Skip to main content

Home/ University of Johannesburg History 2A 2023/ Group items tagged during

Rss Feed Group items tagged

Filter: All | Bookmarks | Topics Simple Middle
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

www.encyclopedia.com/...slavery

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

www.nam.ac.uk/zulu-war

lidya demssie babore 222217401 HISTORY 2A

shared by lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
morajane

Them Who Kill the Body: Christian Ideals and Political Realities in the Interior of Sou... - 3 views

Bonolo Morajane Student no222039298 History 2A

shared by morajane on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • considers the changing political significance of Christianity in the interior of southern Africa during the 1850s, focusing primarily on the views of Tswana rulers,
  • Introduction
  • 1850s
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      year of focus
  • ...35 more annotations...
  • southern Africa
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Region of focus
  • With the expansion of European power, however, Africans were soon struck by a contradiction between the preaching and practice of Europeans, and they questioned how universal and
  • European missionaries
  • Impressed by the effectiveness of European skills, and respectful of the gospel’s humanitarian ideals, prominent Sotho-Tswana sought to appropriate Christianity as a supplemental source of politico-religious authority.
  • The 1850s also saw a significant change in how Africans perceived Christianity and its association with Europeans
  • Christianity eventually became more instrumental in colonisation,
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Christianity was used as a way to exploit people in southern Africa.
  • altruistic Christianity might be
  • This article examines how the meaning and influence of Christianity changed in the southern African interior during the 1850s, focusing in particular on the views of Tswana rulers, converts and others within their communities.
  • The goal is to illustrate the debate and doubt that accompanied Christianity’s loss of its initial universalistic ideals as it became politicised by African-European competition.
  • European colonisation and the establishment of the apartheid state, with their attendant subjugation of Africans, gave rise to an understandable impression that European involvement in the region, including the introduction of Christianity,
  • Africans were usually more concerned with affairs within their own families and communities over which they felt some measure of control and responsibility.
  • The appropriation of Christianity by Tswana rulers in the far interior during the late nineteenth century, for example, was shaped by circumstances very different from those informing the efforts of Khoisan converts to assert their legal rights within the Cape Colony earlier in the century.
  • Contrary to mission Christianity’s alleged role as a vehicle for imperialism, early British missionaries and Tswana converts operated under the conviction that Christianity could belong simultaneously to both Europeans and Africans, superseding their worldly divisions and selfish interests
  • Escalating tensions in much of southern Africa during the mid-nineteenth century were accompanied by competing understandings of the relationship between religion and politics.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growing tension between Christianity and politics.
  • By the mid-nineteenth century, Christianity had already acquired a presence in many Sotho-Tswana communities,
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The spread of Christianity
  • The appropriation of Christianity by Batswana was evident at the very outset in their reception of the thuto (teaching) primarily as spoken text.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Christianity was taught.
  • Tswana evangelists were able to present the thuto of Christianity in ways that gained the attention and interest of their fellow Batswana, beyond the reach of missionaries’ voices.
  • One major aspect of Christianity that appeared to resonate with Tswana views was its promise of molemo (medicine, goodness) for curing communal afflictions, such as drought and war, as well as more personal illnesses, making Christianity a form of bongaka (medical practice).
  • Some have sickness in the head, some in the feet, some in the heart, some in the liver, and some have the falling sickness. Jesus Christ tells us that all these sicknesses come out of the heart. Does your head ache? Here is medicine to heal it, and mend it, too, if it be cracked. [ ... ] This Book is the book of books: it has medicine for all the world and for every disease. 18
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Preaching
  • Christianity offered access to a more comprehensible and tractable modimo, and the value of Christian beliefs and practices appeared, to some, to be demonstrated by the success of badumedi (believers).
  • Rulers took an interest in Christianity when it appeared to offer an additional source of politico-religious
  • support for their government, and they usually only allowed the establishment of a congregation after Christians and their prayers proved to be of some assistance to their communities.
  • As trade, warfare and migration across the interior intensified during the mid-nineteenth century, the macrocosmic reach of Christianity became particularly valuable
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The spread of Christianity
  • missionaries frequently recounted the deathbed testimonies of believers who found great comfort in the
  • Christian promise of eternal life and preservation of their souls.
  • Conversion could not take place without adaptation of Christianity into Tswana terms, and the efficacy of its ‘medicinal words’ was tied to the peace and prosperity of a congregation and its community.
  • The Christian ideal of a humane, peaceful society under the guidance and protection of a benevolent God, difficult to achieve even under the most favourable circumstances, was especially unworkable amidst the rivalry of different groups during the mid-nineteenth century.
  • the moral authority of Christian precepts and the power of God to sustain their governments.
  • The integrity and authority of Christians were severely challenged, and African converts as well as European missionaries confronted the apparent limits of God’s power and benevolence in a violent and politically divided world.
  • As Christianity was gradually appropriated by small numbers of Africans beyond the frontier of the Cape Colony, the threat that it initially posed to the stability of Tswana communities was not as an invasive book, tool or god of the ‘white man’, but as an internal threat, encouraging factionalism as it was embraced by some people and not others.
  • Tswana rulers ignored missionary calls for a separation of church and state, instead regarding religion and politics as an inseparable,
  • In virtually every Tswana community, leading Christians were connected in some way to the ruling family, and the kgosi expected any medicine that Christians wielded to be used in service to his reign
  • Most rulers managed to govern Christians within their communities through a careful mix of intimidation and negotiation, but they resisted becoming converts themselves.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      People in the community were forced to convert to Christianity. Christianity was basically used to push propaganda.
  • Moshoeshoe disarmed the threat by allowing his close relatives to become leading Christians while securing their continued allegiance through a combination of patronage and coercion.
  • As Tswana rulers employed Christian bongaka for the benefit of their communities, they did so not only in occasionally following its precepts but, more evidently, in promoting the long-distance trade and interstate connections that accompanied the spread of Christianity.
bulelwa

