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sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

Sive Mhlobo 222057774

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
dlangudlangu

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation: Reassessing ... - 1 views

Anakho Dlangudlangu 221107980

shared by dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This theory centres on a cattle trade that came to replace the ivory trade from the late 18th century onwards, and was based on the demand for fresh meat by whaler
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • although Hedges acknowledged the high value of copper and brass to Nguni society, he neglected the importance of brass jewellery as an indicator of political authority, while emphasising its importance in terms of its exchange value for cattle
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • sporadic
  • he traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formatio
  • Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • Hedges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh mea
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      ivory has been traded for many centuries and at the beggining it was a popular or consistent trade
  • t was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756.
  • Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      there was a high demand of brass in the african societies and there was also a high demand for ivory in Europeans
  • he demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 154
  • During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered
  • And although they paid lower prices and were officially absent for three years after the French destroyed their fort in 1796, the ivory trade remained significant in terms of supplying imported goods to the northern Nguni
  • It was the abundant and constant supply of brass that determined the volume of ivory delivered to Europeans along the Maputo river, and I suggest that it was this factor, the ample supply of brass, that was the first in a sequence of events that led to state formation among the Nguni.
  • The average weight of Austrian exports alone, other than the continuing country trade, amounted to an average of 75,000 lb per annum. 36 This figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade. This number assumes a conservative average of 39 lb of ivory per elephant, based on the ivory provided to the Dutch over the period 1 November 1731–8 January 1732. 37 The heaviest tusks that the Dutch traded weighed 80 lb, and if the Austrians traded exclusively in heavier tusks, hunters needed to kill at least one elephant a day to meet the demand. 38
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Australian demand for ivory was higher than the Dutch demand for ivory and that meant that many elephants were killed each and every day to meet the demand. also the demand fro brass and cloth among the african societies was high which can also explain the high killings of elephants for their tusks
  • Hedges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom
  • Elephant hunting in Africa was almost always done in large groups and needed great skill and planning. 40 Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe
  • The basis of this assumption is the reach of the intermediary kingdom of Mabudu, which stretched to this river – and it was here that brass, a trade item almost as popular as beads, was in high demand
  • the Dutch traded copper bangles for ivory during the early stages of their trading post
  • 1 Further south, in Terra Natal, copper and, later, brass played a significant role in designating rank within the small chiefdoms of the early Nguni-speaking people. 52 Early observers noted the importance of dress and ornaments to distinguish rank. In a hierarchical society such as that of the Nguni, objects such as beads and metal jewellery, along with dressed skins, created a visual reminder of the status and prestige of the elite
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      brass was used for many things in the African societies and represented power. This explains why it was mostly the chiefs who were trading ivory in exchange for brass
  • Chiefs wore flat neck rings, while men and women of high rank wore neck rings made up out of one or more brass rings. Chiefs’ wives had solid brass balls threaded on to a string and worn around their necks, and small cast-brass buttons or studs decorated their skin garments
  • Traders like Chandler had easy access to brass because, by the late 17th century, British copper and brass dominated markets worldwide because of regulatory and technological developments
  • The significance of brass lay in its power to enhance chiefly prestige, signifying chiefs’ status as effective political leaders, with the
  • resources to attract and maintain a following. Brass, as copper, symbolised power, illustrated by Livingstone’s anecdote: ‘[w]hen [the chief] had finished his long oration he rose up, and in going off was obliged by such large bundles of copper rings on his ankles to adopt quite a straddling walk.
  • Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 3
  • Whalers created a significant trade in replenishing food supplies rather than dealing in ivory – which seems to point to the ‘sharp decline’ in the ivory trade, a factor that Hedges posits as the reason for the rise of a cattle trade to replace the ivory trade. 73 But, as we shall see later, he overestimated both the decline in the ivory trade and the volume of the cattle trade
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      during the Whalers time ivory demand and trade declined as Whalers were mostly interested in food supply. trading brass and cloth for food, vegetables and meat. in this time cattle trading kept on increasing
  • Whalers supplied goods – brass, cloth and beads – generously in exchange for food. 7
  • He hypothesises that the whalers needed great quantities of meat, which, in turn, required large numbers of cattle on the hoof to be imported to Delagoa Bay. Y et the number of whalers was not as large as Hedges supposed, and the relatively small number of men was there for a limited time
  • But by the mid 18th century, the provision of meat and vegetables, particularly onions, increasingly became the domain of the Tembe chief. 90 The growing fresh-food sector of the market enabled the Tembe chief to increase his authority over his territory, evident in the appointment of the ‘King of the Water’ from at least 1784
  • Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network.
  • the sharp decline of the ivory trade by 1814, compared to the period of 1802– 1803, was not concurrent with the presence of large numbers of whalers at Delagoa Bay. There was a reduction in whaling activity globally from the beginning of the 19th century
  • The comparative decline in the ivory trade from 1781, when the Portuguese re-established their authority over trade, diminished the flow of brass into the interior. As a sumptuous item, brass demanded stricter control over its redistribution, forming the pressing motive for the conflict among the northern Ngun
nmapumulo

