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l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

Zanele Adonisi

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
nhlangotisn

Blantyre Mission stephen green.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 6 THE NYASALAND JOURNAL BLANTYRE MISSION By Rev. Stephen Green T was appropriate that the Scottish missionaries who came to the Shire Highlands in 1876 should call their settlement Blantyre, the name of David Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire. For Scotland had some three years before been deeply moved by the story of Livingstone's death at Ilala and of the devotion of his African friends who carried his body to the coast that it might be brought home to lie in Westminster Abbey. Livingstone had spoken with enthusiasm
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      Livingstone - refers to David Livingstone, a Scottish missionary and explorer who passed through the Shire Highlands in 1859 and spoke highly of the area for missionary settlement. Blantyre - the name of the settlement founded by Scottish missionaries in the Shire Highlands in 1876. The name comes from Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire, Scotland. Church of Scotland - refers to the Presbyterian denomination of Christianity that sent the Scottish missionaries to the Shire Highlands. The Free Church of Scotland had already sent pioneers to Livingstonia Mission in 1875. Henry Henderson - the missionary sent by the Church of Scotland to find a suitable site near Lake Malawi for a new mission, but who eventually settled on the Shire Highlands. Magomero - the site of the Universities' Mission, which had been founded in response to Livingstone's challenge and appeal fifteen years prior. Medical officer - Dr. T. T. Macklin, who accompanied the mission party from Scotland to the Shire Highlands in 1876 and was handed leadership of the mission upon arrival. Artisan missionaries - refers to the five skilled tradesmen who accompanied the mission party from Scotland and were tasked with construction and manual work for the mission. Challenge - the mission to continue the work that Livingstone had begun in the area, as he had spoken highly of the Shire Highlands as a suitable location for missionary settlement
  • Henderson left them encamped by the Shire while he went up to make preparations for their arrival. He found at the place of his choice half-ruined huts, the owners of which had fled to the hills to escape a raid of the Angoni. Some of these he repaired sufficiently to be of service as temporary shelter, and then returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. It was reached by them on the 23rd. October,
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      On October 23rd, 1936, Sir Harold Kittermaster unveiled a memorial tablet set in a cairn of stones on the spot where the fig tree had stood. The cairn is made up of sixty stones, each one bearing the name of one of the congregations of the Presbytery of Blantyre, which at that date numbered sixty. Henderson repaired half-ruined huts at the chosen site and returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. They arrived at Blantyre on October 23rd, and encamped under a large fig tree. Dr. Macklin took over the leadership of the mission after Henderson handed it over to him, and he began making friends with neighbouring chiefs and headmen. African helpers were instructed in various kinds of manual work, and a school was opened. Sons of the Makololo chiefs down on the River attended the school as boarders, and they brought slaves with them to wait upon them, which Dr. Clement Scott promptly stopped. Refugee slaves sought asylum at the mission and were received and assured of protection, which led to bitter hostility to the mission on the part of chiefs who had a direct interest in the slave trade. The original pioneer band contained no ordained missionary, and one was not appointed until 1878. Dr. Laws and Dr. Stewart came from Livingstonia for temporary duty as Head of the Mission, and Mr. James Stewart, a civil engineer, was also lent for a time from Livingstonia, and his services were of great value in the laying out of the station and the garden.
  • THE NYASALAND JOURNAL The first minister to be appointed to Blantyre was the Reverend Duff Macdonald, afterwards Minister of South Dalziel, Mother well. In a remarkably short time he acquired a good knowledge of Yao and produced Yao schoolbooks and translations. He also made a special study of local customs and folklore, and his book Africana is still a leading authority.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      he paragraph describes the establishment of the Blantyre settlement by Scottish missionaries in Nyasaland (now Malawi) and the challenges they faced. The first minister appointed was Reverend Duff Macdonald, who quickly gained knowledge of the local language (Yao) and customs, producing schoolbooks and translations. Mission work also began at Zomba, but was later abandoned for Domasi station. The missionaries faced hostility from some local chiefs due to their anti-slavery policy and their need to exercise civil jurisdiction over Africans. The inexperience of the missionaries led to the adoption of measures inconsistent with Christian aims, and some in Scotland advised withdrawal. However, the Head of the Mission and two others were recalled, and a new minister, David Clement Ruffelle Scott, was sent out. Scott was a versatile man with qualities of leadership who re-organized the Mission's work. He designed Blantyre Church and produced an encyclopedic dictionary of the Mang'anja language, widely known as Scott's Dictionary. Under his leadership, the Mission compensated slave owners who established claims to slaves in sanctuary at the Mission, and formed friendly relations with chiefs.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • sister of Dr. John Bowie, had also contracted it. On his way, through torrential rains and across rivers in flood, he received the news that Mrs. Henderson was dead and Dr. Bowie, who had sucked the tracheotomy tube in a desperate effort to save the child's life, was down with diphtheria. All that Affleck Scott and Dr. Henry Scott, who had come from Domasi, could do was of no avail, and Bowie also died. Very soon after, Henry Henderson on his way home with Mrs. Bowie and Mrs. Clement Scott (another sister of Dr. Bowie) died at Q
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the history of the Scottish Presbyterian mission in Nyasaland (now Malawi) during the late 19th century. The mission aimed to spread Christianity to the local population while also attempting to curb the practice of slavery. The text describes several missionaries who played important roles in this effort, including Robert Cleland, Clement Scott, and William Affleck Scott. The paragraph begins by recounting an event in which Scott and Henderson attempted to persuade the Angoni chiefs to cease raiding the Shire Highlands, which was successful in preventing future attacks. The narrative then shifts to describe the establishment of a sub-station at Chiradzulu and the difficulties encountered by Cleland when attempting to found a new station at Mlanje. The paragraph notes that Cleland passed away from illness before he could fully establish the new station. The text then describes the efforts of William Affleck Scott, who joined the mission in 1889 and devoted himself wholeheartedly to spreading the Gospel. Although he did not achieve his ambition of founding a station in Angoniland, he served at several locations in Nyasaland and also participated in expeditions to Portuguese East Africa. The paragraph ends with a tragic account of Henry Henderson's family members succumbing to diphtheria while on their way back to Blantyre, with Affleck Scott and Henry Scott unable to save them despite their efforts
  • he vernacular. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the natural effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi only ten miles distant. The latter, with its square mile of mission land offering facilities for school boarding, evangelists' training, teachers' refresher courses, etc., was much more suitable as the head? quarters of a large district, but as staffing difficulties increased it was the station that suffered more than any other from lack of staff. Work was developed from Domasi in the district to the north-east between Chikala Hill and Lake Chiuta, and for long the dream was cherished of transferring the station to a central site in that district. An exchange of land could have been
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the development of the Blantyre Church, which was built between 1888 and 1891, with Dr. Affleck Scott describing the various people involved in its construction. Despite criticism of the elaborate building, Dr. Scott defends it as a means of bringing more people to the area and teaching them about the benefits of hard work and beauty. The year 1891 also saw the beginning of the administration of Nyasaland as a British protectorate, which had an impact on the work of the Mission. Means of communication improved, making it easier for various Christian forces in the country to make contact. In 1900, the first of a series of missionary conferences was held, with representatives from various missions in attendance. These conferences have been valuable in discussing issues and demonstrating spiritual unity. In 1904, the Federation of Missions was formed with a Consultative Board, which discussed questions of common interest. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi. The dream of transferring the station to a central site in the district to the northeast was never realized, despite repeated appeals from the people.
  • In this matter the missions were very greatly indebted to the Reverend W. H. Murray of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission, who was set free for a time by his Church for translation work, and who not only did much of it himself, but also co-ordinated the work of the other translators. Later Dr. Murray earned the further gratitude of the Church in the Central and Southern Provinces by revising the whole of the text, introducing the new orthography, and adding marginal references, work in which he was ably assisted by Mrs. Murray. Thus Nyanja-speaking Christians in Nyasaland and far beyond its bounds have an admirable version of the whole of the Scriptures which, thanks to the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society, can be bought for the modest
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      he paragraph provides a historical account of the Blantyre Mission's work in Portuguese East Africa, particularly in the establishment of mission stations and the growth of the Church of Scotland's congregation. In 1898, an effort was made to extend the work to the east of Lake Chirwa, but the Portuguese authorities objected to the founding of a mission until they had pacified the country. The Mihecani station was finally opened in 1913, while the Panthumbi station was later moved to Bemvu, where it was under the leadership of Harry Matecheta. The policy of centralization was adopted in 1904, and technical and industrial training was concentrated in Blantyre, while other stations were free to develop evangelistic and junior school work. The Henry Henderson Institute was built to accommodate extra pupils. The mission played an essential role in training carpenters, builders, gardeners, and clerks, who found employment in government offices and commercial concerns. The Mlanje Mission was removed to a new site in the early 1930s. In 1924, the Presbyteries of Livingstonia and Blantyre entered into an incorporating union in the Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian), and the first Synod of that Church was constituted at Livingstonia. Blantyre missionaries played a significant role in Bible translation.
mbalenhle2003