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 1 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ISSN: 0225-5189 (Print) 2158-9100 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcjd20
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This serves as proof that this document was donwloaded from UJ database.
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • central
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      I am not interested in this region because Digo research allows me to explore East Africa.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • central Africa Ruth
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tr
  • The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows that during the 19th century in East Africa ,ivory was powerful it had an influence on how much other things valued.
  • By the late 19th century, guns had been widely adopted as the elephant in Late hunter's tool of choice, though older methods were still used as well.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This marks a change in how elephants were poached, my Jstore article states that poachers used an axe to extract ivory from elephants, it was in the 19th century we see the use of guns, which id s a fast process to kill elephants.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa arose
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade route
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      a new idea that builds from J store. In J store ivory was sold in markets, in this source we are introduced to ivory being traded in local markets.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows that ivory influenced politics.
  • bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from Taylor and Francis. It talks about the participation of East African societies during the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, it shows how ivory was an economic and political activity in East Africa during the nineteenth century. It also shows how the ivory trade led to a decline in the number of elephants in East Africa. This is the PDF version, I experienced technical difficulties when trying to annotate it from the original database. But inside this PDF I annotated evidence to show this document was downloaded from the UJ database.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  • mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
     
    Non-academic source
olwethusilindile

zulu Origins.pdf - 1 views

Olwethu Visasa 220117155

shared by olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Origins of the Zulu Kingdom
  • James Gump*
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the author of this journal article
  • the Xhosa u
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • 1820s and 1830s is described
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      most important event took place
  • on. John D. Omer-Cooper, in Zulu After math: A Nineteenth Century Revolution in Bantu Africa argues that the "wars and migrations of the Mfecane were the by products of a socio-political revolution towards larger communi ties and wider loyaltie
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why the author only mention wars and migration? What about hunger?
  • Omer-Cooper's Zulu Aftermath serves as a useful point of departure for an examination of the origins of the Zulu kingdom.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why only the Omer- Cooper's Zulu Aftermath ?
  • survived into modern times."3 Omer-Cooper includes among the mfecane's progeny the Basuto kingdom on the highveld forged during the difaqane and surviving to reach independence as Lesotho; the Swazi kingdom of the Dhlamini-Ngwane, founded in the 1840s and the basis for Swaziland; the Ngoni kingdoms in Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania; the Kololo kingdom on the upper Zambesi river; and the Ndebele kingdom, settling eventually in southern Zimbabwe
  • a. The battles and famines of the 1820s and 1830s are but a part of the history of Nguni state for
  • Zulu Kingdom
  • The Historian
  • The conventional emphasis on great men and the military institutions they orchestrated embraces at least two methodologi cal deficiencies. First, it is ahistorical—if one views the formation of the Zulu kingdom as a revolutionary outburst among the northern Nguni one may overlook subtle evolutionary processes of socioeconomic change; and second, it is myopic—the tendency to study Zulu state formation as a phase of military history betrays a cultural or ideological dimension that reveals a great deal about the "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summarized The conventional focus on great men and military institutions is ahistorical and myopic, overlooking subtle socioeconomic change and cultural/ideological dimensions of the Zulu kingdom.
  • Although Omer-Cooper does not view these societies this way, he perpetuates the bias by emphasizing the military "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
  • . He replaced this brief period of ritual seclusion with long term military service to the chiefdom and grouped these former circumcision sets on the criterion of similar age rather than the traditional territorial principle. With these redesigned age-sets, or amabutho, Dingiswayo forged a confederacy from among his Nguni neighb
  • Although the Zulu was one of the least significant of the chiefdoms absorbed during the course of Mthethwa expansion, its status changed markedly when Shaka usurped the Zulu chieftainship from his brother in 1816
  • In 1959, anthropologist Monica Wilson initiated a second line of investigation by suggesting that scholars examine the role of long-distance trade as a factor in Zulu state formation. As evidence, she cites the statement of Henry Frances Fynn, an early Natalian trader, that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay as one of his first acts as Mthethwa chieftain.15 Alan Smith, drawing upon the journals and letters of Portuguese traders and missionaries, has advanced Wilson's proposal by arguing that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The lucrative ivory trade with Europe during this period intensified in the second half of the eighteenth century and Smith demonstrates that a significant share of trade originated in Natal. Numerous accounts corroborate this view and indicate that trade routes extended as far south as the eastern Cape fro
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Long-distance trade was a major factor in Zulu state formation, as evidenced by Henry Frances Fynn's statement that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay. Alan Smith argued that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      were the (regiments ) defended against raiders provided protection for refugees
