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lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
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  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  •  
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  •  
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
xsmaa246

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Afric
    • xsmaa246
       
      in this article, I will focus on firearms (guns ) in Southern Africa specifically in South Africa.
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us when guns were introduced in South Africa, it also tells us that it was introduced because the Dutch East India Company wanted the European settlers to obtain the firearms so that they serve as civilian soldiers ( this is what militia means, its civilians being trained as soldiers)
  • itia. The European farmers (called Boers) who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior distributed guns to Africans, in spite of company regulations fo
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  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain se
    • xsmaa246
       
      the reason why africans took firearms was for security and to hunt.
  • s. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Africans as skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Africans as racially infe
    • xsmaa246
       
      seems that even though the british thought lowly of africans they started to see them as skilled and armed because of their possession of firearms.
  • pean settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military adva
    • xsmaa246
       
      even though this does not relate to firearms in south africa , this is highlighted because it tells us that when guns are introduced to natives it seems that natives adapt fast to using firearms and use them on nature first, just like earlier when it was said guns were used to catch game then it was used as a means for security.
  • There is only one place to find a scholarly discussion of shooting skills in southern Africa: a special issue of the Journal of African History, published in 1971, on the social history of firearms. The contributors greatly advanced our knowledge of firearms in southern Africa, but they arrived at some unexamined and contradictory conclusions about skill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a w
    • xsmaa246
       
      although this speaks about findings that were published in 1971 does not mean that the information collected was not before 1890 this simply is talking about how skillful could the south african natives be with firearms.
  • redcoat deserter
    • xsmaa246
       
      British soldiers who deserted their posts.
  • both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction fr
  • To load a muzzle-loading flintlock, the gunner measured out a quantity of coarse black powder (or opened a premeasured charge) and poured it down the barrel. Next he placed the ball on a patch (typically made of something like linen) and pushed it down the barrel with the ramrod to rest on top of the powder. He then primed the lock by placing a pinch of powder in the pan, cocked the hammer, aimed, and pulled the trigger. It was a slow (thirty seconds even for a reasonably skilled gunner) and awkward procedure, which left soldiers exposed to enemy fire. Flintlock muskets were vulnerable to wet weather as well. To further complicate matters, fouling of the barrel caused by the black powder, which does not burn cleanly, made the weapon progressively more difficult to load during a battle or other prolonged use. To compensate, soldiers often loaded with balls that were smaller than the caliber (diameter of the barrel) nominally used by the weapon. See Malone (n. 3 above), 31-35, for rich descriptions and illustrations of matchlock and flintlock muskets.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is a description of the guns that were used in south africa at the time. the flintlock muskets
  • ents. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloaders.13
  • 1. In a percussion lock, a percussion cap containing fulminate is placed over a nipple on top of the touchhole; the hammer strikes the cap, which explodes and ignites the charge in the barrel. This is a much more reliable ignition system, especially in damp weather, and it allows a weapon to be more quickly loaded, takes less skill, and entails fewer risks than the flintlock. By the 1850s most armies had switched to the percussion loc
  • areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunition.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an excellent take on firearms by south Africans as they used these guns to hunt and find food and in turn, this helped them trade what they hunted for other things. so this tells us that is how Southerners used the guns. also this passage tells us that many Africans worked for European traders who gave them guns.
  • 5. While Burchell was living among the Tlhaping, a man offered eight oxen in exchange for one gun, which seemed a high price until one considered the gun's usefulness for hunting. Guns remained relatively rare in this part of southern Africa until the 1850s. By the 1870s they were widespread, thanks in part to the availability of wage labor at the nearby Kimberley diamond mines. There, an old (but still powerful) rifled percussion musket could be bought for four pounds sterling, the equivalent of three months' wages, while a modern breechloader might cost twenty-five pound
    • xsmaa246
       
      this shows how guns were traded.
  • The relationship of hunting skills and marksmanship to the political, economic, and ecological transformation of southern Africa can only be understood fully when we consider the ways in which guns were adapted to the local environme
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is saying that the use of guns changed in different environments.
  • hybrids. The sheer size of African game animals, especially the much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of
    • xsmaa246
       
      they used bigger guns or military type guns to hunt for bigger game
  • . It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • xsmaa246
       
      the british and the boers think that they should disarm africans of their guns as they want to be the only ones in control of guns. as they think africans are dangerous.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  •  
    Non-academic source
thabokhanyile