Slavery and the slave trade as international issues 1890 1939.pdf - 1 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • chapter
  • discusses the international anti-slavery campaign between 1890 and 1939. The slavery issue was used by the colonial powers during the partition of Africa to further their own ends, but, once their rule was established, they took only minimal action to end the institution and sometimes even supported it. The three slavery committees of the League of Nations were established not because of any increased anti-slavery zeal on the part of the colonial rulers, but in order to deflect persistent humanitarian calls for action. They nevertheless set standards for the treatment of labour and projected a number of social questions into the international
  • arena
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • 1919 Slavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations. 1 As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as anti
  • became
  • lavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • slavery measures. Thus, the 'crusade' could often be used to further other interests - a fact not lost on rival powers. The spearhead of the anti-slavery movement was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.A middle-class and largely Quaker organization, it wielded an influence out of proportion to its tiny membership and minuscule budget because of its close links with members of both Houses of Parliament, with government officials and missionary societies, and its ability to mount impressive propaganda campaigns. By the 1870s the Atlantic slave traffic was a thing of the past. The trade, however, still flourished in Africa and there was an active export traffic to the Muslim world. Attention was forcefully drawn to this by European traders and missionaries penetrating ever further into the interior as the European colonial powers began to partition the coast in the 1880s. Africans took up arms against the intruders and by 1888 the French Cardinal Lavigerie found his missions on the Great Lakes under attack. In response, he launched an anti-slavery 'crusade' of his own, with papal blessing, calling for volunteers to combat this scourge in the heart of Africa.
  • 19 The British, anxious to retain their leadership of the anti-slavery movement and worried at the prospect of unofficial crusaders rampaging around Africa, persuaded Leopold II of Belgium, ruler of the Congo Independent State, to invite the leading maritime and colonial powers, together with the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Zanzibar, to Brussels to discuss concerted action against the export of slaves from Africa. The colonial powers, led by the wily king, proceeded to negotiate a treaty against the African slave trade on land, as well as at sea, and carefully designed it to serve their territorial and commercial ambitions. The Brussels Act of 1890 was a humanitarian instrument in so far as it reaffirmed that 'native welfare' was an international responsibility; and bound signatories to prevent slave raiding and trading, to repatriate or resettle freed and fugitive slaves, and to cut off the free flow of arms to the slaving areas. 4 But it had important practical advantages for the colonial rulers. By binding them to end the trade in slaves and arms, it not only dealt a blow to African resistance, but was an attempt to prevent unscrupulous colonial administrations from attracting trade to their territories by allowing commerce in these lucrative products. By stating that the best means of attacking the traffic was to establish colonial administrations in the interior of Africa, to protect missionaries and trading companies, and even to initiate Africans into agricultural and industrial labour, it put an anti-slavery guise on the colonial occupation and exploitation of Africa
  • Realities Most notably, the Brussels Act did not bind signatories to suppress slavery. None of the colonial powers was prepared to commit itself to this, although they all believed that it should be ended, and they all knew that as long as there was a market for slaves the traffic would continue. British experience with abolition had not been happy. In plantation colonies, freed slaves, instead of becoming more productive wage labourers, had where possible, opted to work for themselves as artisans or in other occupations, or to become subsistence farmers. Production had declined. In the tiny British footholds on the West Coast of Africa fear of losing their slaves threatened to drive away the native merchants upon whom the colonies depended, while in South Africa abolition had been a factor in promoting the Boer exodus known as the Great Trek. In their Indian empire, however, the British devised a form of emancipation which minimized these dangers and provided a model to be used in Africa as new territories were acquired. 5 They merely declared that slavery no longer had any legal status. This meant that no claims could be countenanced in court on the basis of slavery, hence slaves who wished to leave might do so. But slave holding was still legal, and slaves were not actually freed. This model of abolition was ideal for the government. It was cheap - no compensation needed to be paid to owners. The impact could be delayed by not informing the slaves of their rights. There was thus no large scale sudden departure and very little disruption of the economy or alienation of masters. The humanitarians, also disappointed with the results of outright abolition in the colonies, were willing to accept this solution because slavery in India was considered 'benign' - that is less cruel than its counterpart in the Americas — and slaves would not be suddenly freed without means of support. This, therefore, became the model of abolition used in most of British Africa. 6 As the empire expanded colonies, in which slavery had to be outlawed, were kept to a minimum and new annexations became 'protectorates' in which full colonial administrations did not have to be introduced, and 'native' customs including slavery could continue even if it had lost its legal status. Other powers found similar legal subterfuges to avoid freeing slaves, or 'they outlawed slavery but then did not enforce their laws. 7 As the scramble for Africa gained momentum none of the colonial rulers had the resources to risk alienating slave-owning elites, upon whose cooperation they often depended, or disrupting the economies of their nascent dependencies. They justified their failure to attack slavery by claiming that African slavery was also benign, and that once robbed of its cruellest features - slave raiding, kidnapping, and trading
neosetumonyane

