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The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tr

The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century.

By the late 19th century, guns had been widely adopted as the elephant in Late hunter's tool of choice, though older methods were still used as well.

Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade route

n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.

By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports

The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.

This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat

16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.

In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’

Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour

White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.

Henry Morton Stanley's first African expedition was in 1871, on assignment for The New York (/places/united-states-and-canada/us-political-geography/new-york) Herald to find Livingstone, who was assumed dead. Stanley's famous question upon finding him, "Dr. Livingstone, I presume?" made Stanley a household name in the explorer frenzy that followed Livingstone's journeys. Although not a scientist, Stanley was sent back out to answer the geographic questions left following Livingstone's death in 1873. Among these, Stanley set out in 1874 to circumnavigate the enormous Lake Victoria to see if it was a single body of water, and—more importantly—to see if it was the much-sought-after source of the Nile River. Stanley also planned to circumnavigate Lake Tanganyika (/places/africa/african-physical-geography/laketanganyika), to see if it was the source of the Nile, as Burton had suggested. Finally, Stanley planned to finish Livingstone's work of mapping the Lualaba River. Livingstone had theorized that the Lualaba, which flowed from Lake Bangweolo, was quite possibly the Nile itself. (Others thought that the Lualaba was the same as the Congo River, not the Nile.)

British missionary David Livingstone (/people/history/explorers-travelers-and-conquerorsbiographies/david-livingstone) (1813-1873), while partly on a quest to seek the elusive source of the Nile, discovered the Zambezi River and Victoria Falls (/places/africa/african-physicalgeography/victoria-falls). Livingstone's expedition went on to discover parts of the main network of Africa's largest rivers, including the Congo, but his work remained unfinished, leaving many questions that Stanley would soon answer.

Richard Francis Burton (1821-1890) and John Hanning Speke (/people/history/explorers-travelers-and-conquerors-biographies/john-hanning-speke) (18271864) explored part of Lake Victoria and a section of the Nile, and theorized that either Victoria or Lake Tanganyika (/places/africa/african-physical-geography/lake-tanganyika), southwest of Victoria, was the river's source

It took four months for Stanley to meet the banks of Tanganyika, but he circumnavigated it successfully in 51 days.

Verney Lovett

The Congo, as Stanley had now surmised that the Lualaba and the Congo were the same river, would have nearly 200 miles (320 km) of the most severe rapids he would encounter.

Stanley's journey also concluded what we know about the character of the Congo River: from its source, just south of Lake Tanganyika, the river begins as the Lualaba, heads southwestward to Lake Bangweolo, then turns north to the Zambia/Zaire border to Lake Mweru, where it becomes the Congo. The mighty river crosses the equator twice, placing it in both the Northern and Southern hemispheres. After 3,000 miles (4,800 km) of a wild path through extreme landscapes, it reaches the Atlantic Ocean.

To many of you, I have no doubt, there will be no more interesting point in connection with East Africa

archaeo- logists to determine.

ory, cheap and very abundant, rhinoceros horns, tortoise-shell, superior to any on the coast, and nauTlius,"--of the nature of which we are ignorant

Ivory, brought in great quantities from the interior, rhinoceros horns, gold, and tortoise-shells from the East African coast.

Despite the expedition's name, it was as much about rescuing Emin Pasha's supposedly fabulous stock of ivory as it was about providing him with ammunition and a patron for his administration of Sudan's Equatoria province.

This does not mean that the literature presents the ivory Canadian Journal trade as having had the same consequences everywhere or that it always o/~evdopment moved at an equal rate.

The ivory trade is then said to have initiated a distinctive, predictable chain of consequences in these two kinds of territories.

This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual

Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.

As Wright notes, while wealth in people - whether dependents, clients or women -was potential, wealth in ivory was relatively liquid and fungible, a strong incentive for both established leaders and "ambitious upstarts" seeking to acquire it (1985, p. 540)

E. PORTERS, CARAVAN ROUTES AND TRADE COMMUNITIES Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it.

Within the long-distance caravans, carriers of ivory had a higher status than did carriers of other trade goods (Cummings, 1973, p. 113). Porters who could carry the largest tusks single-handedly (up to double the standard load of 60 lbs.) were given special status and substantially larger food rations (Lamden, 1963, p. 157 and 159).