Changes in German Travel Writing about East Africa, 1884-1891.pdf - 1 views

shared by thabokhanyile on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The paper's editors wrote that Carl Peters's expedition to find the explorer Emin Pasha in the Egyptian province of Equatoria might be the world's last real journey of exploratio
  • The paper's editors wrote that Carl Peters's expedition to find the explorer Emin Pasha in the Egyptian province of Equatoria might be the world's last real journey of exploratio
  • ded, the paper concluded that further German exploration of Africa was too dang
  • ...29 more annotations...
  • The article's author declared that German colonialists would have to reorient themselves away from exploration toward new ways of exerting control over Africa.2
  • While travel, including exploratory travel, remained central to the German experience in East Africa after 1
  • arked the end of an era for how the German reading public experienced that travel. The style of travel writing about East Africa changed to fit the new needs of the colonial state and the reading demands of the metropolitan p
  • K), the founding organization of Germany's East African colony, repurposed the scientific travel narrative that had formed the entirety of their knowledge about East Africa before 1884 to further the organization's goals of building a colonial e
  • Travelogues were particularly important in German East Africa as compared to Germany's other colonies because the GfdK began its acquis
  • «That of the encounter between a European explorer, the intrepid leader of an expeditionary caravan and emissary of s
  • tion of territory without the support of existing networks in the region and contrary to the Bismarck regime's wishes (Smith 32
  • tion of territory without the support of existing networks in the region and contrary to the Bismarck regime's wishe
  • International African Association exploratory expedition, a hunting trip, a scientific expedition, or an English trading expedition (Wagner 28).8
  • Scientific accounts of East African travel by German explorers and missionaries were prominent in Germany in the early 1880s, despite Germany's lack of a form
  • nths of existence, they suggested possible places to find such wide stretches. Their lack of knowledge of Africa was apparent in their proposals: Joseph Freiherr Molitor von Mühlfeld called for greater emigration to Argentina, Major Friedrich Wilhelm Alexander von Mechow suggested colonizing on the Kwango River, and Alexander Merensky recommended what is today southern Angola
  • Like earlier travelers, Peters and Pfeil went on lecture tours and presented their travels to metropolitan audiences.1
  • The 1884 expedition's members followed the pre-colonial travelers' methods and published travelogues about their exploration and conquest.
  • They inspired him to dream up a plan to acquire land in East Africa. Great riches, he believed, were to be made on Lake Malawi. He suggested the region of Usagara, which according to Stanley held great hope for colonial development (Zur Erwerbung 5
  • Explorers frequently suggested that their travels served a higher calling that would advance the progress of humanity. A calling beyond the self explained the explorer's willingness to brave danger and made him a hero to those who believed in the same calling. To promote their own bravery and skill in the eyes of European audiences, explorers had to convince them that the dangers they faced were beyond anything one could experience in Europe. Explorers traversed unknown places posing a great deal of personal danger and had to depend on aid networks of which they had little knowle
  • avelers drew comparisons between African societies and ones more familiar to European audiences.
  • Peter s's and Pfeil's travelogues fit many of the topoi of earlier travelogues about East Africa, but they sought to fix their travels as permanent markers on the East African landscape, to make German colonialism real in East Africa through writing.
  • Like earlier travelers, Peters cited European history to make his argument, but he used a specifically German history in a way that inscribed German cultural achievements onto the
  • ition» 304). In all of his accounts of East African travel, Peters resorted frequently to quoting poetry to demonstrate his Germanness or a European spirit of exploration. His historical references were not meant merely to make landscapes more familiar to domestic audiences, but served to make them specif
  • Travel for Hellgrewe was a series of short vignettes as he moved between stations of German
  • isen
  • Kultur in the East African wilderness; travel was not the long journey away from civili
  • Hellgrewe's book makes clear that the change in form could not be attributed solely to the lack o
  • new areas to explore. Hellgrewe still searched for the fetishized African wilderness that had motivated pre-colonial German travelers to East Africa and provided the majority of the material for their ac
  • Such was the state of travel writing as planning began for the German expedition to rescue Emin Pasha in 1888. Inspiration for the expedition had come largely from a travel narrative in the pre-colonial style, Wilhelm Junker's Reisen
  • in Afrika. Junker had traveled in East Central Africa from 1875 throu
  • 1886. Near the end of his travels, he had become trapped in Equatoria when the Mahdi attacked Khartoum
  • Pre-colonial travelers had been able to establish their own myths through their expeditionary narrative, but Peters was not afforded the chance in the wake of his failed expedition.
  • ast Africa. Other forms of travel writing replaced the travelogue of African exploration prevalent earlier in the century. Expeditionary reports certainly remained central to German colonization in East Africa after 1891. As
munarinimuwanwa

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 0 views

  • Rather, the assumption is that ivory production neces- Studies sarily moved through space, continually driven by the need to find more elephants to kill.
    • munarinimuwanwa
       