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Neo Setumonyane History 2A

shared by neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE East African ivory trade is an ancient one. It is mentioned in the
  • first accounts of geographers and travellers, and they give it more promi
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      R.W Beachery explains that the Ivory Trade has been in existence for a long time.
  • nence
  • ...29 more annotations...
  • the
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-east Asia. But in addition to the markets of the East, East African ivory was much sought after in Europe for the large ivory carving centres which had grown up in southern Germany and in the Low Countries during the Middle Ages, and which supplied large numbers of religious reliquaries and artistic novelties f
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from East Africa was different from the one used at Zinj, The one from East Africa was used for carving in European countries
  • ships around
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      A headland in the Puntland region in Somalia
  • ages. Al Masudi, writing in the early Ioth century says that elephants were extremely common in the land of Zinj, and that it was from this country that large elephant tusks were obtained: 'Most of the ivory is carried to Oman whence it is sent to India and China'.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from Elephant tusks and then exported to countries such as India and China
  • than
  • 'How many slaves, how many women, how much palm-wine, how many objects for the gratification of lust and vanity are purchased by the Galla, Wanika, Wakamba and Swahili with the ivory which they bring to the coast.'4
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      People and resources were exploited because of the Ivory trade
  • Ivory no doubt, when combined with free porterage in the form of slaves, was highly lucrative, for both could be sold at the coast, and the profit from slaves was in a sense baksheesh
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The trading of slaves and Ivory were sometimes mixed
  • Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Places in Eastern Africa where Ivory was found
  • Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.
  • A pretty woman could be purchased here for 300 cowries and a hundred strings of beads, and she could be traded again for much more in ivory
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was also used as a form of currency
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. Th
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory varied from hard to soft
  • Buyers maintained that soft ivory came from areas where water was scarce; for example coastal ivory from near Pangani and Mombasa was never as good as that from the dry, upland regions of the interior. Soft ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from Congo was categorised as soft Ivory
  • armlets and bangles.14 Female tusks, being softer and malleable, were highly prized for billiard balls for the American market.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from the tusks of female elephants were much softer and considered more valuable because they were easy to carve
  • ughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Ivory from Africa made other countries rich while Africa remained poor
  • traders. The task of obtaining perfect tusks was also complicated by their being buried in the elephant's head to a depth of 24 in. or more; a large one mentioned by Baker, was 7 ft. 8 in. long, and was buried nearly 3 ft. in the head. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Elephants were treated as things that produced Ivory. This was definitely unhuman and cruel. They were hunted down for their tusks
  • The business of ivory trading could only be rendered lucrative by constant extension and development, and this required more capital than the Arab possessed. The first Europeans to arrive on the East African coast had found the ivory trade largely in the hands of the Indian merchants at Zan
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Europeans took the Ivory trade business from Indian merchants
  • The Indian merchants, by and large, were not an attractive lot. They were jealous of their trade and intensively secre
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth century
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The trade of Ivory thrived during the 19th century.
  • the barter system
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The barter system was a system of exchange in which participants in a transaction directly exchange goods.
  • but increasing
  • competition for ivory resulted in its being forcibly taken from the Afri
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Although much of the Ivory was from Africa, Africans never benefited from it.
  • What was the ultimate destination of the thousands of tusks of ivory shipped every year from East Africa? A vast quantity went to England, where the Victorian love of ornate furnishing and decor was expressed in ivory inlay work in myriad forms, ranging from ivory-handled umbrellas to ivory snuff boxes and chessmen.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is very sad to hear that African people and their resources were exploited while they got nothing out of it. It was very unjust of the Europeans to take all of that Ivory for their own success.
  • John Petherick
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      He was a Welsh traveller, trader and consul in East Central Africa
  • and barbarous.25 Schweinfurth remarked: 'Since not only the males with their large and valuable tusks, but the females also with the young, are included in this wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter, it may be easily imagined how year by year the noble animal is fast
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Elephants were not spared and Iron traders did not care whether they would be extinct or not. These traders are depicted as selfish and cruel people who only cared about making money.
  • The last region to be exploited for its ivory
  • ion
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Masai people are an ethnic group inhabiting, northern, central and southern Kenya and Northern Tanzania
  • In the middle and later nineteenth century, before the rise of the Mahdi in the Sudan, Khartoum, from which so much of this ivory trade emanated, was no longer a small garrison town at the junction of the White and Blue Nile; it had become a cosmopolitan entrepot. Here prosperous ivory merchants such as the Maltese de Bono and the Greek Alaro had their beautiful houses, furnished in luxurious and opulent
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some towns were able to develop as a result of the Ivory trade
  • 5 Rhino horn had a more exclusive use in the East, where it was, and still is, ground into powder and sold for love potions and medi
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is very disturbing to discover that hundreds of elephants are killed every year just for their tusks to make things such powder
  • The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and Equatoria, and by the Arabs
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      This journal article was very interesting to read and it certainly taught me a lot about the trade in Ivory. I was however very shook to discover the cruelty that people showed towards elephants just because they wanted to make money out of their tusks.
zenethian

The Battle of Isandlwana and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 | Sky HISTORY TV Channel/NEWSPA... - 3 views

www.history.co.uk/...and-the-anglo-zulu-war-of-1879

Zenethian VanRoss

shared by zenethian on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he battle that followed this remarkable discovery was a disaster. It hadn’t meant to be this way. When the High Commissioner for Southern Africa, Sir Henry Bartle Frere, came up with the flawed idea of annexing the British-friendly kingdom of Zululand into a greater South African Confederation by force of arms, he presumed Zulus armed with spears, clubs and shields would be no match for the mighty British Army.
    • mawandemvulana
      mawandemvulana on 26 Apr 23
       
