slavery. 8 All of this drastically changed in 1888, when the Sultan of Zanzibar leased the coastal strip of Tan
    • preciousbosiki29
       
      Initially, the German colonial acquisitions had no concern about slavery or the slave trade. Carl Peters, the infamous forerunner of German acquisitions in East Africa, and his German East Africa Company showed no interest in the altruistic rhetoric of their abolitionist predecessors and instead wanted to build the economic and political foundations for their nationalist expansionist philosophy. Instead, the Company considered other ways to "raise the Negro to plantation work," and its plans for forced labor quickly sparked accusations that the Company was actually engaging in slavery.6 Similarly, there was no reason for Imperial politics to get engaged in the struggle against slavery and the slave trade. The charter philosophy of Bismarck only permitted political involvement .
  • Therefore, the newspaper’s geopolitical clamour about “Arabs” and Islam reflected the rise of colonial activism, 16 as well as the realisation that the German endeavours in East Africa would require a powerful narrative for replacing the current rulers there. However, this did little to sway Bismarck’s opinion, who even after the East African uprising was opposed to military aid for the German East Africa Company. 17 This is where the issue of slavery rose to ultimate prominence. In early October 1888, Friedrich Fabri, the former Lead Inspector of the Rhenish Missionary Society and prime architect of the German colonial movement, suggested to Bismarck that he utilise the anti-slavery movement for foreign and domestic politics alike.
    • preciousbosiki29
       
      As a result, the geopolitical clamor in the newspaper about "Arabs" and Islam reflected the increase of anti-colonial activism16 and the realization that German efforts in East Africa would need a compelling story to overthrow the incumbent authorities there. This didn't significantly change Bismarck's mind, who continued to oppose military support for the German East Africa Company despite the East African insurrection.17 The topic of slavery attained its highest level of importance at this point. Early in October 1888, Bismarck was advised to use the anti-slavery campaign for both home and foreign politics by Friedrich Fabri, the former Lead Inspector of the Rhenish Missionary Society and the principal architect of the German colonial effort.
  •  
    Slave trafficking
thabokhanyile