      As a result of the shortages of elephants it was seen that there was a need to find more elephants to kill because it was resulting in the shortage of ivory wherein trade had to stop because there was no ivory to trade. however, it also disturbed the wealth of most of the empires.
  • The changes brought by the trade, whether negative or positive, are assumed to be irreversible.
    • munarinimuwanwa
       
      All the changes made by the ivory trade cannot be changed because it is irreversible as killed elephants cannot be brought back, same as the wealth that it brought people can not reverse that. furthermore, the ivory trade has contributed a lot to boosting the economy.
  • Fourth, several important works on the ivory trade assume that there was no demand for ivory within Africa.
    • munarinimuwanwa
       
      Several important works state that there was not much demand for ivory in Africa. The reason was that the ivory trade was regarded as illegal and it was going to be banned.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • disjuncture
    • munarinimuwanwa
       
      Disjuncture refers to a separation or disconnection.
  • revi-
  • sionist
    • munarinimuwanwa
       
      Revisionist refers to an advocate of a policy.
ujhistprof

Continuous Assessment Guide HIS2A 2023(1).pdf - 11 views

  • A primary source from the Gale Collection. We will cover this in the lecture on 6 March. WE WILL UPLOAD A SCREENSHOT TUTORIAL SHOWING YOU HOW TO USE GALE. You need to choose a primary source relating to a particular topic (you will be assigned a topic). You will need to download this source and attach it to Diigo. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through JSTOR. JSTOR is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • A journal article that relates to the historical content of your topic, through TAYLOR AND FRANCIS. TAYLOR AND FRANCIS is accessible through the library website and you need to log in. You need to post the article you find to Diigo, and not just a screenshot of it. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • 4. An image from the web which relates to the historical content of your topic. You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  • 5. An article that concerns the historical content of your topic, but available freely on the web (ie newspaper article/ a popular piece of work/ a blog). You will need to annotate the portion of it that relates to your topic.
  •  
    Hi everyone. Please consult these guidelines to your assignment. Many of you are posting the wrong things to Diigo. You don't need to post videos. Why are you posting videos? Don't forget to annotate.
chantesolomonstatum

The story of East Africa's role in the transatlantic slave trade - 8 views

  • The plundering and burning of the sugar plantations in France’s wealthiest colony had destroyed the established market for East African slaves in the Americas. The Sao José was thus a pioneer, hoping to find a new market for East African slaves in Brazil. This was no easy matter, as traders in Angola and the Congo monopolised the sale of slaves to Portuguese America.
    • chantesolomonstatum
       
      The East African slave rebellion and the plundering and burning of the sugar plantains in France's wealthiest colony, destroyed the market for East African slaves in the Americas. The Sao Jose pioneered hoping to find a new market for East African slaves in Brazil. This was not easy as traders in Angola and Congo then monopolized the sale of slaves to the Portuguese America.
  • East Africa was a late participant in the transatlantic slave trade. It was only in the 1770s that a regular trade in slaves to the French islands of Mauritius and Réunion began from points on the East African coast. Small numbers of slaves had been carried around the Cape for more than a century. But as planters on St Domingue cried out for labour, this trade became more profitable and systematic, particularly as the French king agreed to subsidise the shipment of slaves to the island.
    • chantesolomonstatum
       
      East Africa was late in participating in the transatlantic slave trade. In the 1770s the French traded slaves from the Island of Mauritius to the East African coast. Trade became more profitable due to the St Domingue labor the French king then agreed to subsidize the shipment of slaves to the island
  • Rebellions were frequent and slave ships carried large crews and the firepower needed to suppress any resistance. The East Africa slave trade reached its peak in 1789-90 when about 46 ships, carrying more than 16,000 slaves, circumnavigated the Cape. Almost all were bound for the sugar and coffee plantations of northern St Domingue.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • A triangular trade developed as ships sailed from French ports such as Bordeaux and Nantes to buy slaves in East Africa. The slaves were then taken to St Domingue and exchanged for tropical produce like sugar, coffee and indigo. The size of these vessels grew in the 1780s and some had the capacity to carry up to 1000 slaves.
    • chantesolomonstatum
       
      The French ports such as Bordeaux and Nates bought slaves in East Africa. Slaves were then taken to St Domingue and were exchanged for tropical produce such as sugar, coffee, and indigo. In the 1780s the size of the slave vessels grew and some of these vessels had up to 1000 slaves in them.
  • The recent discovery of the remains of the Portuguese slave ship São José off Cape Town has brought East Africa’s role in the transatlantic slave trade to public attention.
  • All this made a bad situation only worse as the major market for East African slaves was in a state of high rebellion.
  • In France, the republicans had outlawed slavery and the slave trade. In Britain, a chorus was rising in many parts of the country in opposition to a trade that wrenched 80,000 people every year from their homes in Africa and brought them to the Americas.
giftadelowotan