      This article describes the Battle of Isandlwana. This battle was a victory for the Zulu army but very disastrous for the British. This was due to the fact the British had undermined the Zulu army's capabilities and only thought of them as people fighting with sticks. It was embarrassing for the British government as they had not even ordered the attack.
  • Lord Chelmsford massively underestimated how many men he would need to take into Cetshwayo’s territory. So confident was Chelmsford of an easy victory that he took with him a mere 7,800 troops.
    • mawandemvulana
      mawandemvulana on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is an example of the British undermining the Zulu army, as it is shown that they only brought as little as 7,800 troops.
  • In reality, the small numbers of Zulu warriors Chelmsford’s scouts had spotted and reported back to the general were a ruse devised by Cetshwayo’s commanders to draw out Chelmsford and then attack his forces from behind with the bulk of the main Zulu army. The ruse worked, and the overconfident aristocrat marched 2,800 soldiers away from the camp, splitting his forces in two.
    • mawandemvulana
      mawandemvulana on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows the intelligence of the Zulu army's military strategy.
  • ...37 more annotations...
  • Isandlwa
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      Isandlwana was where the Zulus won one famous battle.
  • The Battle of
  • Rorke’s Drift i
  • The scouts stopped dead in their tracks when they saw what the valley contained. Sitting on the ground in total silence were 20,000 Zulu warriors. It was an astonishing sight.
  • Frere issued the order to attack the lands ruled over by King Cetshwayo,
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • The ultimate goal was the capture of Ulundi - Cetshwayo’s capital.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The British wanted to capture Ulundi.
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • Chelmsford left just 1,300 troops guarding the camp as he took a sizable number of his men off to attack what he thought was the main Zulu army.
  • While Chelmsford was off chasing an imaginary Zulu army, the real one moved to the valley of Ngwebeni.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The unravelling of the Zulu attack.
  • Pulleine was an administrator, not a soldier, and it was his inexperience that contributed to the disaster that was about to unfold.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The British believed that this was one of the causes for their loss at Isandlwana.
  • He chose not to do so, leaving a much less experienced man in charge.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      This highlights the British remorse.
  • The plan was instantly changed from attacking Chelmsford’s rear to attacking the camp at Isandlwana.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      An important victory for the Zulus at the Isandlwana mountain.
  • As the warriors began to arrive over the horizon, they started to muster into an ‘impi’ – the traditional Zulu formation of three infantry columns that together represented the chest and horns of a buffalo.
  • two mountain guns of the Royal Artillery.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      Highlights just how unfair the situation was ,as the British possessed guns while the Zulu people made use of traditional weapons.
  • armed with spears and clubs,
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is what the Zulus made use of to fight the British army.
  • inflicting heavy casualties on the Zulu side, forcing many to retreat behind Isandlwana hill to shelter from the hail of shells and bullets.
  • Faced with certain death or escape, Durnford’s men began to leave the battlefield before they could be fully encircled and cut off by the impi.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows just how determined the Zulus were to protect themselves and fight the enemy: The British army.
  • the impi a
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      Impi-It is a Zulu word for war.
  • As Durnford’s men retreated back against
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The British could not defend against such determined and large Zulu attack.
  • the impi
  • which was quickly overrun and butchered by Zulu warriors.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Zulus exploited such faults by the British forces to their favor.
  • When the sun returned, not one tent was left standing in the camp and the area was now a killing round.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      Highlights the then present battle.
  • Screams rang out across the camp as soldiers were stabbed and clubbed to death where they stood.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Zulus attained a great victory against the British imperialists.
  • Durnford and a valiant band of native infantrymen and regulars of the 24th Foot had managed to keep the two horns of the impi from joining up by defending a wagon park on the edge of the camp.
  • however, and as their ammunition ran out, they resorted to hand-to-hand combat until they were overwhelmed.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      In this regard the Zulus were unmatched.
  • As the Zulus left the battlefield in triumph, 4,000 of them split from the main army and headed for the mission station at Rorke’s Drift. There, 150 British and colonial troops fought off wave after wave of attacks for ten grueling hours before the Zulus finally retreated. Eleven Victoria Crosses were awarded following the station’s remarkable survival.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      There was another battle at Rorkes Drift.
  • Durnford’s body was later found surrounded by his men, all stabbed and beaten to death.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The death of Durnford.
  • Those attempting to flee were cut down as they ran, while those lying wounded on the ground were stabbed and clubbed to death.
  • butchered B
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The word "butchered" implies the use of spears and dangerous Zulu weapons used to physically destroy British troops,
  • As the enemy melted away, taking rifles, ammunition, artillery and supplies with them, the extent of the massacre became clear
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      It was ultimately a massacre.
  • As the remnants of the camp began to flee, no quarter was given to the remaining British and native soldiers.
  • sandlwana was a humiliating defeat for a British government that hadn’t even ordered the attack on Zululand in the first place. When news reached home both of the massacre and the valiant defence of Rorke’s Drift, the British public was baying for blood. The
  • And what of Cetshwayo, the courageous king who stood up to the might of the British Empire and won the day? He was captured following the Battle of Ulundi on the 4th of July 1879. He was exiled first to Cape Town, and then to London
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The notorious king being exiled.
  • Cetshwayo returned to Zululand in 1883. He died on the 4th of February 1884 and is buried in a field near the Nkunzane River in what is today modern South Africa. He was the last king of an independent Zululand; a friend and unwilling foe of the empire on which the sun never set.
    • zenethian
      zenethian on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Zulu king remains an immortal historical figure because of his persistent ,yet commendable efforts to get rid of the British.
keanosmith