Changes in German Travel Writing about East Africa, 1884-1891.pdf - 1 views

shared by thabokhanyile on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The paper's editors wrote that Carl Peters's expedition to find the explorer Emin Pasha in the Egyptian province of Equatoria might be the world's last real journey of exploratio
  • The paper's editors wrote that Carl Peters's expedition to find the explorer Emin Pasha in the Egyptian province of Equatoria might be the world's last real journey of exploratio
  • ded, the paper concluded that further German exploration of Africa was too dang
  • ...29 more annotations...
  • The article's author declared that German colonialists would have to reorient themselves away from exploration toward new ways of exerting control over Africa.2
  • While travel, including exploratory travel, remained central to the German experience in East Africa after 1
  • arked the end of an era for how the German reading public experienced that travel. The style of travel writing about East Africa changed to fit the new needs of the colonial state and the reading demands of the metropolitan p
  • K), the founding organization of Germany's East African colony, repurposed the scientific travel narrative that had formed the entirety of their knowledge about East Africa before 1884 to further the organization's goals of building a colonial e
  • Travelogues were particularly important in German East Africa as compared to Germany's other colonies because the GfdK began its acquis
  • «That of the encounter between a European explorer, the intrepid leader of an expeditionary caravan and emissary of s
  • tion of territory without the support of existing networks in the region and contrary to the Bismarck regime's wishes (Smith 32
  • tion of territory without the support of existing networks in the region and contrary to the Bismarck regime's wishe
  • International African Association exploratory expedition, a hunting trip, a scientific expedition, or an English trading expedition (Wagner 28).8
  • Scientific accounts of East African travel by German explorers and missionaries were prominent in Germany in the early 1880s, despite Germany's lack of a form
  • nths of existence, they suggested possible places to find such wide stretches. Their lack of knowledge of Africa was apparent in their proposals: Joseph Freiherr Molitor von Mühlfeld called for greater emigration to Argentina, Major Friedrich Wilhelm Alexander von Mechow suggested colonizing on the Kwango River, and Alexander Merensky recommended what is today southern Angola
  • Like earlier travelers, Peters and Pfeil went on lecture tours and presented their travels to metropolitan audiences.1
  • The 1884 expedition's members followed the pre-colonial travelers' methods and published travelogues about their exploration and conquest.
  • They inspired him to dream up a plan to acquire land in East Africa. Great riches, he believed, were to be made on Lake Malawi. He suggested the region of Usagara, which according to Stanley held great hope for colonial development (Zur Erwerbung 5
  • Explorers frequently suggested that their travels served a higher calling that would advance the progress of humanity. A calling beyond the self explained the explorer's willingness to brave danger and made him a hero to those who believed in the same calling. To promote their own bravery and skill in the eyes of European audiences, explorers had to convince them that the dangers they faced were beyond anything one could experience in Europe. Explorers traversed unknown places posing a great deal of personal danger and had to depend on aid networks of which they had little knowle
  • avelers drew comparisons between African societies and ones more familiar to European audiences.
  • Peter s's and Pfeil's travelogues fit many of the topoi of earlier travelogues about East Africa, but they sought to fix their travels as permanent markers on the East African landscape, to make German colonialism real in East Africa through writing.
  • Like earlier travelers, Peters cited European history to make his argument, but he used a specifically German history in a way that inscribed German cultural achievements onto the
  • ition» 304). In all of his accounts of East African travel, Peters resorted frequently to quoting poetry to demonstrate his Germanness or a European spirit of exploration. His historical references were not meant merely to make landscapes more familiar to domestic audiences, but served to make them specif
  • Travel for Hellgrewe was a series of short vignettes as he moved between stations of German
  • isen
  • Kultur in the East African wilderness; travel was not the long journey away from civili
  • Hellgrewe's book makes clear that the change in form could not be attributed solely to the lack o
  • new areas to explore. Hellgrewe still searched for the fetishized African wilderness that had motivated pre-colonial German travelers to East Africa and provided the majority of the material for their ac
  • Such was the state of travel writing as planning began for the German expedition to rescue Emin Pasha in 1888. Inspiration for the expedition had come largely from a travel narrative in the pre-colonial style, Wilhelm Junker's Reisen
  • in Afrika. Junker had traveled in East Central Africa from 1875 throu
  • 1886. Near the end of his travels, he had become trapped in Equatoria when the Mahdi attacked Khartoum
  • Pre-colonial travelers had been able to establish their own myths through their expeditionary narrative, but Peters was not afforded the chance in the wake of his failed expedition.
  • ast Africa. Other forms of travel writing replaced the travelogue of African exploration prevalent earlier in the century. Expeditionary reports certainly remained central to German colonization in East Africa after 1891. As
lmshengu

The Historical Role of British Explorers in East Africa.pdf - 1 views

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The major exploration of East Africa was accomplished over a roughly twenty-year period after 1856inaseries ofjourneys made byBurton, Speke, Livingstone, Baker, Cameron, Stanley, and some lesser figures
    • lmshengu
       
      After 1856, Burton, Speke, Livingstone, Baker, Cameron, Stanley, and a few lesser-known individuals made a series of expeditions that resulted in the major exploration of East Africa.
  • "portent"
    • lmshengu
       
      A portent is something that indicates what is likely to happen in the future and it can also be defined as an omen of something momentous, which can be good but is more often negative
  • The technological advantage of superior firearms lay with the explorers but, except for some instances during Stanley's 1874-77 expedition, explorers were rarely in a position to deploy sufficient numbers of weapons to force their way through, even if they had been willing to try.29Paradoxically, therefore, the European explorers of East Africa in the 1850s, '60s, and '70s derived little advantage from Europe's lead in technology
    • lmshengu
       
      The explorers possessed the technological edge of better weapons, but, with the exception of a few incidents during Stanley's 1874-1877 voyage, they were rarely able to use enough weapons to force their way through, even if they had been prepared to attempt.29So, paradoxically, the European explorers of East Africa in the 1850s, 1860s, and '70s gained little from Europe's technological superiority.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • presumably
    • lmshengu
       
      it a word that is used to convey that what is asserted is very likely though not known for certain.
  • One of the difficulties facing all those who have written on the subject is that of distinguishing between the traveler to exotic places and the scientificexplorer; naturally, the RGS insisted on its concern with the latter. 9 In practice the distinction was not and is not always easy to draw: most of the East African explorers' publications partook of the character of tourist travelogues aswellas scientific treatises. Nor was the society averse from taking financial and social advantage of the popular interest generated by the adventures and personal disputes of their explorer heroes
    • lmshengu
       