  • f ivory. During the course of the Mabudu-Tembe struggle two major Nguni chiefdoms, the Dhlamini-Ngwane and Ndwandwe, moved southwestward into northern Zulul
  • Two other studies advance the hypothesis that trade was a major elemënt in the rise of the Zulu kingdom. Henry Slater argues that the effect of mercantile capital (i.e., the European demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay) placed unbearable tensions on a feudal social structure. The ensuing conflict over control of the means of production for the market transformed a feudal mode of production into an absolutist one.18 David W. Hedges argues that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands between Delagoa Bay and northern Natal played an important role in Nguni state formation during the latter half of the eighteenth century. The conflict that ensued by the early nineteenth century did not result from an increase in ivory exports, as Smith suggests, but according to Hedges, from a change in the nature of the trade at Delagoa Bay. Hedges argues that the number of ships at Delagoa Bay decreased, and the export of cattle, a valuable commodity in Zululand, replaced that of
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Trade was a major factor in the rise of the Zulu kingdom, with Henry Slater arguing that mercantile capital placed tensions on feudal social structures and David W. Hedges arguing that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands played an important role in Nguni state formation.
  • socio-political change should be challenged for two reasons. First, the most substantial evidence linking Nguni expansion to Delagoa Bay is Fynn's brief allusion to Dingiswayo
  • Second, the precolonial Nguni economy pivoted around the production of cattle and crops. Even during the nineteenth century trade held, at best, a secondary role.
  • The most dramatic difference between this map and one he constructs for 1950 is that the latter reflects almost no forest or scrubfores
  • ry. The conflict that appears to have been widespread immediately prior to the emergence of Shaka, may have reflected the efforts of ruling lineages to extend their polities over the most favorable ecological zone
  • An analysis of Ndwandwe, Mthethwa and Qwabe expansion in the eighteenth century reflects three goals of each: 1) to dominate versatile pasturage; 2) to control fertile river valleys and coastal lowlands; and 3) to dominate defensible hill regions to protect precious economic assets, such as cattle and grain.26
  • g the northern Nguni . . . must also be understood as encompassing a major social transformation cen
  • The Historian Given the spotty oral and documentary evidence, it is doubtful that scholars will ever know "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chiefdoms rather suddenly collapsed."42 Yet it now seems clear that this collapse was not sudden, and it involved significant ideological, as well as socio-political change. At the same time scholars have also exaggerated the military features of the Zulu kingdom, thus missing the more complex character of Nguni amabutho. And finally, the extent of population loss on the highveld as a result of the Shakan wars remains unknown. Afrikaners may not have trekked into a demographic vacuum. Since dramatic depopulation is not a proven historical fact, it should not be treated as such. To do so, one risks contributing to the political mythology of apartheid.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the loss of stability in relation to supply or demand
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is a specified word , usually of another language
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
  • The Bloody Story of the Zulu War of 18
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      how truthful is this? the Nguni never run out of the place
thobekile

Reconnaissance survey of Zulu kingdom period amakhanda in the emaKhosini Basin, South A... - 0 views

www.tandfonline.com/...0067270X.2022.2115686

thobekile maphalala History 2A

shared by thobekile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Settlement during the Zulu kingdom period (c.1816–1879) has been directly linked tothe kingdom’s political system. Political organisation during the kingdom’s lifespansaw a blending of an existing chiefdom structure with new tiers of a political élite. Theking (amakosi) ruled with his council (ibandla) comprised of chiefs (izinduna) from pro-minent old chiefdoms and individuals of high hereditary rank (izilomo) to whom lesspowerful chiefs, a bureaucracy (commanders, regimental officers, tribute collectors,attendants, etc.) and homestead heads (abanumzana) were all subject.
    • thobekile
      thobekile on 26 Apr 23
       
      It has been said that the Zulu people migrated from West Africa to southeastern Africa during the Bantu migrations. They all went to settle at KwaZulu Natal at the Nguni homestead and that is where they began to live their live through farming and hunting.
  • Theibuthosystem was also impor-tant economically and socially as it linked royal towns with chiefdoms and homesteads insupport of the king, the political hierarchy and its administration. All men and womenfrom across the kingdom were organised into age-sets (amabutho) (Krige1936: 38). Menfrom different chiefdoms were formed to serve in age-set regiments atamakhandaandsome young women of femaleamabuthoworked in service to the king and his retinueat his permanent residence. Otherwise, both resided at their father’s homesteads.
    • thobekile
      thobekile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Young men who had reached their teens were taken to the royal house where they would be told what to wear in a specific way symbolizing that they are not married and as upcoming warriors also the older mans duty would be to guide the young mans as they are appointed to do so. They also had to be trained so they could be strong enough to protect the nation and its citizens on wars.
  • The Zulu kingdom is widely regarded as the largest and most influential polity in south-eastern Africa during much of the nineteenth century (Figure 1). From the beginnings ofits formation in the late 1810s under King Shaka kaSenzangakhona to its demise as anindependent kingdom as a result of British invasion during the rule of King CetshwayokaMpande in 1879, the Zulu kingdom period straddles the pre-colonial and early colonialeras of southern Africa.
sekhele