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 18 views

www.tandfonline.com/...02255189.1998.9669768

Nobuhle Mapumulo History 2A

shared by nmapumulo on 19 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This paper identifies problematic elements in the literature on the ivory trade during the late 19th century and proposes an alternate approach that draws on insights from economic anthropology and history.
  • his focus provides a different perspective on participation in the ivory trade. What follows is an outline of the issues that could be addressed by a broader social history of the ivory trade in late 19th-century East-Central Africa and, based on my research on the Eastern Congo, some of the transformations associated Trade and with the ivory trade in this period
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      ivory in congo, where the ivory task was formed
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      the problematic elemente on the ivory trade
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Whatever effect these changes had on how men organized themselves socially and politically in relation to the hunt, it and the related activities of caravan trading and porterage had a distinct effect simply through the number of men they drew out of the pool of labour available for work in the community (Alpers, 1992, p. 356). Trade, which caused this problem, also supplied its solution: more slave labour purchased with the wealth generated by trade. This labour was not only applied to subsistence and domestic main- tenance left: 133.5
  • time
  • Led by Henry M. Stanley, this expedition crossed Africa, Canadian Journal from the Congo River via Lake Albert and Lake Victoria to Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • siyabonga_14
      siyabonga_14 on 26 Apr 23
       
      We can see from this document together with other documents i have posted that the trade of Ivory took part mostly in Zanzibar and parts of Congo. This shows that these were the hotspots of the Ivory trade.
  • Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zanzibar is part of East Africa and the date corresponds with my research time frame.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa.
  • Trade and Transformation: Tarticipation in the lvory Trade in Late 19th-Century East
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • he first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. Tusks had and have important functions for elephants. They are used in feeding, in marking territory, as both offensive and defensive weapons, and as markers of status (Shoshani, 1992, p. 48). The questions for further study arising here relate to the ways in which hunting by humans affected elephant populations. To what extent were their physical reproduction and collective behaviour affected as they were reduced in numbers left: 263.997px; top: 561.245px; fon
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and left: 217.561px; top: 925.436px; font-size: 18.5417px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      the trade in ivory was not going to be a success without the elephants, in fact, it would not have lasted for a long time if elephants stopped reproducing and became extinct. Elephants played a significant in making areas that were covered in wood to be covered in grass allowing for human beings to harvest and live in those areas,the poaching led to a disturbance in the system of ecology
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was viewed as an item that made one rich and powerful, it was associated with royalty thus the term regalia was used. They viewed it as an item that can remove one from one disadvantaged social class to a wealthy class.
  • mhlengixaba on 26 Apr 23
     
    This article identifies problematic elements in the ivory trade during the late 19th century. African and external, participated in the ivory trade. This participation grew out of differing beliefs about the power of trade to bring about economic, social and political change. Late 19th century British debates about trade with Africa had no direct counterpart in the African communities involved in the ivory trade, the changing nature and meaning of trade and trade goods produced a variety of contending political, social and economic options. the interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th century thinking about the trade and its effects on Africa. the first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. elephants played an important ecological role in the transformation of wooded areas into grassland, affecting a wide variety of species. it was also important to the hunters. it contributed to their livelihood, largely through exchange value, but in some parties of East central Africa it was also employed in terms of hunters or their families.
diegothestallion

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 3 views

222058834 History 2A

shared by diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
  • Ivory ornaments sometimes served as a mark of the expertise and prowess of these hunters, the best documented example of this being Kamba ivory armlets (ngotho). The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century. At the same time, their meaning and uses changed (Kasfir, 1992, 'Trade and p. 323-4). Ivory objects could also be used to create and mark kinship and crmnsforrnation: political ties.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      examples of Ivory Ornaments is jewelry and piano keys that were created from tusks and teeth of animals such as elephants.
  • First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was used for ritual and as sign of power such as motifs used by kings as the property of the royal house, For example the king of Benin kingdom that wears ivory tusk as kings mark.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual
  • Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and more significantly it provided new avenues to power and wealth for those lower in the political hierarchies or outside them altogethe
  • Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.
  • As mentioned earlier, ivory could be translated into value both in the sphere of subsistence production and reproduction, and in the sphere of production for trade. In both, it generated a concatenation of status, coercive power and wealth.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      In simple terms ivory was traded for capital which provided platform for different areas to be connected and other people using force to make other people to work unwillingly like slaves. People who are wealthy used their power to dominate others, such as Tippu Tip who included the words like enslaving local people as way of ivory trade and interior development in communities were he referred as barbaric .
  • For example, the Maasai, who were important intermediaries in the ivory trade, did not hunt elephants themselves but gained access to ivory through groups of Dorobo and Okiek, sometimes using ties such as marriage and sometimes forcing these hunters to turn over both elephant ivory and hippopotamus teeth for minimal compensation (Wright, 1985, p. 546; Kasfir, 1992, p. 322-3).
  • In both the Eastern Congo and Southern Sudan, coercion was an essential feature of the ivory trade in the late 19th century and a notable part of the accom- panying reconfiguration of political and economic structures there.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Coercion means the threat or force For example when individual is forced to work in plantations against his or her will
  • This trade system was also shaped by terms of trade that ran steadily in favour of African ivory exporters during the 19th century, since ivory prices rose while those of manufactured goods such as cloth dropped.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade started dominating trading systems and this favored African continent because ivories came from Africa and the higher the demand of ivory resulted in an increase in ivory prices compared to other items like clothes and salt.
  • This allowed for substantial accu- mulation on the part of intermediaries in the trade; it also allowed these inter- mediaries to continue to profit even as their operating costs grew with the increased distance of the ivory frontier from the coast (Sheriff, 1986 and 1987).
  • First, through training and example, local people were to be weaned off their "barbarous" practices and introduced to more "civilized" ones, though Page notes the Swahili ambivalence about admitting assimilated Canadian yournal "savages" to positions of equality (1974a, p. 76). This transformation would oj~evelopmenr remove, or at least reduce the primary markers of native "barbarism" - Studies paganism, cannibalism and nakedness
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Local people were supposed to change the way they used to live because according to Tippu Tips they were living a barbarous life compared to his. this transformation will completely change how the local people engaged with their environment because the ideas of ivory trade and development of interior needed to be achieved.
  • The second area of transformation involved bringing peace and order to areas where local people would otherwise be fighting each other (Page, 1974b, p. 114).
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The second transformation, was to bring solution to communities were people did not get along, as way of enhancing the transformation. This would make the process easy allowing ivory trade to take place and the possibility of creating routes that lead to the interior, so that ivory market can be established in regions like Manyema. This will result in distance ivory trade.
  • In spite of the rhetoric of peace and order, the destruction at the leading edge of Swahili expansion in the Eastern Congo - which involved raids on villages, removal of people and property, confiscation or destruction of food crops, and the spread of small pox - was only slowly followed by the estab- lishment of a new order.
  • The third area of transformation involved reorienting communities in the region to produce surpluses of a variety of agricultural products. This included the introduction of new crops such as rice, maize, citrus fruits and various vegetables.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The third transformation according to Tippu is to introduce agriculture to communities so that they can produce more surplus to be traded because Tippu highlighted that agriculture changed to plantation were slaves worked. This shows that intensive ivory trade resulted in other local people being enslaved to work plantations or to slaughter elephant for ivory to be traded.
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      People got rich because of ivory trade and hunters were given respect because they were the one who will provide more horns after slaughtering elephant horn while hunting and this made the to be wealthy by ivory trade.
  • Among the Nyamwezi, the carriage of ivory was important in the development of a body of professional porters with particular skills and a work culture that set norms for long-distance caravan transport in the 19th century (Rockel, 1996).
  • For porters on the road, ivory could also provide a means for independent enterprise: porters might use their wages or resources provided by their lineage to acquire and trade small amounts of ivory or other goods in addition to the loads for which they were contracted
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      this shows that people were involved in ivory trade as way of being independent because by trading ivory they could earn something in return such as status and respect from other local people.
  • ivory was the basis of several kinds of transactions at the coast. It was used to discharge the debts of those who traded in the interior and was the basis for the further extension of credit, often in the form of trade goods. It was also the basis for the authority of senior merchants like Tippu Tip, who used it to acquire guns and trade goods, which he would then lend out with interest to "responsible Arabs, in order to start them [in the Journal O,~eve~,,pment business], and also in order to retain authority over them" (Ward, 1891, p. 63)
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
ntsearelr