As the world shuns 'slavery', is Tanzania emancipated? | The Citizen - 6 views

  • In history, the transatlantic slave trade was outlawed in 1807
  • However, slavery still walks with shoulders high in its multiple faces.
  • Zanzibar slave markets
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • there are still estimated 50 million people across the world in slavery today, forced to work for little or no pay, trafficked with deceptive promises of jobs, relationships, and greener pastures only to find themselves trapped in lions’ dens, forced to sell their bodies for sex, working as drugs transporter bags, having their body organs ‘stolen’ and sold, debt bondages, and many other debasing and inhuman activities.
    • giftadelowotan
       
      Modern day slavery. This essentially means that only slave trade was abolished not slavery
  • Reflecting on the situation in Tanzania, both slavery aftermaths and modern slavery still haunt our society. Modern forms of slavery can be witnessed in factories, farms, small businesses and side hustles, due to inexistence of effective labour protection policies and regulations.
    • giftadelowotan
       
      An example of how slavery still finds its way into today's world despite being "abolished" in relation to the Tanzanian society
  • There are also incidences whereby young girls have been transported from neighbouring countries like Malawi and Zambia for the same.
    • giftadelowotan
       
      Mirrors how slaves where transported for labour back then.
  • The historical bigger picture of slavery is that of foreign nationals with guns in our country, but deep within our communities, slavery in its modern forms is rampant and has mature roots.
Siphesihle Diko

When Stanley Met Livingstone - 6 views

  • “Dark Continent”
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      This is where David Livingstone was prior to him meeting Henry Morton, Africa. The continent was labelled like this because it was rarely explored at that time.
  • He had been placed in charge of a grand expedition to find the explorer David Livingstone, who had vanished in the heart of Africa several years earlier.
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      The sole reason for David Livingstone to "vanish" into Africa was solely because he intended to embark on an expedition that would enable him to explore the continent and make discoveries.
  • “Wherever [Livingstone] is, be sure I shall not give up the chase,”
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      This was due to Livingstone being an explorer that had been well renowned, hence many companies wanted to broadcast him and the work he did.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • he later wrote to the New York Herald’s editor. “If alive you shall hear what he has to say. If dead I will find him and bring his bones to you.”
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      Livingstone was a high-profile explorer.
  • Dr. David Livingstone was the most renowned of all the explorers of Africa.
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      His explorations were highly commended and this resulted in him being perceived as a great explorer.
  • In 1866, he embarked on what was supposed to be his last and greatest expedition: a quest to locate the fabled source of the Nile River.
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      Ultimately, his exploration enabled him to discover this source.
  • Crocodiles and swarming tsetse flies killed their pack animals, and dozens of porters abandoned the caravan or died from illnesses.
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      The dedication of Livingstone as an explorer caused him to disregard him but carry on in his pursuit of discoveries.
  • Despite his failing health, Livingstone refused an offer to return home and resumed his search for the source of the Nile. After being resupplied by Stanley, he parted ways with his rescuers in March 1872 and made his way south to Lake Bangweulu in modern-day Zambia. His illnesses later caught up with him, however, and he died from malaria and dysentery on May 1, 1873.
    • Siphesihle Diko
       
      Livingstone was highly committed, high-spirited, driven, and passionate as an explorer. Hence he is held to high regard whenever the topic of explorers and exploration in Africa is mentioned.
  •  
    A newspaper article explaining the historical content of the topic
lmshengu

Europeans and East Africans in the Age of Exploration.pdf - 3 views

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nted a
    • lmshengu
       
      yeilded is to give forth or produce by natural process or in return for cultivation
  • y Johann Re
    • lmshengu
       
      johannes Rebmann was agerman missinary, linguist and explorer credited with feats including being the first european ,along with his colleague johann Ludwig krapf to enter africa from the indian ocean coast. in addition he was the first european to find kilimanjaro.
  • on th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is habitational name of british origin that means from the story
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • s too. It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and
    • lmshengu
       
      . It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and wanted to stay more
  • ample,
    • lmshengu
       
      Mtyela Kasanda, better known as King Mirambo, was a Nyamwezi king, from 1860 to 1884. He created the largest state by area in 19th-century East Africa in present day Urambo district in Tabora Region of Tanzania. Urambo district is named after him. Mirambo started out as a trader and the son of a minor chief.
  • Europeans,
    • lmshengu
       