      Making the distinction between the scientific explorer and the exotic traveler is one of the challenges facing all authors who have written on the subject; consequently, the RGS insisted on its preoccupation with the latter.9The divide was not always clear in practice because the majority of the East African explorers' books had elements of both tourist travelogues and scientific treatises. The group was also not opposed to profiting financially and socially from the interest that was produced by the exploits and personal conflicts of their hero explorers.
  • they were waiting for Europeans to come and free them from the yoke of the slave trade. 4
    • lmshengu
       
      The Africans were waiting for the explorers to release them from the slavery yoke
  • widened.
    • lmshengu
       
      is to make something greater in width
  • The limited support which the government gave to the RGS and its explorers in East Africa might also be seen as symptomatic even if foreign secretaries were wont to claim that they were simply encouraging geographical science. Whatever the state of the economy or of middle class opinion, the obvious conclusion to be drawn from the evidence is that even if the Foreign Office did arrange limited help for explorers and did give Livingstone a roving consul's commission to the chiefs of the interior of East Africa, the government certainly did not want to become directly involved beyond the coast lands.
    • lmshengu
       
      After Livingstone's passing inEven while foreign secretaries were prone to insist that they were only promoting geographical knowledge, the government's meager assistance to the RGS and its explorers in East Africa could be considered as symptomatic. Regardless of the state of the economy or the opinions of the middle class, it is clear from the evidence that even though the Foreign Office did arrange some limited assistance for explorers and did grant Livingstone a roving consul's commission to the chiefs of interior East Africa, the government did not want to get directly involved outside of the coastal regions
  • cynical
    • lmshengu
       
      Cynical implies having a sneering disbelifs in sincerity or integrity and cynical is about politicians motives.
  • Following Livingstone's death in 1873, a great many of those Europeans whose interest in East Africa had been aroused by the explorers began to consider various kinds of direct intervention. From 1876, there were, for example, serious attempts to provide an infrastructure of communications. Meanwhile the missionaries were encouraged to produce useful Africans in "industrial" missions where carpentry would be as important as the Gospel. In short, very direct interference in the lives of Africans was planned. By 1876, in fact, what I would wish to call the "unofficial mind" of imperialism had been so conditioned by the explorers as far as East Africa was concerned that it was prepared through various agencies to undertake this sort of direct action. It is not surprising to find this same "unofficial mind" responding very readily to King Leopold's initiative in setting up an international association to regenerate Africa, an initiative which was itself a direct response to the reports of African explorers. 73 C. M. Andrew has written of an "unofficial mind" of imperialism
    • lmshengu
       
      Many of the Europeans whose interest in East Africa had been piqued by the explorers began to investigate various forms of active action after Livingstone's death in 1873. For instance, there were significant initiatives to establish a communications infrastructure starting in 1876. Missionaries were urged to raise suitable Africans for "indus-trial" missions where carpentry would be just as significant as the Gospel in the interim. In other words, it was designed to intrude extremely directly in Africans' lives. In fact, as far as East Africa was concerned, the explorers had already so conditioned imperialism's "unofficial mind" by 1876 that it was ready through a variety of means to engage in this type of direct action. The fact that the same "unofficial mind" is responding so strongly is not surprising.
Lesedi Mokoena