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare 222011098 History 2A

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute.
  • ivory could be translated into value both in the sphere of subsistence production and reproduction, and in the sphere of production for trade.
  • Tippu Tip.
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Tippu Tip, also known as Hamed bin Muhammad el Murjebi, was a 19th-century trader, slave trader, and plantation owner who played a significant role in the history of East Africa. He was born in Zanzibar in 1837 and was the son of a successful merchant. Tippu Tip began his career as a trader, dealing in ivory and other goods. He later became involved in the slave trade, trading in slaves captured from interior regions of East Africa and selling them to buyers in Zanzibar and elsewhere. He also owned plantations in what is now Tanzania, where he employed slave labor to produce cloves, coffee, and other crops. Despite his involvement in the slave trade, Tippu Tip was also known for his diplomatic skills and his ability to navigate the complex political landscape of East Africa. He formed alliances with local rulers and played a significant role in the Arab-led slave trade networks that operated in the region.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • PORTERS, CARAVAN ROUTES AND TRADE COMMUNITIES Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao. Among the Nyamwezi, the carriage of ivory was important in the development of a body of professional porters with particular skills and a work culture that set norms for long-distance caravan transport in the 19th century
  • ivory was the basis of several kinds of transactions at the coast. It was used to discharge the debts of those who traded in the interior and was the basis for the further extension of credit, often in the form of trade goods. It was also the basis for the authority of senior merchants like Tippu Tip, who used it to acquire guns and trade goods
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    Ruth Rempel examines the impact of the ivory trade on African societies and the processes of economic and social change that it brought about. She also explains how factors such as political factors, the consultate of Zanzibar, and caravan routes played a role. Rempel argues that the ivory trade created new patterns of trade and exchange, with local African communities acting as intermediaries between the interior and the coast, where European traders were based. These communities were drawn into the trade by the lure of European goods, such as firearms, cloth, and beads, and were able to accumulate wealth and power through their participation in the trade. At the same time, Rempel notes that the ivory trade also disrupted traditional social and economic relationships, causing conflict between different groups competing for control of the trade. European powers played a major role in shaping the ivory trade in Africa, using their control of coastal ports and trade routes to further their imperial ambitions and secure access to ivory and other resources.
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