102313498_Vilhanov.pdf - 2 views

Keabetswe Sekhele Moganedi 221075889

shared by sekhele on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The third phase of the misionary movement in Africa, which started from the end of the eighteenth and continued throughout the nineteenth century, in twentieth-century Africa led to the dramatic expansion of Christianity called “the fourth great age of Christian expansion”. In their attempt to spread the Christian faith, win converts and transform African societies, Christian missions of all denominations opened schools and disseminated education. Scientifically very important was their pioneer work in African languages. By producing grammars, dictionaries, textbooks and translations of religious texts missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages. Christian missionary enterprise was no doubt of prime importance in the Westernization of Africa. Africans were, however, not passive recipients of new influences and culture patterns. The adoption of Christianity and the process of cultural exchange were shaped by African choices, needs and efforts to Africanize Africa’s Christian experience by securing the roots of Christianity in the African context.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The third phase of the missionary movement in Africa from the late 18th to 19th century led to the fourth great age of Christian expansion in 20th-century Africa. Christian missions opened schools, disseminated education, and pioneered work in African languages. The adoption of Christianity in Africa was shaped by African choices and efforts to Africanize the Christian experience.
  • Before 1800 the chief contact of sub-Saharan Africa with Europe was through the traffic in slaves for the New World. Increasing Western commercial penetration from the end of the eighteenth century and ultimate political dominance in Africa coincided with a massive Christian missionary enterprise.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Before 1800, Europe's primary interaction with sub-Saharan Africa was through the slave trade, but later on, Western commercial expansion and political control in Africa coincided with a significant Christian missionary effort.
  • Catholic missions
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission refers to the efforts of the Catholic Church to spread its teachings and convert people to the Catholic faith. This involves sending missionaries to areas where Catholicism is not yet established, building churches and other religious institutions, and providing education and other services to the local community. Catholic missions have been established all over the world, with a particular focus on regions where Christianity is not the dominant religion. The mission aims to spread the message of Jesus Christ and share the love and compassion of God with all people.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • The Catholic mission movement in Africa which had started in the late fifteenth century and was given new direction by the foundation in 1622 in Rome of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide by Pope Gregory XV, nearly collapsed under the impact of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars in the late eighteenth century, when many religious houses and congregations in Europe were closed down. It recovered in the first decades of the nineteenth century and revived the work of evangelization in Africa.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission movement began in Africa during the late 15th century, but it faced significant challenges during the late 18th century due to the French revolution and Napoleonic wars, which led to the closure of religious institutions in Europe. However, the movement recovered and resumed its evangelization work in Africa during the early 19th century. Pope Gregory XV played a crucial role in revitalizing the movement by establishing the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Rome in 1622.
  • The vast African continent was always present in Lavigerie’s thoughts. From 1867 until his death in November 1892 the immense African interior remained the principal object of Cardinal Lavigerie’s zeal and from the very beginning he planned an apostolate south of the Sahara. Cardinal Lavigerie, as Professor of Early Church History at the Sorbonne, knew well that Christianity had had a very long history in Africa due to the existence of the ancient Churches in Egypt, the Roman Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The passage describes Cardinal Lavigerie's lifelong passion for Africa. He dedicated himself to missionary work in the African interior from 1867 until his death in 1892. He planned to bring Christianity south of the Sahara. As a Professor of Early Church History, he was aware of the long history of Christianity in Africa, specifically in ancient Egypt, Roman Africa, Nubia, and Ethiopia.
  • The missionary movement which was far from successful during this early period as far as Christian conversion was concerned, met with huge success in another field. In most regions of sub-Saharan Africa outside the reach of Islam, Africans were introduced to written literature through Christian propaganda, the very first books in their own African language were produced to advance the Christian cause. Missions of all denominations disseminated education in their attempt to win converts and to train African catechists. ‘Transforming Africa by the Africans”, was the formula advocated by Cardinal Lavigerie in his instructions to the White Fathers. “The missionaries must therefore be mainly initiators, but the lasting work must be accomplished by the Africans themselves, once they have become Christians and apostles. And it must be clearly noted here that we say: become Christians and not become French or Europeans.”1 1 Missionaries were therefore asked to adapt themselves to the Africans, to strip themselves, as much as possible, of the cultural elements peculiar to them, of their language in the first place. It was believed that without effective and active communication it was impossible to pursue the conversion of the Africans.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      During the early period of the missionary movement, converting Africans to Christianity was largely unsuccessful, but they had success in introducing written literature in African languages through Christian propaganda. Missions of various denominations aimed to educate and train African catechists, promoting the idea of "Transforming Africa by the Africans." Missionaries were asked to adapt to the African culture and communicate effectively, believing that without active communication, conversion was impossible.
  • This concern for African languages developed by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages reduced into written form. Christianization went with reading and writing, with the rise of African literatures.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Catholic and Protestant missionaries' efforts to promote African languages by reducing them to written form led to the development of African literature. The Christianization process encouraged reading and writing, contributing to the growth of African literatures.
  • The schools they established were often boarding schools because missionaries believed that in an atmosphere of the boarding school far removed from the traditional cultural influences of their homes, new converts would more easily give up all or most of their traditions. The school system promoted Western values and desires. Missionary schoolmasters provided a total culture pattern, including church attendance, Christian morality, table manners, etc. All this led to the segregation and alienation of converts from their families and their societies.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The schools made it easy for the Christian missionaries to expand the idea of Christianity.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