      NYUNGU-YA-MAWE was the exact contemporary and, for a time at least, the ally, of Mirambo-ya-banhu, the famous Nyamwezi war-lord who rose. to power in west-central Tanzania early in the second half of the nine- teenth century.
  • omoted
    • lmshengu
       
      Fragmentation most generally means the process of fragmenting-breaking into pieces or being divided into parts. It can also refer to the state or result of being broken up or having been divided.
  • to switch from
    • lmshengu
       
      In matrilineal kinship sysytems,lineage and inheritance are traced through a groups female members and children are parts of their mothers and children are parts of their mothers kinship group. in contrast in patrillineal systems group membership is determined through men and children are part of their fathers kinship.
  • In the period of exploration the most notable visitors for the majority of East Africans were not the European explorers so much as other Africans and, more particularly, the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar. By the late 1870s again, it might be argued, some sort of accommodation showed signs of being reached between these traders and many African
    • lmshengu
       
      For the bulk of East Africans, other Africans and especially the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar were the most famous visitors throughout the age of exploration rather than European explorers. It may be argued that by the late 1870s, some type of accommodation had been made between these traders and many Africans.
  • 'Scientific geography' did, in fact, mean, more than anything, the recording of accurate observations for latitude, longitude and height on the basis of which satis? factory maps could be constructed. In this sense, the 'discovery' of a feature like the source of the Nile was indeed a discovery for it definitively established a scientific fact.
    • lmshengu
       
      In reality, the recording of precise observations for latitude, longitude, and height on which reliable maps could be created were what "scientific geography" really meant. In this sense, the 'finding' of a feature like the source of the Nile was legitimately a discovery because it established a scientific fact.
  • 'scientific geo
    • lmshengu
       
      A geographer is a physical scientist, social scientist or humanist whose area of study is geography, the study of Earth's natural environment and human society, including how society and nature interacts.
  • appear to have been in the Society mainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individuals may have joined because they considered their continental tours made them explorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthy amateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample. But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen, no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sample being
    • lmshengu
       
      appear to have been in the Societymainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individualsmay have joined because they considered their continental tours made themexplorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthyamateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample.But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen,no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sammple being naval officcers.
  • out th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is insistent and positive affirming, maintaining or defending as of a right or attribute an aasertion of ownership/ innocence .
  • Clements Markha
    • lmshengu
       
      Sir clements Robert Markham was an english geographer , explorer and writer.He was secretsry of the royal geographical society between 1863 and 1888 and later served as the society's president for a futher 12 years
  • r. There was in fact much more social and political cohesion in East African societies than most explorer
    • lmshengu
       
      IN East African societies africans were more united in terms ofsocial and political than the most of the explores and the explores discovered that when they were there in east africa.
  • Although the British government moved to increase its control over East Africa for reasons that involve much wider considerations, the apparent need to improve law and order provided at least a very powerful justification. Indeed it was a necessary part of the process by which imperial objects could be achie
    • lmshengu
       
      Even if the British government expanded its influence over East Africa for far larger objectives, the seeming need to strengthen law and order served as at least a very strong pretext. In fact, it was a crucial step in the process of achieving imperial goals. Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.
  • precursors. It is much more difficult to attempt an answer to the question of what Africans learned or thought they learned about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa. Obviously, first of all, the explorers' direct social and economic impact was slight. It is true that Captain Speke seems to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by one of the Kabaka's
    • lmshengu
       
      Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.Answering the topic of what Africans discovered or believed they discovered about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa is far more challenging. Obviously, the direct social and economic impact of the explorers was little. It is true that according to the CMS Archives, Captain Speke appears to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by a Kabaka sister.
  • Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke, for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to be taken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable ally for one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera; in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971). Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who, unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, did frequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabs in 1
    • lmshengu
       
      Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke,for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to betaken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable allyfor one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera;in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971).Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who,unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, didfrequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabsin 1
  • European explorers could, then, have a noticeable political effect although generally only in the short term. In the longer term, their special characteristics probably operated in different and less easily described ways. Early European visits to Buganda were marked by great questionings of the explorers on the place of Man in Society and in t
    • lmshengu
       
      Therefore, European explorers could have an impact on politics, albeit usually in the short term. Their unique traits likely functioned in distinct and harder-to-describe ways over a longer period of time. Early European excursions to Buganda were distinguished by intense inquiries about the role of man in society and in the world.
molefet