www.encyclopedia.com/...slavery

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
matimbababsy

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 1 views

Matimba Babani HISTORY 2A

shared by matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa arose out of my thesis on the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition was one of the last major European expeditions into the interior of Africa in the nineteenth century.
  • The expedition spent months in the forests of the Eastern Studies Congo, the frontier of the ivory trade at the time, and it was closely connected with some of the leading traders in the region
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      The expedition took place at the peak of ivory trade.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Despite the expedition's name, it was as much about rescuing Emin Pasha's supposedly fabulous stock of ivory as it was about providing him with ammunition and a patron for his administration of Sudan's Equatoria province.
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      This goes to show how lucrative the ivory trade really was.
  • The railway was to be funded by the stocks of ivory supposedly to be found inexpensively in the interior.
  • Work on these aspects of the expedition led me to survey the literature on the late 19th-century ivory trade in East and Central Africa
  • First, discussions of long-distance trade focus almost entirely on the slave trade, even when authors say they are going to discuss the ivory trade.
  • This does not mean that the literature presents the ivory Canadian Journal trade as having had the same consequences everywhere or that it always o/~evdopment moved at an equal rate.
  • The ivory trade is then said to have initiated a distinctive, predictable chain of consequences in these two kinds of territories.
  • Further, according to the literature, by the mid-19th century, the ivory trade was mostly in the hands of non-Africans, creating a progressive denial of agency to peoples in the interior, which culmi- nated in the radical disjuncture of European imperial control.
  • Finally, the literature assumes a clear connection between the demand for ivory and the supply of ivory, embodied in coast-based traders, though revi- sionist literature also assigns an important role to traders from the interior.
  • First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute.
  • This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual
  • Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.
  • As Wright notes, while wealth in people - whether dependents, clients or women -was potential, wealth in ivory was relatively liquid and fungible, a strong incentive for both established leaders and "ambitious upstarts" seeking to acquire it (1985, p. 540)
  • In both the Eastern Congo and Southern Sudan, coercion was an essential feature of the ivory trade in the late 19th century and a notable part of the accom- panying reconfiguration of political and economic structures there.
  • E. PORTERS, CARAVAN ROUTES AND TRADE COMMUNITIES Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it.
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      This here shows the status that ivory trade provided to the traders.
  • The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao.
  • Within the long-distance caravans, carriers of ivory had a higher status than did carriers of other trade goods (Cummings, 1973, p. 113). Porters who could carry the largest tusks single-handedly (up to double the standard load of 60 lbs.) were given special status and substantially larger food rations (Lamden, 1963, p. 157 and 159).
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      Further information on the prestige and status that ivory trade gave the traders.
  • matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a pdf with annotations derived from Taylor & Francis online journals.
ntandoelinda

Full article: The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation... - 4 views

www.tandfonline.com/...03057070.2016.1200869

Ntando Elizabeth Linda 221152738 History 2A

shared by ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century. This situation changed during the English and Austrian periods of trade, when ivory was supplied on a far more regular basis because of the involvement of the country trade – a coastal trade in Asia, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and, occasionally, the east coast of Africa, conducted by privately owned merchant vessels.Footnote1515 For discussion of the Bombay country trade, see A. Bulley, Bombay Country Ships 1790–1833 (Richmond, Curzon Press, 2000).View all notes The country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts.Footnote1616 Ibid., p. vii.View all notes This practice permitted legitimate private transactions, which generated an income in silver, a strength that the Company exploited. As country ships came to dominate English maritime trade, their business became invaluable to the Company that used the ready cash to pay for its annual tea order from China. And because the EEIC formally permitted their servants to conduct private trade, merchants became stakeholders in the company as a whole.Footnote1717 Ibid.View all notes Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.Footnote1818 Ibid., p. 3.View all notes It was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756. The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      With the rise of ivory trade in the 18th century, came exploitation for Africa as the EEIC benefitted more and extracted everything in Africa causing the animals with ivory to become extinct. The limited interference by Europeans was not displayed enough yet the ivory supply attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • The demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 1545. The Dutch, throughout their stay (1721–1730), did everything in their power to stimulate and expand the trade, and yet the supply stayed relatively low and dwindled to nothing when the desired trade goods ran out. The type of trade goods on offer decided the source and volume of the ivory supply. During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered. Judging by the Austrian inventories, the ivory supply came predominantly from the Nkomati and Maputo rivers.
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      Before the 18th century, there was a significant decrease in the selling of the ivory, The Dutch attempted to change the situation but did not succeed. At that time, not a lot of people did not know the value of the ivory and did not know how it could be used hence there was a decline in the sales of ivory.
  • By the late 18th century, then, Delagoa Bay had become primarily a refreshment station. It remained so well into the 19th century.Footnote8383 BdJ.L.M.L. Zimba, ‘Overseas Trade, Regional Politics and Gender Roles: Southern Mozambique, c.1720 to c.1830’, PhD thesis, University of Michigan, 1999, Chapter 3, pp. 161–73.View all notes The Tembe had provisioned ships from the 16th century through to the 18th century, and were naturally the group to maintain and expand this dominance over the food trade when whalers started to frequent the Bay.Footnote8484 Chewins, ‘Trade at Delagoa Bay’, p. 127.View all notes The Mfumo, situated on the northern shore, were known for a lack of cultivation (owing to the sandy soil found there), and their reliance on meat, even the ‘gedroogte spiere van hun vijande’, for sustenance.Footnote8585 CA C406 f. 117, ‘the dried flesh of their enemies’, a cynical observation of a disillusioned employee of the VOC, visiting the trading post in 1721.View all notes Cultivation on the northern bank, apart from the Dutch effort to establish a Company garden, was an activity that the Mfumo consistently avoided throughout the 18th century.Footnote8686 The Dutch pointed out the lack of non-cultivation in 1720, see CA C406 f. 117; the observation is repeated in White, Journal of a Voyage, p. 52.View all notes The Tembe side of Delagoa Bay was well suited to agriculture, having dark fertile soil and a higher rainfall than the opposite bank
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      The trade in ivory connects to the history of KwaZulu-Natal as it was one of the routes used to deliver the ivory from all the points. The refreshment station was made to accommodate the people who are shipping the ivory from point a to point b.
aluswah