Sive Mhlobo 222057774

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
nsndzimande

September 1874 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Noluthando Ndzimande

shared by nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Sir Bartle Frere having accomplished the grand work of abolishing slavery
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      Once again this proves that David Livingstone was a noble man and he despised slavery, probably because it went against everything he believed in as a religious man.
  • Dr. Livingstone
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      Dr Livingstone was a physician, a Christian missionary, and a well known explorer of Africa. He spent 3 decades exploring the African continent, and in the 1950s he became known as the first European to cross the African continent. He is also known for his discovery of the Victoria falls. Despite the history of Africans and Europeans, Dr Livingstone strongly believed that Africa had a good chance of being progressive.
  • Garden of Eden, in the Book of Genesis.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      A reference to the Bible is made which relates to Christianity, one of the mains reasons why he came to Africa.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Lord Stanley
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      Henry Marton Stanley is well known for locating Dr Livingstone during his voyage in Africa.
  • Ujijian traders carrying 18,000 lbs. weight of ivory, bought in this new field for a mere trifle, in thick copper bracelets and beads
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      During this century guns were a form of currency and they were also a measure of economic standard. Africa has always been known for its richness in resources, therefore they would trade their resources, such as ivory as mentioned above, and in return they would receive guns.
  • Manyema,
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Manyema tribe originated from the place referred to in the modern day as eastern Congo and they were feared by many because of how powerful and warring they were. The way Livingstone describes this tribe shows how intimidated he was and this further demonstrates how his mission was not to destroy the Africans.
  • Sultan of Zanzibar.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      A sultan is a Muslim supreme ruler/ monarch.
  • Ujiji
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is a historic town land it is the oldest town located in Western Tanzania. This is the town where David Livingstone and Henry Marton Stanley met and amemorial was constructed to honour that event.
  • r ictoria Falls
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      He is known as the first person to discover the Victoria falls.
  • My reasons for the opinion that it is the river of Egypt are the great length of the watershed, which certainly is that of South-Central Africa. It stretches from west to east, a vast elevated bar, across at least two-thirds of the entire continent, while I observed the sources of the Congo arising from a com¬ paratively short piece of it, which it shared with the Zambezi on its south. In the same journey that I travelled across the sources of the Congo and Zambezi,
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      This proves that he actually crossed the African continent as he seemed very knowledgeable about it. He was indeed the greatest African explorer.
  • cannibals
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      They attained this label beause of their brutality and because they were literal eaters of flesh.
  • Africans are not unreasonable, though smarting under wrongs, if you can fairly make them understand your claim to innocence and do not appear as having your " back up."
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows how David Livingstone saw Africans as normal people, he did not belittle them or view them in a dehumanising manner.
  • Two English guns in the box are surely not too much for his virtue.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows how valuable guns were during this age, they were a high currency. Explorers traded resources which were they had in abundance in their ethnic countries, these were traded to obtain resources they wanted. This was a barter trade of some sort.
  • Arabs
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      They resided along the coast of Tanzania.
  • Sir Bartle Freie
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      He was the imperial administrator of Zanzibar meaning he worked for the British colony. David Livingstone may have been "different" from other Europeans in terms of how they viewed Africa and her people, but that did not strip his European "benefits" away.
  • Nile valley,
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Nile is known as the longest river in Africa. It is called the father of African rivers.
  • I. too, have shed light of another kind, and am fain to believe that I have performed a small part in the grand revolution which our Maker has been for ages carrying on, by multitudes of conscious, and many unconscious, agents, all over the world.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      He believed that his objective for travellin/ exploring was in progress and he had achieved a good portion of it.
  • The women here were particularly outspoken in asserting our identity with the cruel strangers. On calling to one vociferous lady who gave me the head trader's name, just to look if he and I were of the same colour, she replied with a bitter little laugh, "Then you must be his father."
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      Europeans were known by the Africans mostly for all the wrong reasons, they were known as the oppressors. David Livingstone was rather different to the description of Europeans, but this must have been hard for Africans to believe because of the suffering they had endured at the hands of the Europeans. The comparison of Livingstone to the head trader is a demonstration of how the Africans saw all Europeans, as the presecutors.
  • and I had a sore longing to finish my work and retire.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      Livingstone came to Africa to as a missionary, he was teaching about Christianity. He faced a number of challenges during his time of work, but he pesevered.
  • Bambarre
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the modern time, this place is well known for the letter written by Dr Livingstone when he was there.
  • This 1 name after good Lord Palmerston. Near it rises the Lunga, which farther down is called Luenge, and still further off Kafue or Kafuje, I would name it Oswell's fountain.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      The fountains obtained names with religious meaning behind them which proves that he was a man of religion and he was there to teach about Christianity. Palmerston can be translated to pilgrim, which is defined as an individual who voyages to a place of sacredness for religious purpose. When directly translated Oswell means God's power. During his journey he witnessed might have witnessed God's power through the beauty of nature all around him.
  • an irritable eating ulcer fastened on each foot, and laid me up for five months.
    • nsndzimande
      nsndzimande on 26 Apr 23
       