January 7, 1885 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 3 views

  • Arabs, attracted by the immense stores ot ivory existing închis region, have combined their caravans and proceeded at intervals, with from 1,000 to 2,000 armed followers, through the Masai country on trading exoeditions ·' and though in many instances these caravans have been attacked and sometimes almost totally destroyed, the large profits deriyecl from the more successful ventures have tempted the survivors to persevere in their efforts In 1878 Ica led the special attention ofthe Royal Geographical Society to the . \ „_. „r fbi c roo-ion as a field for exploration, but the undertaking ££Ж£ У aU Ж* till the spring of .883 that they were finally in ľ nositi to send out Mr. Joseph Thomson with the means of conducting an expedition to survey it ; and in the meantime they had been forestalled oy the Gm mans, who dispatched Dr. Fischer to make a sc.ent.fic exploration of the same ľoúntry, 'who, aft'er carrying out his 1»*™*««^™* ~^ а "иЛ_П_Л returned to Germany, where his reports have awakened very great interest, and where, there is reason to believe, the information he has acqu.red will not long remain unutilized. _ - . ,. n The details of Mr. Thomson's still more successful journey now
    • molefet
       
      This is a report from Mr Johnson to Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice. This report was sent on the 7th of January 1885. Mr Johnson was sent to discover parts of Africa and to report his finding. This is a report on the district of Kilimanjaro and the findings.
  • Arabs, attracted by the immense stores ot ivory existing închis region, have combined their caravans and proceeded at intervals, with from 1,000 to 2,000 armed followers, through the Masai country on trading exoeditions ·' and though in many instances these caravans have been attacked and sometimes almost totally destroyed, the large profits deriyecl from the more successful ventures have tempted the survivors to persevere in their efforts In 1878 Ica led the special attention ofthe Royal Geographical Society to the . \ „_. „r fbi c roo-ion as a field for exploration, but the undertaking ££Ж£ У aU Ж* till the spring of .883 that they were finally in ľ nositi to send out Mr. Joseph Thomson with the means of conducting an expedition to survey it ; and in the meantime they had been forestalled oy the Gm mans, who dispatched Dr. Fischer to make a sc.ent.fic exploration of the same ľoúntry, 'who, aft'er carrying out his 1»*™*««^™* ~^ а "иЛ_П_Л returned to Germany, where his reports have awakened very great interest, and where, there is reason to believe, the information he has acqu.red will not long remain unutilized. _ - . ,. n The details of Mr. Thomson's still more successful journey now
moputit

Henry Morton Stanley Circumnavigates Africa's Lake Victoria and Explores the Entire Len... - 1 views

  • Stanley was also the first European to circumnavigate Lake Victoria and the man responsible for opening parts of central Africa to transportation. Stanley's discoveries answered some of the main questions about the geography of Africa's interior waterways. His observations became the foundation for Belgian King Leopold's violent Congo Free State and inspired a period of imperialism whose effects continue today.
  • Henry Morton Stanley's first African expedition was in 1871, on assignment for The New York Herald to find Livingstone, who was assumed dead. Stanley's famous question upon finding him, "Dr. Livingstone, I presume?" made Stanley a household name in the explorer frenzy that followed Livingstone's journeys.
  • While Stanley was traveling toward Nyangwe, British explorer Verney Lovett Cameron (1844-1894) had already arrived. He, too, had planned to uncover the Lualaba/Congo mystery; he suspected that the Lualaba was a river that fed the Congo.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • The expedition reached a pool, which Stanley named the Stanley Pool, during this period of continued tumultuous travel. At this point the team counted a total of 32 battles with hostile, allegedly cannibalistic, tribes. The remaining tribes that the expedition encountered from the Stanley Pool until the end of the journey were peaceful, but the river was not. The Congo, as Stanley had now surmised that the Lualaba and the Congo were the same river, would have nearly 200 miles (320 km) of the most severe rapids he would encounter.
maureennompumelelo1

Henry Morton Stanley Circumnavigates Africa's Lake Victoria and Explores the Entire Len... - 5 views