Bondsmen: Slave Collateral in the 19th-Century Cape Colony.pdf - 4 views

Ryan Smith

shared by keanosmith on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • During the 18th and 19th centuries, enslaved people in the Cape Colony were used as collateral on loans. In the near absence of formal lending institutions, private credit agreements predominated among slave-owners, as researchers have established in earlier studies. Based on a sample of 19th-century mortgage records, I use network analysis in this article to visualise the flow of credit among slave-owner debtors and creditors, showing the position of banks in a network dominated by private creditors and highlighting the role of widows in the male world of credit.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Kate Ekama writes about slavery in the Cape Colony and how slave owners used their slaves as insurance on loans.
  • Craa offered the council collateral as security, in the form of the enslaved man Anthony of Malabar. Anthony of Malabar was the first enslaved person to be mortgaged at the Cape; the practice grew over the course of the 18th century and persisted into the 19th such that, by the 1830s, the enslaved were ‘the principal mortgageable assets of the colony’.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Craa was the first slave owner to offer one of his slaves as collateral on loans, this salves name was Anthony of Malabar.
  • A close analysis of 19th-century mortgage records reveals a continuity: mortgages on slave collateral continued into the apprenticeship period, and new mortgages were agreed after 1 December 1834 on the value of the formerly enslaved.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slaves used as collateral persisted from the 18th century well into the 19th century and was thought to be abolished in the 1830s. However, later records state that this may not be the case and that some slave owners still used slaves as collateral even after emancipation during the apprenticeship period.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • The property rights side – the enslaved as assets belonging to slave-owners – has received less attention
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slave owners saw slaves as their property, hence they used the slaves as collateral.
  • slave-owners at the Cape received compensation when the enslaved were freed, albeit far below the appraised value of their human property. Yet, as Nigel Worden argues, compensation money that flowed into the Cape aided former slave-owners in the immediate aftermath of emancipation and, as Aaron Graham argues, secured over the longer term the dominance of former slave-owners over former slaves.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      After emancipation, the slave owners received compensation, probably in the form of money or other valuable goods, as compared to other parts of the world. Aaron Graham state that the former slave owners may still display dominance over the former slave. This means that the former slaves may still be ill-treated by their former owners and the former slave owners as a whole.
  • Martin shows that mortgages on human property enabled slaveowners to purchase more slaves on credit (equity loans), and those who did not yet own slaves to purchase slaves without raising the full purchase price (purchase-money loans).
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slave owners used the slaves they had as collateral to buy more slaves and by doing so they would pay less in other forms of payment as the price would than drop.
  • One repercussion for the enslaved was probably increased risk of family separation, because enslaved people who were collateral would have to be sold or handed over to the creditor if the slave-owner defaulted.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      If the slave-owner that used their slaves as collateral did not pay the remainder of their loan payments to the creditor they would keep the slaves and this would then separate these slaves from their families.
  • Gonzalez, Marshall and Naidu write, it was the property rights in slaves that ‘yielded a source of collateral as well as a coerced labor force’ and it is that historical provision to mortgage human property that ‘magnifies [slavery’s] importance to historical American economic development’. 2 The same might be said of the enslaved at the Cape.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were used to boost economic growth in the Cape of Good Hope.
  • Delays, they predicted, would mean the ruin of the slave-owners before the compensation money arrived in the colony. 21
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      They predicted delays and said that if the compensation money did not come within a certain period the creditor may demand their payment and this would then make them bankrupt as they have nothing to offer but their farms.
  • At emancipation, according to contemporary opinion, some £400,000 – equivalent to over 5.3 million Rixdollars (Rds) – was mortgaged on slave collateral. 13 Such an amount was close to one-third of the total compensation earmarked for the Cape Colony, highlighting just how significant and valuable a practice it was.
  • Cape officials objected to this plan because of the fundamental part that slave property played in financial transactions.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The Cape officials did not want the emancipation of slaves because they knew it would dismantle their economy as they so depended on the slaves. The slaves were a big part of the Cape economy at the time.
  • Cou nt er -cl ai mant s claimed payment not from slave-owners, but directly from the compensation commission. In this way, their claims were privileged. That mortgage holders were reasonably assured of recouping money lent on slave collateral even once slavery was abolished probably had a significant stabilising effect on the economy in a period of upheaval
  • In March 1834, a meeting of slaveowners and ‘others interested in Slave Property’ addressed their concerns and attendant recommendations to Governor Sir Benjamin D’Urban, which memorial was published in Cape Newspapers, including, unsurprisingly, in the pro-slave-owner publication De ZuidAfrikaan.
  • Generally, the memorialists’ view was that emancipation and compensation as it had been planned would be ruinous for Cape slave-owners.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      This point goes back to the point of how the Cape Colony was so dependent on slaves as collateral on loans.
  • The detail provided in these records offer rich insight into the way in which credit networks were organised in the colony in the period before commercial banking expanded. In addition, the records offer the opportunity to subvert their original purpose by naming the enslaved individuals who were pledged as collateral and acknowledging the role of these individuals beyond their labour in the functioning and growth of the Cape economy.
  • The sample of mortgages used here consists of 144 unique mortgages agreed by 50 unique debtors, all of whose surnames begin with ‘A’. 28 Because some debtors agreed more than one mortgage and did not always borrow from the same creditor, we see many more unique creditors than debtors in the sample.
  • Apprenticeship, perceived as a period of adjustment for both former owner and owned, was an integral part of the compensation granted by the British government not only for the continued access to labour for former slave-owners but also for the opportunities to raise credit that it offered.
  • From 30 January 1818 onwards, Cape Colony Governor Somerset made it compulsory to register mortgages secured on slave collateral in the Slave Office. The practice had, of course, existed before that date, from at least the 1730s, as mentioned above, and there was a colonial debt registry in use. But, from January 1818 onwards, both pre-existing and new slave mortgages had to be recorded in registry offices across the colony.
  • Legislation from 1816 and 1817 had established the legally binding nature of the Slave Registers for slave-ownership, apparently motivated by the need to limit the slippage
  • between freedom and slavery for the so-called Prize Slaves. 25
  • The 1818 proclamation added to this administration the register of slave mortgages and established the records as legally binding and useful in courts as evidence in disputes. 26
  • The recording process was more or less standardised and, as a result, each debtor’s folio looks similar, set up in a proto-spreadsheet style. Each entry contains details of the debtor, creditor and enslaved who were collateral, the notary and his location, the date the mortgage was registered and notarised (and sometimes cancelled), and the amount of credit raised.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The proclamation helped in ensuring that the process of using slaves as collateral was legal and ensured that everyone involved was getting what they promised to offer.
  • That each debtor was the legal owner of the slave collateral that he pledged was an important part of maintaining the system. The top right-hand side of the page was used to link each debtor to the relevant Slave Register.
  • The conviction of C.P. Zinn for ‘Falsification and Plagium’ is evidence that the accuracy of the Slave Registers and mortgage records was protected and that enslavement by false registration of free persons was punishable by imprisonment.
  • Zinn’s offence was found out and he was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment on Robben Island. 27
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The prosecution of Zinn shows that everyone was protected and ensured that the process of properly stating everything during the process needed to be followed.
  • The complete alphabetical series of mortgages probably contains thousands of entries. I focus on a small sample of these mortgages: only those agreed by debtors with a surname beginning with ‘A’. From a survey of the series, it appears that the ‘A’ sample is of a middling size (not as large as ‘B’, where the branches of the Brink, Burger and van Breda families feature prominently, nor as small as, for instance, ‘I’, but similar in size to ‘F’).
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Kate Ekama state that there may be a thousand or more alphabetical entries in the register but she only focuses on a small portion of the register.
  • the debtor side, there seems little reason to suspect that families with an ‘A’ surname would display borrowing patterns markedly different from any other surname. While small, the sample benefits from a wide geographical and temporal scope. On the creditor side, one would expect a small sample to include some but perhaps not all of the large, repeat creditors, which is confirmed by surveying other volumes in the series and the Legacies database.
  • On the other end of the creditor scale, one would expect to find many unique creditors who lend to neighbours and kin, following from Dooling’s arguments, which is likely to mean they appear infrequently or not at all in other letter groups.
  • Through the submission of counter-claims, at least 130 individuals in the Cape Colony received compensation as mortgage holders, with some receiving payment for multiple mortgages, indicative of the clearing off that compensation facilitated. 23
  • Creditors and debtors are represented by grey nodes: widow creditors are dark grey, all other creditor nodes medium grey; the pale grey
  • nodes represent debtors
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=NCCO&u=rau_itw&id=GALE|AOSUQW509166629&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-NCCO&sPage=2&asid=6d44448e