      These are some of the challenges he faced as a missionary and explorer in Africa. The way he sympathises with the slaves represents how he felt about slavery, it was inhumane.
kwanelealicia

Orange Free State* - Countries - Office of the Historian - 1 views

history.state.gov/...orange-free-state

Kwanele Buthelezi History 2A

shared by kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Orange Free State
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Orange Free State was an independent Boer sovereign republic under British suzerainty in Southern Africa during the second half of the 19th century, which ceased to exist after it was defeated and surrendered to the British Empire at the end of the Second Boer War in 1902. It is one of the three historical precursors to the present-day Free State province.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Southern African Boer nation known as the Orange Free State. Early in the nineteenth century, Dutch immigrants known as Boers inhabited the region. The Orange Free State, positioned between the Orange and Vaal Rivers, was granted independence by the Bloemfontein Convention in 1854. A republic based on the U.S. constitution, the Orange Free State only allowed white men to vote.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • In 1867 diamonds were discovered in the Orange Free State and by 1870 there were sufficient reserves of diamonds to stimulate a “rush” of several thousand fortune hunters. Other important Orange Free State exports that gained a wider world market during the 1860s were ostrich feathers and ivory, obtained by hunting the region’s elephants
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Diamonds were found in the Orange Free State in 1867, and by 1870 there were enough diamond deposits to cause a rush of a few thousand would-be millionaires. Ostrich feathers and ivory, which were harvested from the area's elephants, were other significant Orange Free State products that expanded their global market during the 1860s.
  • The expanding commercial trade prompted the United States to complete its first international agreement with the Orange Free State, the Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition of 1871, and also recognize the young republic.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      I think that this is an important peace of information because the author explains how the Agreement of Goodwill and Economics and Extradition of 1871, which the United States concluded with the Orange Free State as part of its first international deal, and the nascent republic's recognition were both motivated by the growth of economic trade.
  • The 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which ended the Boer War, annexed the Orange Free State to the British Empire.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Here the author tells us that the Orange Free State was incorporated into the British Empire as part of the 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which put an end to the Boer War.
  • The first known act of recognition between the United States and the Republic of the Orange Free State occurred in 1871 when plenipotentiaries for the two states signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition on December 22, 1871.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      When appointed officials representing the two nations approved the Agreement of Amity and Trade and The act of extradition on December 22, 1871, it was the first documented instance of an acknowledgment among the United States of America and the nation of the Republic of the Orange Free State.
  • 1776-1909
  • Consular Presence
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Consular presence is an official appointed by a sovereign state to protect its commercial interests and aid its citizens in a foreign city.
  • The first U.S. Consul assigned to the Orange Free State was Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as U.S. Consular Agent to Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891. U.S. consular agents remained posted at Bloemfontein after its incorporation into the British Empire until the post was closed by agency order on November 30, 1928.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as the United States' first consular agent at Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891, served as the nation's first consul in the Orange Free State. After Bloemfontein joined the British Empire, U.S. consular officials remained stationed there until the post was disbanded on November 30, 1928, under agency directive.
  • William M. Malloy
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Author.
  • Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols, and Agreements Between The United States of American and Other Powers
  • Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1910).
  • Full diplomatic relations between the United States and the Orange Free State were never established. In 1899, the Orange Free State declared war upon the British and fought alongside its sister Boer republic, the South African Republic, during the Boer War (1899-1902). The British occupied the capital of Bloemfontein in 1900.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      The United States never established formal diplomatic ties with the Orange Free State. During the Boer War (1899-1902), which took place between the Boer Republics of South Africa and the Orange Free State, the latter declared war on the former in 1899. In 1900, Bloemfontein became the new British colony's capital.
  • Diplomatic Relations
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Diplomatic relations is the arrangement between two countries by which each has representatives in the other country.
  • The United States and the Orange Free State never established diplomatic relations.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Why did they not establish any diplomatic relations? I mean exchanges on the surplus of another country could be beneficial to the other's deficit, and the other way around.
  • On December 22, 1871, the United States signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition with the Orange Free State in Bloemfonten, Orange Free State. The convention was negotiated and signed by U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who served at the time as American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and the government secretary of the Orange Free State, Friedrich Kaufman Höhne. This convention was denounced on January 4, 1895 by the Government of Orange Free State.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      So basically a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition between the United States and the Orange Free State was signed on December 22, 1871, at Bloemfontein, Orange Free State. U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who was then the American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and Friedrich Kaufman Höhne, the Orange Free State's government secretary, worked out the terms of the convention and signed it. On January 4, 1895, this convention was condemned by the Orange Free State government.
  • Colonization
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Colonization is ​the act of taking control of an area or a country that is not your own, especially using force, and sending people from your own country to live there.
  • The Orange Free State ceased to exist as an independent, sovereign state in 1902 as a result of the process of colonization that carved up much of the African continent into areas of European empire. There were several states like the Orange Free State, with which the United States had treaties or sometimes even diplomatic relations, that were incorporated into another state’s overseas empire.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 26 Apr 23
       