_Guns Race and Power in Colonial South Africa edited 222.pdf - 2 views

shared by Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ubiquitous
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      present, appearing, or found everywhere.
  • colonial settlers
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      Settler colonies were places outside of Europe where huge numbers of European immigrants voluntarily settled, even though they were a minority among the native population. This allowed them to ensure their political control.1 Colonies were predominately settler colonies until the early 19th century; after that, settler colonies were a distinct type of colony. In classical antiquity, a "colony" was a compact settlement of emigrants from a polis or, in the case of the Romans, a group of retired soldiers. When one considers the definition of colony as it was used in classical antiquity, the phrase "settler colony" becomes a tautology. However, since genuine settlement became the exception rather than the rule in the 19th century, we still use this phrase. The concept of colonialism , which only emerged in the late 19th century, has connotations of "foreign rule".
  • guns also accentuated the insecurities of settlement
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      Settlers felt they needed to rely on guns for safety seeing as they knew they forcefully occupied land belonging to groups of people and that put them in potential danger.
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • guns also accentuated the insecurities of settlement 502 Book Reviews Stickynote once they spread
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      (The note for this highlight falls under the previous highlight...i could not highlight it at once).
  • Guns were a form of private property,
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      Only colonists were allowed tp own guns
  • reticent
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      not revealing one's thoughts or feelings readily.
  • David Livingstone
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      David Livingstone, (born March 19, 1813, Blantyre, Lanarkshire, Scotland-died May 1, 1873, Chitambo [now in Zambia]), Scottish missionary and explorer who exercised a formative influence on Western attitudes toward Africa. Livingstone took the decision to go into medicine in 1834 after hearing a need for skilled medical missionaries in China from British and American churches. He spent two years in Glasgow studying Greek, theology, and medicine to prepare while still working part-time in the mill. He was approved by the London Missionary Society in 1838. His hopes of traveling to China were dashed by the first of the Opium Wars (1839-42), but a meeting with Robert Moffat, a well-known Scottish missionary in southern Africa, persuaded him that Africa should be his area of focus. He received his missionary ordination on November 20, 1840. At the end of the year, he sailed for South Africa and arrived in Cape Town on March 14, 1841. Livingstone was constantly moving into the interior of Africa in order to strengthen his commitment to missions, indulge his passion for geographic exploration, engage in conflict with the Boers and Portuguese-whose treatment of the Africans he eventually came to detest-and establish for himself a remarkable reputation as a devout Christian, fearless explorer, and ardent opponent of slavery. But his devotion to Africa was so intense that he neglected his responsibilities as a spouse and a father.
  • Robert Moffat
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      (born December 21, 1795 in Ormiston, East Lothian, Scotland-died August 9, 1883 in Leigh, Kent, England), a Scottish Bible translator and missionary to Africa who was well-known for his work to raise the standard of living there. Additionally, he was the father-in-law of David Livingstone (1813-1973), a missionary and explorer. Moffat was sent to South Africa by the London Missionary Society in 1816 despite having minimal training. He resided at Kuruman, southeast of the Kalahari (desert), after spending seven years in a number of locales that were disrupted by fighting among Zulu clans. He spent 49 years there, establishing one of the most prestigious Protestant missionary settlements in Africa.
  • political discourse in South Africa in the nineteenth century
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      Humanitarians had been fighting vehemently against slavery by the time the Cape changed hands during the Napoleonic Wars, and in 1807 they were successful in convincing Britain to outlaw the practice. Soon after, British antislavery ships began patrolling Africa's western coast. In order to meet the rising demand in Europe, ivory became west-central Africa's most significant export. The main supply came from the renowned hunters Ovimbundu and Chokwe, who were located near the western port of Benguela. With their weapons, they waded into into south-central Africa and wiped off the elephant populations. They had entered Luvale and Lozi territory by 1850 and were making their way through the southern Congo's woods. The Ovambo peoples, who lived in more rural, agricultural areas, were enticed into the ivory trade as well. The Ovambo had initially been able to dodge the slave trade that plagued their more populated neighbors by selling in salt, copper, and iron from the Etosha Pan region to the north as well as providing hides and ivory to Portuguese traders. The introduction of weapons in the middle of the 19th century greatly increased the volume of the ivory trade, but by the 1880s, the elephant population was almost completely disappeared. By that time, traders from Walvis Bay, the Cape Colony, and Angola wanted livestock in addition to ivory. Ovambo leaders increased their dominance by raiding the pastoral Herero and Nama people in the vast, dry country to their south with the weapons they obtained through trade.
  • Portuguese
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      The earliest connections between South Africa and Europe were made by Portugal's exploration missions. The first Europeans to step foot on South African soil were the Portuguese. The Dutch founded the first permanent settlement in Europe on April 6, 1652.
  • assegai
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      An assegai is a pole weapon used for throwing, usually a light spear or javelin made up of a wooden handle and an iron tip. The Zulu produced at least 20 different types of spear. Perhaps the best known of these is the assegai, which was also used by several other Nguni groups in Southern Africa. The Assegai was a throwing spear (javelin) as can be seen from the narrow, leaf-shaped blade and long, slender tapering shaft.
  • flintlocks
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      flintlock, ignition system for firearms, developed in the early 16th century. It superseded the matchlock and wheel lock and was itself outmoded by the percussion lock in the first half of the 19th century. The best-developed form, the true flintlock, was invented in France in the early 17th century, probably by Marin le Bourgeoys. It had a frizzen (striker) and pan cover made in one piece. When the trigger was pulled, a spring action caused the frizzen to strike the flint, showering sparks onto the gunpowder in the priming pan; the ignited powder, in turn, fired the main charge in the bore, propelling the ball.
  • nexus
    • Lesedi Mokoena
       
      a central or focal point.
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