shared by maureennompumelelo1 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • the first person to travel and record the entire length of the Congo River. Stanley was also the first European to circumnavigate Lake Victoria (/places/africa/african-physicalgeography/lake-victoria) and the man responsible for opening parts of central Africa to transportation
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Stanley was the first explorer to measure the Congo River length, travel to Lake Victoria and responsible for making transportation paths in Central Africa.
  • In 1795 Scottish physician Mungo Park (/people/history/explorers-travelers-and-conquerorsbiographies/mungo-park) (1771-1806) explored the Niger River and first spoke of the immensity of the Congo, which he assumed originated from a large lake in the center of Africa.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      After exploring the Niger River, Mungo started praising the large size of the Congo River and even thought that it had derived from a big lake situated in Central Africa.
  • By 1836, when more than 10 million Africans had already been shipped out of their homeland as slaves, the major European powers declared slave trading illegal and thus removed a large commercial interest in African exploration. This shifted the focus of exploration to geographical science and Christian missionary work
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Superiors in Europe viewed slavery as an unlawful activity which led them into abandoning the mission of exploring Africa and focused on Christianity.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Henry Morton Stanley's first African expedition was in 1871, on assignment for The New York (/places/united-states-and-canada/us-political-geography/new-york) Herald to find Livingstone, who was assumed dead. Stanley's famous question upon finding him, "Dr. Livingstone, I presume?" made Stanley a household name in the explorer frenzy that followed Livingstone's journeys. Although not a scientist, Stanley was sent back out to answer the geographic questions left following Livingstone's death in 1873. Among these, Stanley set out in 1874 to circumnavigate the enormous Lake Victoria to see if it was a single body of water, and—more importantly—to see if it was the much-sought-after source of the Nile River. Stanley also planned to circumnavigate Lake Tanganyika (/places/africa/african-physical-geography/laketanganyika), to see if it was the source of the Nile, as Burton had suggested. Finally, Stanley planned to finish Livingstone's work of mapping the Lualaba River. Livingstone had theorized that the Lualaba, which flowed from Lake Bangweolo, was quite possibly the Nile itself. (Others thought that the Lualaba was the same as the Congo River, not the Nile.)
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Stanley went on a journey in search of Livingstone whom was thought to be dead. He also discovered that Lake Victoria had a single outlet that drained into the Nile River through the Rippon Falls and Lake Albert. Moreover, he also discovered the measurements Luaba River.
  • British missionary David Livingstone (/people/history/explorers-travelers-and-conquerorsbiographies/david-livingstone) (1813-1873), while partly on a quest to seek the elusive source of the Nile, discovered the Zambezi River and Victoria Falls (/places/africa/african-physicalgeography/victoria-falls). Livingstone's expedition went on to discover parts of the main network of Africa's largest rivers, including the Congo, but his work remained unfinished, leaving many questions that Stanley would soon answer.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although Livingstone had discovered many rivers he left his mission of discovering the river that supplied the Nile unconcluded which was later finished by Stanley.
  • Richard Francis Burton (1821-1890) and John Hanning Speke (/people/history/explorers-travelers-and-conquerors-biographies/john-hanning-speke) (18271864) explored part of Lake Victoria and a section of the Nile, and theorized that either Victoria or Lake Tanganyika (/places/africa/african-physical-geography/lake-tanganyika), southwest of Victoria, was the river's source
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      These two explorers discovered a part of Lake Victoria and Nile River and from their theory made a conclusion that the rivers that supplied the Nile River was the Victoria Lake if not Tanganyika.
  • It took four months for Stanley to meet the banks of Tanganyika, but he circumnavigated it successfully in 51 days.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although Stanley had spent 4 months before reaching the ground at the edge of Tanganyika, he was able sail around the lake within 51 days.
  • Verney Lovett
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This was an explorer from Britain whose quest was to discover the main source of the Congo River.
  • The Congo, as Stanley had now surmised that the Lualaba and the Congo were the same river, would have nearly 200 miles (320 km) of the most severe rapids he would encounter.
  • Stanley's journey also concluded what we know about the character of the Congo River: from its source, just south of Lake Tanganyika, the river begins as the Lualaba, heads southwestward to Lake Bangweolo, then turns north to the Zambia/Zaire border to Lake Mweru, where it becomes the Congo. The mighty river crosses the equator twice, placing it in both the Northern and Southern hemispheres. After 3,000 miles (4,800 km) of a wild path through extreme landscapes, it reaches the Atlantic Ocean.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Because of Stanley's exploration we are now aware about the river that supplies the Congo River and its paths where it flows until its gets to the Atlantic Ocean.
Rosina Ntoi