29779210.pdf - 3 views

shared by aluswah on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ry. The aim of the present paper is to suggest that during the 19th century Malawi was in fact more, not less, politically centralised than it was in the earlier centuries, and following Alpers to emphasise the crucial role of the ivory trade - elephant hunting - in the political history of Malawi. After
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      Malawi was more centralised in the 19th century due to the ivory trade.
  • based on "plunder" and on "conquering" the neighbouring territories. But of course plunder could hardly be achieved without the use of firearms derived from the trade in ivory - for ivory trade and political domination went hand-in-hand, as Alpers implied. Elephant hunting, trade in ivory, access to firearms - if these coalesced even local petty chiefs were soon able to assert their political dominion over local communities -and with local support derived from the redistribution of trade goods, to establish a degree of autonomy from what were at one time centralised kingdoms.
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      Elephant hunting, trade in ivory, access to firearms, and local support from redistribution of trade goods enabled local petty chiefs to assert political dominance over local communities.
  • i Journal were deeply implicated in the ivory trade. Both Newitt and Schoffeleers, unlike Alpers, tend to play down the importance of the ivory trade, and almost ignore entirely the crucial significance of firearms that were derived from this trade
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade was essential for the development of firearms.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • he ivory trade in East Central Africa probably goes back to antiquity, and certainly by around 1000AD a complex trading network of African hunters, local chiefs, African or Muslim traders and Asian merchant "capitalists" had been established.
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in East Central Africa dates back to 1000AD.
  • ut it was from the end of the 18th century that the great development of the ivory trade took place in East and Central Africa. There was a marked increase in the demand for ivory in both Europe and the United States - the ivory being used for a wide variety of ornaments and household goods - piano and organ keys, snuff boxes, umbrella handles, chess sets and carved figures - "not to mention the ivory inlaid butts of six-shooters for the
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      The 18th century saw an increase in demand for ivory in Europe and the US, used for ornaments and household goods.
  • The Ivory Trade 9 American west" (op. cit.288).
  • Although the Chewa were deeply implicated in the ivory trade, Phiri suggests that it was such ethnic communities as the Bisa, Chikunda and Yao who largely functioned as the itinerant traders. Significantly, while the importation of muzzle-loading guns was important in the development of the ivory trade, there was also an increased demand for iron spears and axes which led to a resurgence of the local iron-industry
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      The 18th century saw an increase in demand for ivory in Europe and the US, used for ornaments and household goods.
  • ns on the arms trade (Beachey 1962: 451-53). The impact of the ivory trade - most of the elephant hunting, but not all, being done by armed gangs of men using the imported muzzle-loading guns - was devastating on the elephant population of Central and East Africa. By the end of the 19th century, the ivory trade was all but defunct, even though it has continued to have significance in a limited way until the present decade, although much of the hunting of elephant in Malawi nowadays is illegal.
    • aluswah
      aluswah on 26 Apr 23
       
      The ivory trade had a devastating impact on the elephant population of Central and East Africa, but has since been defunct.
bulelwa

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits when it comes to the ivory trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade i
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The word "ancient" means a long time. This suggests that the ivory trade has been in practice in East Africa for a long time.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits such as having quality when it comes to ivory. Carving means: fashioning an object.
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • But
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that in nineteen century marked a good sharp increase in the ivory trade in East Africa. It may suggest that people started to be involved in the ivory trade if they were not involved.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock One that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • ncreased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock one that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • neteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, ev
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa was the best than other places in Africa that were competing with them when it came to the ivory trade.
  • ntil the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in suf
  • Until the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet demand,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      key event. This event marked an increase in the amount of ivory being obtained to meet people who demanded it.
  • rade was lucrative,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Defination producing a great deal of profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en masse.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Paraphrased to understand it The nineteenth-century onslaught on the interior of East Africa's ivory valuables took the form of a two-way
  • den may do it in four months.' The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These are the places where most of the time ivory trade took place.
  • Cameron, arriving here in i874, speaks of the 'special ornaments' here of 'beautifully white and wonderfully polished hippopotamus ivory'. These ivory carvings at Ujiji were exceptional
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that ivory was used to make nice products that are aesthetic.
  • The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I am confused why is the article talking about the popular measurement of cloth instead of dealing with the ivory trade? .
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The d
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This idea is repeated, it allude that it was important to have soft ivory rather than hard because white ivory made more profit in sale.
  • vory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Har
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The reader gets the image of how hard ivory looks.
  • ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • is
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I get an image of how white ivory looks like
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 Small
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that there were different types of sizes tusks that were used for ivory. The small tusks allude that these rhinos or elephants were killed at a young age.
  • d. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives rarely. Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is animal abuse how can they use such This is animal abuse how can they use such dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct. How can they use dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qua
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These where two ways to calculate the worth of ivory.
  • ding. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth ce
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Nothing had a stable price like ivory in nineteenth, which means other products had increase and decrease over the price these times.
  • enya to trade for ivory. The original plans for an East African railway were based on the assumption that the haulage of ivory would be a valuable source of revenue.3
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa first planned that Ivory will be their source of income.
  • '. The shooting of cow elephants was prohibited, and all ivory below io lb. weight (raised to 30 lb. in I905) was liable to confiscation. Demarcation of reserves also followed.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is good because if they give elephants a chance to grow they will be able to reproduce and maintain the population. Order to prevent elephants from being extinct.
  • a.40 Instances of infringement of the game laws and trading in illicit ivory continued to come before the courts throughout the earlier twentieth cen
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that in the late 19th century not much illegal ivory trade were reported.
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Why is that so? was it because no one cared to calculate or there a many numbers of exports?
  • Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is is sad ,many animals killed for their horns.
  • SUMMARY The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and E
  • bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from the J store it talks about ivory in the nineteenth century. There is a link below that proves I was able to get it on the UJ database. I could not annotate my PDF straight from the J store due to technical difficulties not because I do not know how to annotate from the J store. My tutor said I should add a link to my source. This is my link below https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/179483.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Afb9e9b59532f72e2bb9a12ae108a610a&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  • mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
     