      Due to the colonization process, which divided much of the African continent into regions under the control of the European empire, the Orange Free State ceased to exist as a free, sovereign state in 1902. It included a number of states, such as the Orange Free State, that were absorbed into the overseas empire of another state with which the United States had treaties or occasionally even diplomatic relations.
dlangudlangu

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation: Reassessing ... - 1 views

Anakho Dlangudlangu 221107980

shared by dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This theory centres on a cattle trade that came to replace the ivory trade from the late 18th century onwards, and was based on the demand for fresh meat by whaler
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • although Hedges acknowledged the high value of copper and brass to Nguni society, he neglected the importance of brass jewellery as an indicator of political authority, while emphasising its importance in terms of its exchange value for cattle
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • sporadic
  • he traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formatio
  • Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • Hedges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh mea
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      ivory has been traded for many centuries and at the beggining it was a popular or consistent trade
  • t was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756.
  • Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      there was a high demand of brass in the african societies and there was also a high demand for ivory in Europeans
  • he demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 154
  • During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered
  • And although they paid lower prices and were officially absent for three years after the French destroyed their fort in 1796, the ivory trade remained significant in terms of supplying imported goods to the northern Nguni
  • It was the abundant and constant supply of brass that determined the volume of ivory delivered to Europeans along the Maputo river, and I suggest that it was this factor, the ample supply of brass, that was the first in a sequence of events that led to state formation among the Nguni.
  • The average weight of Austrian exports alone, other than the continuing country trade, amounted to an average of 75,000 lb per annum. 36 This figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade. This number assumes a conservative average of 39 lb of ivory per elephant, based on the ivory provided to the Dutch over the period 1 November 1731–8 January 1732. 37 The heaviest tusks that the Dutch traded weighed 80 lb, and if the Austrians traded exclusively in heavier tusks, hunters needed to kill at least one elephant a day to meet the demand. 38
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Australian demand for ivory was higher than the Dutch demand for ivory and that meant that many elephants were killed each and every day to meet the demand. also the demand fro brass and cloth among the african societies was high which can also explain the high killings of elephants for their tusks
  • Hedges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom
  • Elephant hunting in Africa was almost always done in large groups and needed great skill and planning. 40 Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe
  • The basis of this assumption is the reach of the intermediary kingdom of Mabudu, which stretched to this river – and it was here that brass, a trade item almost as popular as beads, was in high demand
  • the Dutch traded copper bangles for ivory during the early stages of their trading post
  • 1 Further south, in Terra Natal, copper and, later, brass played a significant role in designating rank within the small chiefdoms of the early Nguni-speaking people. 52 Early observers noted the importance of dress and ornaments to distinguish rank. In a hierarchical society such as that of the Nguni, objects such as beads and metal jewellery, along with dressed skins, created a visual reminder of the status and prestige of the elite
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      brass was used for many things in the African societies and represented power. This explains why it was mostly the chiefs who were trading ivory in exchange for brass
  • Chiefs wore flat neck rings, while men and women of high rank wore neck rings made up out of one or more brass rings. Chiefs’ wives had solid brass balls threaded on to a string and worn around their necks, and small cast-brass buttons or studs decorated their skin garments
  • Traders like Chandler had easy access to brass because, by the late 17th century, British copper and brass dominated markets worldwide because of regulatory and technological developments
  • The significance of brass lay in its power to enhance chiefly prestige, signifying chiefs’ status as effective political leaders, with the
  • resources to attract and maintain a following. Brass, as copper, symbolised power, illustrated by Livingstone’s anecdote: ‘[w]hen [the chief] had finished his long oration he rose up, and in going off was obliged by such large bundles of copper rings on his ankles to adopt quite a straddling walk.
  • Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 3
  • Whalers created a significant trade in replenishing food supplies rather than dealing in ivory – which seems to point to the ‘sharp decline’ in the ivory trade, a factor that Hedges posits as the reason for the rise of a cattle trade to replace the ivory trade. 73 But, as we shall see later, he overestimated both the decline in the ivory trade and the volume of the cattle trade
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      during the Whalers time ivory demand and trade declined as Whalers were mostly interested in food supply. trading brass and cloth for food, vegetables and meat. in this time cattle trading kept on increasing
  • Whalers supplied goods – brass, cloth and beads – generously in exchange for food. 7
  • He hypothesises that the whalers needed great quantities of meat, which, in turn, required large numbers of cattle on the hoof to be imported to Delagoa Bay. Y et the number of whalers was not as large as Hedges supposed, and the relatively small number of men was there for a limited time
  • But by the mid 18th century, the provision of meat and vegetables, particularly onions, increasingly became the domain of the Tembe chief. 90 The growing fresh-food sector of the market enabled the Tembe chief to increase his authority over his territory, evident in the appointment of the ‘King of the Water’ from at least 1784
  • Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network.
  • the sharp decline of the ivory trade by 1814, compared to the period of 1802– 1803, was not concurrent with the presence of large numbers of whalers at Delagoa Bay. There was a reduction in whaling activity globally from the beginning of the 19th century
  • The comparative decline in the ivory trade from 1781, when the Portuguese re-established their authority over trade, diminished the flow of brass into the interior. As a sumptuous item, brass demanded stricter control over its redistribution, forming the pressing motive for the conflict among the northern Ngun
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
khethokuhle04