Excellent Nkosinathi Ndlovu 222147238

shared by nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
dlangudlangu

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation: Reassessing ... - 1 views

Anakho Dlangudlangu 221107980

shared by dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This theory centres on a cattle trade that came to replace the ivory trade from the late 18th century onwards, and was based on the demand for fresh meat by whaler
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • although Hedges acknowledged the high value of copper and brass to Nguni society, he neglected the importance of brass jewellery as an indicator of political authority, while emphasising its importance in terms of its exchange value for cattle
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • sporadic
  • he traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formatio
  • Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • Hedges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh mea
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      ivory has been traded for many centuries and at the beggining it was a popular or consistent trade
  • t was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756.
  • Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      there was a high demand of brass in the african societies and there was also a high demand for ivory in Europeans
  • he demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 154
  • During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered
  • And although they paid lower prices and were officially absent for three years after the French destroyed their fort in 1796, the ivory trade remained significant in terms of supplying imported goods to the northern Nguni
  • It was the abundant and constant supply of brass that determined the volume of ivory delivered to Europeans along the Maputo river, and I suggest that it was this factor, the ample supply of brass, that was the first in a sequence of events that led to state formation among the Nguni.
  • The average weight of Austrian exports alone, other than the continuing country trade, amounted to an average of 75,000 lb per annum. 36 This figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade. This number assumes a conservative average of 39 lb of ivory per elephant, based on the ivory provided to the Dutch over the period 1 November 1731–8 January 1732. 37 The heaviest tusks that the Dutch traded weighed 80 lb, and if the Austrians traded exclusively in heavier tusks, hunters needed to kill at least one elephant a day to meet the demand. 38
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Australian demand for ivory was higher than the Dutch demand for ivory and that meant that many elephants were killed each and every day to meet the demand. also the demand fro brass and cloth among the african societies was high which can also explain the high killings of elephants for their tusks
  • Hedges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom
  • Elephant hunting in Africa was almost always done in large groups and needed great skill and planning. 40 Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe
  • The basis of this assumption is the reach of the intermediary kingdom of Mabudu, which stretched to this river – and it was here that brass, a trade item almost as popular as beads, was in high demand
  • the Dutch traded copper bangles for ivory during the early stages of their trading post
  • 1 Further south, in Terra Natal, copper and, later, brass played a significant role in designating rank within the small chiefdoms of the early Nguni-speaking people. 52 Early observers noted the importance of dress and ornaments to distinguish rank. In a hierarchical society such as that of the Nguni, objects such as beads and metal jewellery, along with dressed skins, created a visual reminder of the status and prestige of the elite
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      brass was used for many things in the African societies and represented power. This explains why it was mostly the chiefs who were trading ivory in exchange for brass
  • Chiefs wore flat neck rings, while men and women of high rank wore neck rings made up out of one or more brass rings. Chiefs’ wives had solid brass balls threaded on to a string and worn around their necks, and small cast-brass buttons or studs decorated their skin garments
  • Traders like Chandler had easy access to brass because, by the late 17th century, British copper and brass dominated markets worldwide because of regulatory and technological developments
  • The significance of brass lay in its power to enhance chiefly prestige, signifying chiefs’ status as effective political leaders, with the
  • resources to attract and maintain a following. Brass, as copper, symbolised power, illustrated by Livingstone’s anecdote: ‘[w]hen [the chief] had finished his long oration he rose up, and in going off was obliged by such large bundles of copper rings on his ankles to adopt quite a straddling walk.
  • Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 3
  • Whalers created a significant trade in replenishing food supplies rather than dealing in ivory – which seems to point to the ‘sharp decline’ in the ivory trade, a factor that Hedges posits as the reason for the rise of a cattle trade to replace the ivory trade. 73 But, as we shall see later, he overestimated both the decline in the ivory trade and the volume of the cattle trade
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      during the Whalers time ivory demand and trade declined as Whalers were mostly interested in food supply. trading brass and cloth for food, vegetables and meat. in this time cattle trading kept on increasing
  • Whalers supplied goods – brass, cloth and beads – generously in exchange for food. 7
  • He hypothesises that the whalers needed great quantities of meat, which, in turn, required large numbers of cattle on the hoof to be imported to Delagoa Bay. Y et the number of whalers was not as large as Hedges supposed, and the relatively small number of men was there for a limited time
  • But by the mid 18th century, the provision of meat and vegetables, particularly onions, increasingly became the domain of the Tembe chief. 90 The growing fresh-food sector of the market enabled the Tembe chief to increase his authority over his territory, evident in the appointment of the ‘King of the Water’ from at least 1784
  • Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network.
  • the sharp decline of the ivory trade by 1814, compared to the period of 1802– 1803, was not concurrent with the presence of large numbers of whalers at Delagoa Bay. There was a reduction in whaling activity globally from the beginning of the 19th century
  • The comparative decline in the ivory trade from 1781, when the Portuguese re-established their authority over trade, diminished the flow of brass into the interior. As a sumptuous item, brass demanded stricter control over its redistribution, forming the pressing motive for the conflict among the northern Ngun
andiswamntungwa