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 3 views

shared by Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • BY R. W. BEACHEY THE East African ivory trade i
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      Ivory trade in East Africa started to be labelled as important
  • an ancient on
  • first accounts of geographers and travellers, a
  • ...43 more annotations...
  • nence than the
  • reat quantity.1 Refer
  • ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet deman
  • middle
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      Ivory trade in East Africa started in early and later middle ages.
  • of the coast
  • from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, ivory continue
  • important exp
  • carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal f
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      Ivory in East Africa was in great demand because of the quality and price.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      Greater changes started in the 19th century.
  • risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • ut, writing in the i84os, the missionary Krapf observed that, although the elephant was still found in some areas near the coast, ivory caravans were now making regular trips into Usagara, Masailand and the Kikuyu countries
  • so large that it required three stalwart Akamba tribesmen to carry it. The ivory trade was lucrative, and the Masai, despite their vaunted aloofness, were eager to share in it, and strove to drive the Waboni tribe from the southern bank of the Sabaki River, so that they could gain access to the port of Malindi with their ivory
  • Nile, became an important centre
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      The Nile river became the centre for coast countries during the ivory trade.
  • By mid-century there were well-defined caravan routes into the interior.
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      Caravan routes were developed.
  • he most northerly, and that still preferred by some missionaries in the latter part of the century, followed the present route of the railway from Tanga to Moshi and Arusha, then swung westward to the Masai country, and from here, after a journey of fifty-five days, Burgenej, near the southwest corner of Lake Victoria, was reached. A south
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      The two important inland markets.
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling
  • bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not u
  • porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans
  • from the East African coast continues throu
  • that of ship chandlering. Information as to t
  • own, and the supply of their needs led to a sy
  • The packing of all this merchandise was an art in itself, and so imp
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      The trade was important that traders started doing things like praying.
  • that the caravan leader began the task with 'prayers and incense
  • he ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The dividing line between soft and hard is the Congo border; west of this line it is hard, to the east it is soft, although there are variations within each region. Buyers maintained that soft ivory came from areas where water was scarce; for example coastal ivory from near Pangani and Mombasa was never as good as that from the dry, upland regions of the interior. Soft ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      It was the job of the ivory trader to know his ivory and there was two different types of ivory namely soft and hard. These two ivories were also found at different places.
  • armlets
  • being softer and malleable, were highly prize
  • It was difficult to find a perfect match of tusks. These are seldo
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      It was also hard to find the right ivory for the markets.
  • for 'just as a man uses his right hand in preference to his lef
  • elephant works with a particular
  • buried nearly 3 ft. in the head. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      The bargaining for ivory required a lot of patience and they used steel axe.
  • the Arab p
  • . The task of removal was much facilitat
  • esome process. The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The Africa
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      The ivory value was calculated looking at its size and quality
  • mated its value by its size and qual
  • Ivory was a heavy article to transp
    • Rosina Ntoi
       
      It was also hard to transport ivory
  • he usual weight carried by a porter was 50 lb
  • The business of ivory trading could only
  • constant extension and development, and this
  • Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
  • The Indian merchants, by and large, were not an attractive lot. T
  • were jealous of their trade and intensively secre
mlondi

East Africa, Between the Zambezi and the Rovuma Rivers: Its People, Riches, and Develop... - 3 views

shared by mlondi on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • l\lore than this, over a thousand hunted and ten-or-stricken wretches took shelter at the mission station Blantyre and the protecting hand there spread over them was sufficient to preserve them from harm.
    • mlondi
       
      Henry O'neill wrote about the Blantyre mission of which protected and sheltered Zulu people and the missionaries used it churches to divert people into Christianity .
  • More valuable, however, than a dozen general statements is one practical proof, and I will give it you. Towards the end of last year a quarrel arose between the Angoni, or Zulus, west of the Shire river, and the Yao or Ajawa, who live upon the highlands around the Blantyre :Mission.
    • mlondi
       
      Chiefdoms of different kind numerously encountered each other at the Blantyre mission.
  • Coffee will probably take a prominent place amongst tho products raised by tho Scotti11h settler~~ of tho interior. It is cultivated in considerable quantities upon the slopes of Zomba. Hill by the firm of Buchanan Brothers, west of Lake Shirwa; at tho Blantyre Mission also; and by the African Lakes Company, upon their Mandala estates. At all these places its growth has been a success. In my last journey in the interior I had an OJlportunity of seeing and tasting the Blantyre coffee, and I find that in size the berry is larger, and in flavour it is much superior to that grown upon the coast.
    • mlondi
       
      In the Blantyre mission different commodities are traded in contention with the spread pf reality.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Seeing at once the importance of your mission station of Blantyre as a convenient base for the explomtion of the Lake region, I have endeavoured to establish there an accumte meridian to which chronometrical observations taken in the neighbourhood might be referred.
    • mlondi
       
      The Blantyre mission established stations that allowed for trade and also educated people and missionaries used the stations to spread the religion of Christianity.
  • -the extension of our protectorate over a country extending almost up to the Zambezi-British missionaries, traders, miners, and settlers have gone first, to be followed by our Government in no willing spirit, and only when the maintenance of law and order, or protection to life and property, became an absolute necessity.
    • mlondi
       
      The Blantyre mission was driven by different things not only Christianity but also good that people traded in stations.
  • In every direction, then, and by all these means, we find our civilising influence increasing, and our interests strengthening, throughout the length and breadth of Eastern Africa.
    • mlondi
       
      the missions gave to vast increase in developments and the standard of living.
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
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