    Non-academic source
cicisebego

The ivory trade and elephant conservation.pdf - 3 views

Cici Sebego

shared by cicisebego on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In response to significant elephant population declines in the 1970s and 1980s because of poaching for ivory, the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) banned the international trade in Asian and African elephant species by listing them on Appendix I in 1973 and 1989, respectiv
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      The slight decline of elephant in the 1970s to 1980s has led to the the CITES banning ivory trade.
  • in the 1970s and 1980s because of poaching f
  • In 1997, the CITES Conference of Parties voted to allow Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe to
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • uction
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Auction? Definition: an area where there is a public sale of goods or property, where people make higher and higher bids (offers of money) for each thing, until the thing is sold to the person who will pay most.
  • tonnes of government ivory stockpiles to Japanese traders on a one-off experimental basis, which took place in 199
  • government ivory stockpiles to Japanese
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe were the only three countries to do a once of trade with Japanese traders in 1999.
  • ry-
  • ant
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Anti ivory? Definition: the opposite or being against something.
  • resulting in a surge of elephant poaching
  • environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have ivory
  • ns. Elephant conservation and public welfare can be better served by legal ivory trade than by a trade
  • economic development and increased tourism, particularly in Asia. The ivory trade was widely recognized as the single most important cause of substantial elephant population d
  • 04. The Fifth African Elephant Range States Dialogue Communiqué at CITES 12 demonstrated that most African elephant range state governments supported limited re-listing of the African elephant to Appendix II, ivory me
  • I (1) assess the effectiveness of the ivory and elephant poaching, (2) review arguments both for and against reopening the international trade in elephant ivory, and (3) suggest new ways to reduce ivory dem
  • 1989 CITES ivory trade ban in reducing
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Interventions that were brought into power to prevent poaching.
  • (3) suggest new ways to reduce ivory demand
  • Ivory trade indicators for pre-ban 1989 and post-ban years in Asia and Africa.
  • vory trade indicators for pre-ban 1989 and post-ban years in Asia and Africa. ! Sources: Cobb (1989), Martin and Stiles (2000, 2003), Dublin and Jachmann (1992) and Dublin et al. (1995)
  • 1987, the Group estimated that the elephant population had declined to 760000 (African Elephant and Rhino Specialist Group 1987). In
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      The illegal poaching of Elephants and Rhinos is something very common in the African context.
  • Wild elephant population estimates (number of elephants) for South and South-east Asia in the late 1980s and 2000. Sources: Santiapillai and Jackson (1990), Kemf and Santiapillai (2000) and Martin and Stiles (2002). Country Late 1980s 2000 Nepal 90 70 Sri Lanka 2950 2500-3000 Myanmar 6500 4820 Thailand 1650 1650 Laos 2500 1125 Cambodia 2000 250 Viet Nam 1750 135 Total 17440 10550
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      A table showing the decline of elephants from 1980s to the year 2000
  • g of ivory. The Asian elephant carries a considerably smaller average tusk weight than the African because few females have tusks and the few that do have small tusks, and there has been hunting selection pressure that has lowered the proportion of bulls carrying tusk
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      There is a hunting selection when it comes to poaching elephant tusks. the Asian elephants have smaller tusks compared to African elephants. -so this shows that the more bigger the tusk, the more the poacher can make better profit.
  • ic modelling. The former term refers to the benefits that the public of ivory selling ivory represents a negative perception of goods, in this case ivory, by potential consumers when they think that the goods were obtained illegally or in
  • mic modelling. The former term refers to the benefits that the pu
  • mic modelling. The former term refers to the benefits that the public of ivory selling countries would receive from ivory sales, and the latter term represents a negative perception of good
  • Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Countries with high number of elephant poaching.
  • 3). Because enforcement intensity has not been constant over time in many ivory would not be valid to make across the board comparisons of pre- and post- 1999 ivory seizure da
  • ng and consuming countr
  • of the most activ
  • ching. Rather, evidence suggests that all wildlife poaching and illegal trade are correlated with lax law enforcement, corruption and lack of government investment in wildlife cons
  • ation involving legal national ivory markets in the context of an illegal international ivory trade appears to encourage elephant poaching. Most markets cannot meet demand by legal ivory, thus they resort to illegal ivory. An ideal scenario would involve a legal ivory trade that would benefit range state governments and citizens, supplied by ivory from naturally deceased and culled problem elephants, to supply markets. If range state countries could supply legal ivory to meet demand, poaching would be reduced or even eliminated. Why would a trader assume the risk to buy illegal ivory if legal ivory were available at comparable quality and prices?
  • nd actions must come into effect to deal with increased elephant and other wildlife numbers when conse
  • t conservati
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      Conservation? Definition: prevention of wasteful use of a resource.
  • ng even after the 1973 and 1989 CITES Asian and African ivory trade bans. The 1990 ban did succeed in lowering the scale of ivory trading at national levels and reducing elephant poaching fro
    • cicisebego
      cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
       
      The banning of the ivory trade was able to lower the number of people who killed elephants.
  • cicisebego on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a very interesting reading by Daniel Stiles, it showed how the poaching of elephants became a problem when there was a slight decline in the 1970s to 1980s due to the high number of ivory trading that was taking place at the time. Non-governmental organizations and CITES came up with ways to ban the trade of ivory, of which is the reason why the generation of today is able to know about elephants without being told about them.
mathapelo063