The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

Andiswa Mntungwa History 2A

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

www.nam.ac.uk/zulu-war

lidya demssie babore 222217401 HISTORY 2A

shared by lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
Rosina Ntoi

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 3 views

Rosina Malebati

shared by Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • BY R. W. BEACHEY THE East African ivory trade i
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in East Africa started to be labelled as important
  • an ancient on
  • first accounts of geographers and travellers, a
  • ...43 more annotations...
  • nence than the
  • reat quantity.1 Refer
  • ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet deman
  • middle
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in East Africa started in early and later middle ages.
  • of the coast
  • from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, ivory continue
  • important exp
  • carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal f
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory in East Africa was in great demand because of the quality and price.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      Greater changes started in the 19th century.
  • risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • ut, writing in the i84os, the missionary Krapf observed that, although the elephant was still found in some areas near the coast, ivory caravans were now making regular trips into Usagara, Masailand and the Kikuyu countries
  • so large that it required three stalwart Akamba tribesmen to carry it. The ivory trade was lucrative, and the Masai, despite their vaunted aloofness, were eager to share in it, and strove to drive the Waboni tribe from the southern bank of the Sabaki River, so that they could gain access to the port of Malindi with their ivory
  • Nile, became an important centre
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Nile river became the centre for coast countries during the ivory trade.
  • By mid-century there were well-defined caravan routes into the interior.
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      Caravan routes were developed.
  • he most northerly, and that still preferred by some missionaries in the latter part of the century, followed the present route of the railway from Tanga to Moshi and Arusha, then swung westward to the Masai country, and from here, after a journey of fifty-five days, Burgenej, near the southwest corner of Lake Victoria, was reached. A south
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      The two important inland markets.
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling
  • bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not u
  • porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans
  • from the East African coast continues throu
  • that of ship chandlering. Information as to t
  • own, and the supply of their needs led to a sy
  • The packing of all this merchandise was an art in itself, and so imp
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      The trade was important that traders started doing things like praying.
  • that the caravan leader began the task with 'prayers and incense
  • he ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The dividing line between soft and hard is the Congo border; west of this line it is hard, to the east it is soft, although there are variations within each region. Buyers maintained that soft ivory came from areas where water was scarce; for example coastal ivory from near Pangani and Mombasa was never as good as that from the dry, upland regions of the interior. Soft ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      It was the job of the ivory trader to know his ivory and there was two different types of ivory namely soft and hard. These two ivories were also found at different places.
  • armlets
  • being softer and malleable, were highly prize
  • It was difficult to find a perfect match of tusks. These are seldo
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      It was also hard to find the right ivory for the markets.
  • for 'just as a man uses his right hand in preference to his lef
  • elephant works with a particular
  • buried nearly 3 ft. in the head. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      The bargaining for ivory required a lot of patience and they used steel axe.
  • the Arab p
  • . The task of removal was much facilitat
  • esome process. The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The Africa
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      The ivory value was calculated looking at its size and quality
  • mated its value by its size and qual
  • Ivory was a heavy article to transp
    • Rosina Ntoi
      Rosina Ntoi on 25 Apr 23
       
      It was also hard to transport ivory
  • he usual weight carried by a porter was 50 lb
  • The business of ivory trading could only
  • constant extension and development, and this
  • Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
  • The Indian merchants, by and large, were not an attractive lot. T
  • were jealous of their trade and intensively secre
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

Asmaa Al-Helou 221178198

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
preciousbosiki29

The End of Slavery in Zanzibar and British East Africa.pdf - 1 views

Precious Nontokozo Bosiki

shared by preciousbosiki29 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE long crusade against Slavery in the Sultan of Zanzibar's dominions, which has been brought to a successful issue by the recent promulgation of the Decree dated the 9th June last, may be divided into two periods. In the first place, there was the series of attacks directed against the Slave Trade, that is to say, the seizure and transport of raw slaves from the African mainland into Zanzibar and from Zanzibar to Arabia, and, in the second place, there are the steps more recently taken in connection with the institution of domestic slavery. The existence of a traffic in human beings was, of course, directly due to the demand for domestic slaves in Mohammedan countries on the Coast and elsewhere, and, if means could have been found to check the demand, the supply would naturally have ceased. Until the latter part of the nineteenth century, however, the institution of domestic slavery, sanctioned, as it is, by the writings of the Prophet and by the Law of Islam, was far too firmly established in the Zanzibar dominions to be open to direct attacks from outside. It was only, therefore, by
    • preciousbosiki29
      preciousbosiki29 on 25 Apr 23
       
      The protracted campaign against slavery in the lands of the Sultan of Zanzibar, which was recently brought to a successful conclusion by the promulgation of the Decree dated June 9, last, may be divided into two periods. First, there were the attacks on the slave trade, which included the capture and transportation of enslaved people from the African mainland to Zanzibar and from Zanzibar to Arabia, and second, there have been more recent actions related to the institution of domestic slavery. The desire for domestic slaves in Moham- medan countries on the Coast and elsewhere was, of course, the primary driver of the formation of a human trafficking industry.
  • Very little advance could be made towards closing the sources from which raw slaves were supplied so long as Mohammedan influence was still paramount on the Coast, and the slave-dealers could count on the active co-operation of the Arab authorities, and it was not until the "partition of Africa had taken definite shape that a death-blow could be struck at this inhuman traffic. The first step in this direction was the incorporation of the Imperial British East Africa Company in i888, which was quickly followed by the transfer of a large portion of the Zanzibar mainland dominions to the German Government, by the establishment of a British Protectorate in Uganda, and by the extension of European administration throughout the central regions of the African Continent. With these forces at work the Slave Trade was doomed, and in a very few years it had altogether ceased to exist. In the meanwhile the British Navy had been working hard to check the transport of raw slaves from the mainland to Zanzibar and th
    • preciousbosiki29
      preciousbosiki29 on 25 Apr 23
       
      As long as Mohammedan influence was still dominant on the Coast and the slave-dealers could rely on the active cooperation of the Arab authorities, very little progress could be made toward closing the sources from which raw slaves were supplied. It was not until the "partition of Africa" had taken definite shape that a death-blow could be struck at this inhuman traffic. The Imperial British East Africa Company's incorporation in 1888 was the first step in this direction. Soon after, the German government was given control of a sizable portion of Zanzibar's mainland dominions, a British Protectorate was established in Uganda, and European rule was expanded to include the continent's central regions.
  • wners, was declared to be illegal. In 1889 Seyyid Khalifa bin Said granted to England and Germany a perpetual right of search over all local dhows in Zanzibar territorial waters. It was at the same time ordained that all persons entering the Sultan's dominions after the Ist day of November, 1889, and all children born therein after the Ist January, 189o, should be free. A year later Seyyid Ali bin Said signed a Decree of which the principal provisions were as follows: all exchange, sale or purchase of slaves, domestic or otherwise, was prohibited; only the lawful children of a slave-owner could inherit his slaves at his death, such slaves otherwise becoming free; any persons found ill-treating a slave or in possession of raw slaves was made liable to severe punishment, and, in flagrant cases, to the forfeiture of all his slaves; freed slaves were debarred from holding slaves themselves; freed slaves were given the right of prosecuting claims or complaints in the local Courts; and every s
    • preciousbosiki29
      preciousbosiki29 on 25 Apr 23
       