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 2 views

Mathapelo Mabote HISTORY 2A

shared by mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • First, discussions of long-distance trade focus almost entirely on the slave trade, even when authors say they are going to discuss the ivory trade.
    • mathapelo063
      mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Why did the authors divert to the slave trade when they clearly stated that their focus is on the ivory trade?
  • Fourth, several important works on the ivory trade assume that there was no demand for ivory within Africa. The trade was therefore entirely driven by demand outside the continent.
    • mathapelo063
      mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Most literature about the ivory trade in East Africa in the 19th century focuses on the demand for ivory from foreign markets and not on the demand for ivory within the local markets.
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and more significantly it provided new avenues to power and wealth for those lower in the political hierarchies or outside them altogether. In some of these new political arrangements, a complete monopoly on ivory was substituted for the older, partial one.
    • mathapelo063
      mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory became essential for the political space in the 19th century. To exercise power and authority, you had to be involved in the ivory trade or own items made from ivory.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • The second area of transformation involved bringing peace and order to areas where local people would otherwise be fighting each other
    • mathapelo063
      mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Due to the competition of ivory hunting and the issuing of incentives when trading, the locals and the traders would then fight each other.
  • mathapelo063 on 25 Apr 23
     
    The document critiques the literature of the 19th century about the ivory trade in East Africa. He uses the journey of Henry M. Stanely, who collected ivory throughout the interior of East Africa to the coast, as inspiration for his thesis. He also provides an in-depth analysis of the ivory trade in terms of its importance to the East African communities and the logistics of the trade.
sinqobile

East Africa's forgotten slave trade - DW - 08/22/2019 - 3 views

www.dw.com/...a-50126759

Sinqobile Mbutsi History 2A

shared by sinqobile on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Back then, Arab Muslims in North and East Africa sold captured Africans to the Middle East. There, they worked as field workers, teachers or harem guards, which is why the castration of male slaves was common practice. Muslims, on the other hand, including African Muslims, were not allowed to be enslaved, according to Islamic legal views.
  • Long forgotten is the dark past that overshadowed this sunny paradise 200 years ago. The archipelago, which today is a semi-autonomous part of Tanzania, was then regarded as the center of the East African slave trade.
    • sinqobile
      sinqobile on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Article states that Arab Muslims in the East Africa enslaved Africans to the middle East, where they had to work as teachers, as field workers, or harem guards which was regarded as the castration of male slaves practice. Africans wee enslaved but according to the Islamic legal views, African Muslims were not allowed to be enslaved.
  • The slave trade in East Africa really took off from the 17th century. More and more merchants from Oman settled in Zanzibar. The island took on an even more important role in the international trade of goods due to the large trade at the Swahili coast and consequently also in the slave trade. This is how the largest slave market in East Africa was created.Only estimates, some of which vary widely, exist as to how many Africans were sold from East to North Africa. This is also due to the fact that many of the slaves perished. Scientific research concludes that about three out of four slaves died before they reached the market where they were to be sold. The causes were hunger, illness or exhaustion after long journeys.
    • sinqobile
      sinqobile on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Article states that Tanzania located in the east Africa was the center of the Eastern Slave trade, whereby all slave were brought to it before they were enslaved to other countries.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • The slave trade in East Africa really took off from the 17th century. More and more merchants from Oman settled in Zanzibar. The island took on an even more important role in the international trade of goods due to the large trade at the Swahili coast and consequently also in the slave trade. This is how the largest slave market in East Africa was created. Only estimates, some of which vary widely, exist as to how many Africans were sold from East to North Africa. This is also due to the fact that many of the slaves perished. Scientific research concludes that about three out of four slaves died before they reached the market where they were to be sold. The causes were hunger, illness or exhaustion after long journeys.
    • sinqobile
      sinqobile on 25 Apr 23
       
      The article specify the occurrence date of the Slave trade in East Africa which took off from the 17th century in Zanzibar. This location Zanzibar was very vital in the international trade due to Swahili coast trade and slave trade which led to the largest market in East Africa.
ntsearelr

Part 2: Zanzibar's Commercial Empire: 1800 to 1880 - AP Central | College Board - 0 views

apcentral.collegeboard.org/...rs-commercial-empire-1800-1880

Lindokuhle Ntseare 222011098 History 2A

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Seyyid Said, the sultan of Oman and Zanzibar (1806-1856),
  • Zanzibar's major exports were ivory, slaves, and eventually cloves, but the real "engine" of its transformation was the continuous growth of ivory exports. A very rapid rise in the British demand for ivory in the Bombay market boosted trade between India and the East African ports. The ivory trade was stimulated throughout the century as demand in Europe and America continued to grow. Eastern Africa responded, but supply could not keep up with increasing demand, so that the price of ivory rose throughout the nineteenth century (for the evidence, see Sheriff 1987). In Europe and America ivory was used for piano keys, billiard balls, umbrella and knife handles, and combs.
  • The profits of the ivory trade enriched the coffers of Zanzibar's customs house (revenues doubled between 1804 and 1819) and augmented the capital available to Zanzibar's merchants
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    Zanzibar's commercial empire in the 19th century was built largely on the ivory and slave trade. The port of Zanzibar, located on the island of Unguja, became a major center for the export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. The trade brought great wealth to Zanzibar and helped to make it one of the most prosperous cities in East Africa at the time. The ivory trade in Zanzibar was controlled by a small number of wealthy Arab and Indian merchants who monopolized the trade and accumulated vast fortunes. These merchants established commercial networks throughout East Africa, trading in other commodities such as slaves, cloves, and textiles, but ivory was the most lucrative and highly prized commodity. The ivory trade in Zanzibar was complex and involved a range of actors, including local traders, Indian and Arab merchants, European middlemen, and Indian agents. The trade was also linked to broader economic and political developments in the region, including the expansion of European colonialism, the rise of the Indian subcontinent as a global economic power, and the emergence of new trading centers in East Africa.
mbalenhle2003