      England and Germany were given a perpetual right of search over all local dhows in the territorial waters of Zanzibar by Seyyid Khalifa bin Said in 1889. At the same time, it was decreed that everyone entering the Sultan's domains after November 1, 1889, and everyone having a child there after January 1, 1890, should be free. A year later, Seyyid Ali bin Said signed a decree with the following main clauses: no domestic or foreign exchange, sale, or purchase of slaves was permitted; only a slave-owner's legal children could inherit their father's slaves at his death; otherwise, slaves became free; anyone found abusing a slave or in possession of raw slaves was subject to harsh punishment.
  • preciousbosiki29 on 25 Apr 23
     
    slave trafficking
andiswamntungwa

slavery_other_forms_of_social_oppression_in_ankole_1890_1940.pdf - 1 views

Andiswa Mntungwa History 2A

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • bomas
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A boma is a livestock enclosure, community enclosure, stockade, corral, small fort or district government office.
  • For Patterson the key to understanding the nature of slavery is the idea of what he calls ‘natal alienation’ and the lack of honour suffered by the slave. 15 In the case of Ankole, the central manifestation of these constituent elements of slavery was the sense of humiliation and degradation experienced by the slaves that continues to embitter the social relations and political struggles of contemporary Nyankole society. Let us now turn to the various forms of servile labour, first in precolonial Nkore and its environs and then in the colonially created ‘Kingdom of Ankole’.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The concept of what Patterson refers to as "natal alienation" and the lack of honor the slave experiences are crucial to understanding the essence of slavery, in Patterson's opinion. In the instance of Ankole, the sense of humiliation and degradation felt by the slaves permeated social interactions and political conflicts in modern Nyankole culture, serving as the primary manifestation of these characteristics of slavery. Now let's discuss the various sorts of servile labor, first in precolonial Nkore and its surroundings and then in the colonially established "Kingdom of Ankole."
  • Abashumba were and are destitute peasants or, more usually, herdsmen, who voluntarily seek employment herding the cows of rich cattle owners. From the perspective of the owners of large herds, there was need for men to do the arduous and ‘dirty’ work of tending to the cattle and the kraal. The daily tasks of watering and grazing the cattle, of sweeping the enclosure and removing cow dung were those most frequently assigned to abashumba. Various domestic tasks such as churning milk into ghee (clarified butter), collecting grass for mats and so on would be assigned to abashumbakazi (female servants). 17 It would appear, however, that Hima households required far more male than female labour, because of the arduous nature of herding and grazing cattle.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Abashumba were and are poor peasants who voluntarily seek jobs herding the cows of wealthy cattle owners. They are more frequently herdsmen. Owners of vast herds saw a need for mento to perform the difficult and "dirty" task of caring for the cattle and the kraal. The daily chores that were most frequently given to Bashumba were cleaning the enclosure, removing cow dung, and drinking and grazing the cattle. Abashumbakazi (female servants) would be given a variety of domestic jobs, such as turning milk into ghee (clarified butter), gathering grass for mats, and so on. Due to the laborious nature of herding and grazing cattle, it seemed that Hima households required significantly more male than female labor.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • One important distinction in the treatment and status of abahuuku was the fact that they could be and generally were ‘branded’ by the excision of all or part of one or both ears. Initially this was done to prevent them from escaping and mixing unnoticed among free Banyankore, who were no different in appearance or language from the slaves from neighbouring areas. But it is also clear that ‘cutting the ear’ was a form of humiliation and an expression of the absolute power of the owner over the person of the omuhuuku. 2
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Being 'tagged' by having all or a portion of one or both ears removed was a significant distinction in how abahuuku were treated and classified. This was first done to stop them from fleeing and blending in with the free Banyankore, who were identical in appearance and language to the slaves from surrounding districts. However, it is also obvious that "cutting the ear" was a humiliation tactic and a demonstration of the owner's total control over the omuhuuku's person.Abahuuku also had to perform the dehumanizing duty of accompanying his master during sexual acts and supporting him by "holding the thigh" of his partner, who was frequently a female slave (omuzaana).
  • As with the children of abashumba born within the household of the patron, the children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, ‘the children of the house’, alongside the children of his wives and daughters-in-law. It is very revealing that unmarried abazaana who gave birth within their patron’s household were not punished
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, not punished.
  • The second issue was whether the killing of pregnant, unmarried Bahima women was done out of shame and the loss of family honour or out of the purely economic consideration of the loss of value in bridewealth that would be suffered by the family and specifically by the ‘favourite’ brother, who would now lose a large proportion of his sister’s bridewealth cattle that he would have used to obtain his own bride
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The second concern was whether the murder of pregnant, unwed Bahima women was motivated by disgrace and a loss of family honor or by purely economic considerations related to the family's loss of something valuable in bridewealth, particularly for the "favorite" brother who would now lose a substantial amount of his sister's bride wealth cattle which he would have utilized to find his own bride.
  • The limited commercial impact of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankole slavery was matched by the marginal effect that both the slave trade and slave raiding had in the region. The principal object of the east coast merchants who came to Nkore and its neighbourhood appears to have been to procure ivory rather than slaves, the demand for which could be more readily satisfied elsewhere
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The minor impact of both the slave trade and slave raiding in the area matched the negligible commercial influence of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankoleslavery. Since the demand for slaves could be more easily met elsewhere, it appears that the main goal of the east coast traders who traveled to Nkore and its surrounding areas was to acquire ivory. Coastal traders gave cloth, cowrie shells, weapons, and powder in exchange for the ivory. However, only the wealthiest mainly and pastoral households were impacted by these items in Ankole cultures, which had a very shallow penetration.
  • The connection between nineteenth-century anti-slavery ideology and the exploration and colonisation of Africa is a commonplace. Uganda was no exception, and opposition to the slave trade was prominent among the justifications for the sending of both missionaries and administrators to Buganda and its environs in the last half of that century. 42 Even the most egotistical and eccentric of Uganda’s early European explorers, men like Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found in the anti-slavery impulse a useful ally
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Africa's discovery and colonization and nineteenth-century anti-slavery philosophy are frequently linked. Uganda was no exception, and during the latter half of that century, opposition to the slave trade was a key pretext for sending missionaries and officials to Uganda and its surroundings. Even Uganda's most pompous and eccentric early European explorers, such Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found a handy ally in the anti-slavery movement.
  • The problem with the emancipation of slaves was compounded by two imperatives of colonial rule. The first was the need to entrench alliances of collaboration with the occupying power by bolstering chiefs who had been appointed or recognised by the colonial state.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Two colonial imperatives exacerbated the issue of the emancipation of slaves. The first was the requirement to strengthen collaboration relationships with the occupying power by supporting chiefs who had been nominated or acknowledged by the colonial administration.
  • The First World War and the recruitment of Banyankole for military service as porters and menial labourers seemed to have brought akashanju to an end. Its demise may also have been hastened by the increasing availability of cash in the economy and the decreasing need for head porterage and road construction workers as a basic network of rudimentary roads and motorised transport was completed. Road maintenance, though, would remain a major source of demand for unpaid labour for many years under the postwar system called ruharo.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The First World War and the enlistment of Banyankole as porters and manual laborers for the armed forces appeared to put an end to akashanjuto. As a rudimentary network of primitive roads and motorized transport was constructed, the economy's increased cash availability and the resulting decline in the demand for headporterage and road construction employees may have expedited its collapse. However, the post-war system known as ruharo would continue to be a significant source of demand for unpaid labor for many years.
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