Slavery and the slave trade as international issues 1890 1939.pdf - 1 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • chapter
  • discusses the international anti-slavery campaign between 1890 and 1939. The slavery issue was used by the colonial powers during the partition of Africa to further their own ends, but, once their rule was established, they took only minimal action to end the institution and sometimes even supported it. The three slavery committees of the League of Nations were established not because of any increased anti-slavery zeal on the part of the colonial rulers, but in order to deflect persistent humanitarian calls for action. They nevertheless set standards for the treatment of labour and projected a number of social questions into the international
  • arena
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • 1919 Slavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations. 1 As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as anti
  • became
  • lavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • slavery measures. Thus, the 'crusade' could often be used to further other interests - a fact not lost on rival powers. The spearhead of the anti-slavery movement was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.A middle-class and largely Quaker organization, it wielded an influence out of proportion to its tiny membership and minuscule budget because of its close links with members of both Houses of Parliament, with government officials and missionary societies, and its ability to mount impressive propaganda campaigns. By the 1870s the Atlantic slave traffic was a thing of the past. The trade, however, still flourished in Africa and there was an active export traffic to the Muslim world. Attention was forcefully drawn to this by European traders and missionaries penetrating ever further into the interior as the European colonial powers began to partition the coast in the 1880s. Africans took up arms against the intruders and by 1888 the French Cardinal Lavigerie found his missions on the Great Lakes under attack. In response, he launched an anti-slavery 'crusade' of his own, with papal blessing, calling for volunteers to combat this scourge in the heart of Africa.
  • 19 The British, anxious to retain their leadership of the anti-slavery movement and worried at the prospect of unofficial crusaders rampaging around Africa, persuaded Leopold II of Belgium, ruler of the Congo Independent State, to invite the leading maritime and colonial powers, together with the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Zanzibar, to Brussels to discuss concerted action against the export of slaves from Africa. The colonial powers, led by the wily king, proceeded to negotiate a treaty against the African slave trade on land, as well as at sea, and carefully designed it to serve their territorial and commercial ambitions. The Brussels Act of 1890 was a humanitarian instrument in so far as it reaffirmed that 'native welfare' was an international responsibility; and bound signatories to prevent slave raiding and trading, to repatriate or resettle freed and fugitive slaves, and to cut off the free flow of arms to the slaving areas. 4 But it had important practical advantages for the colonial rulers. By binding them to end the trade in slaves and arms, it not only dealt a blow to African resistance, but was an attempt to prevent unscrupulous colonial administrations from attracting trade to their territories by allowing commerce in these lucrative products. By stating that the best means of attacking the traffic was to establish colonial administrations in the interior of Africa, to protect missionaries and trading companies, and even to initiate Africans into agricultural and industrial labour, it put an anti-slavery guise on the colonial occupation and exploitation of Africa
  • Realities Most notably, the Brussels Act did not bind signatories to suppress slavery. None of the colonial powers was prepared to commit itself to this, although they all believed that it should be ended, and they all knew that as long as there was a market for slaves the traffic would continue. British experience with abolition had not been happy. In plantation colonies, freed slaves, instead of becoming more productive wage labourers, had where possible, opted to work for themselves as artisans or in other occupations, or to become subsistence farmers. Production had declined. In the tiny British footholds on the West Coast of Africa fear of losing their slaves threatened to drive away the native merchants upon whom the colonies depended, while in South Africa abolition had been a factor in promoting the Boer exodus known as the Great Trek. In their Indian empire, however, the British devised a form of emancipation which minimized these dangers and provided a model to be used in Africa as new territories were acquired. 5 They merely declared that slavery no longer had any legal status. This meant that no claims could be countenanced in court on the basis of slavery, hence slaves who wished to leave might do so. But slave holding was still legal, and slaves were not actually freed. This model of abolition was ideal for the government. It was cheap - no compensation needed to be paid to owners. The impact could be delayed by not informing the slaves of their rights. There was thus no large scale sudden departure and very little disruption of the economy or alienation of masters. The humanitarians, also disappointed with the results of outright abolition in the colonies, were willing to accept this solution because slavery in India was considered 'benign' - that is less cruel than its counterpart in the Americas — and slaves would not be suddenly freed without means of support. This, therefore, became the model of abolition used in most of British Africa. 6 As the empire expanded colonies, in which slavery had to be outlawed, were kept to a minimum and new annexations became 'protectorates' in which full colonial administrations did not have to be introduced, and 'native' customs including slavery could continue even if it had lost its legal status. Other powers found similar legal subterfuges to avoid freeing slaves, or 'they outlawed slavery but then did not enforce their laws. 7 As the scramble for Africa gained momentum none of the colonial rulers had the resources to risk alienating slave-owning elites, upon whose cooperation they often depended, or disrupting the economies of their nascent dependencies. They justified their failure to attack slavery by claiming that African slavery was also benign, and that once robbed of its cruellest features - slave raiding, kidnapping, and trading
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