ZULU WAR 2.pdf - 0 views

222181693 K.N MNCWANGA

shared by khethokuhle04 on 28 May 23 - No Cached
  • In the four major expeditions mounted against the Zulu during I839, there is no evidence in the published sources that the Zulu either departed from their conventional tactics as a response to their enemies' use of firearms, or made use of firearms themselves. At the battle of Blood River the Boers proved that the Zulu numerical superiority was not sufficient in itself to overcome heavy fire from a strongly defended position. It is said that 3,000 Zulu died while the Boers did not lose a man. Traders and hunters made many journeys into Zululand during Mpande's reign (I840-72), and there can be no doubt that a number of
    • khethokuhle04
      khethokuhle04 on 28 May 23
       
      Zulus lost this war to Boers that proves that they were not ready for the war . The Boers were using firearms while the zulus were using spears and shield to fight and protect themselves. Lots of Zulu warriors died during the war while no Boer died, that means the zulus were not fully prepared for the war or they didn't do the proper planning.
  • weapons found their way into the possession of the Zulu. Records o
  • events in Zululand during this period are scarce, although the information we have on the battle between Mpande's sons, Cetshwayo and Mbulazi, shows that the firearms used were in the hands of white adventurers and their followers
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • 6. 8
  • Cetshwayo needed firearms to increase the strength of the faction which supported his claim to the Zulu throne. There was also the growing threat of Boer encroachment on Zululand's north-west border. All these considerations must have played a part in Cetshwayo's decision to import firearms, and he was encouraged and advised in his decision by John Dunn, who seized this opportunity to increase his status in Zululand and at the same time to make a large amount of money.
    • khethokuhle04
      khethokuhle04 on 28 May 23
       
      It seem like it was Cetshwayo's idea from the starts to allow white to bring guns in South Arica because it is very clear that they had no idea about firearms and they believed in using their spears and shields. Shaka was not fond of guns, he believed that if they intoduce them to the blacks they will end up killing each other.
  • khethokuhle04 on 28 May 23
     
    The war was fought between the British Empire and the Zulu Kingdom. The conflict was sparked by the British attempts to expand their influence and territory in the region. At the time, the Zulu Kingdom was one of the most powerful African states, with a well-trained military and a powerful king, Cetshwayo. The British, on the other hand, had a superior technological advantage, including the use of firearms. In the early stages of the war, the Zulu army was able to defeat the British forces at the Battle of Isandlwana, causing a significant loss of life on the British side. However, the British were eventually able to regroup and launch a counter-attack, resulting in a series of victories for the British forces, including the Battle of Rorke's Drift. The British were eventually able to overcome the Zulu resistance and annexed the kingdom, ending the war and consolidating their influence over the region. The conflict had significant consequences for both sides, with the Zulu people losing their independence and suffering a loss of life and the British further consolidating their colonial power in South Africa.
nonjabulorsxabar

Nyasa Leaders, Christianity and African Internationalism in 1920s Johannesburg.pdf - 1 views

Nonjabulo xaba 222145034'' History 2A

shared by nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Over the decade of the 1920s, four Christian men from colonial Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) stood at the forefront of urban South African society, reimagining Africa’s past and future in cosmopolitan, internationalist terms. They each, however, envisaged very different transformational processes and very different new dispensations. These differences were, above all, grounded in their divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and George Wellington Kampara on the one hand were both Ethiopianist Christians, who believed that humanity had an obligation to usher in a ‘truly’ Christian and democratic society in the here and now. If necessary, this would mean toppling secular colonial authorities. On the other hand, John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma, as Zionist and Pentecostal Christians, believed that earthly society was fundamentally doomed until Christ’s eventual return. They closely aligned themselves with Britain’s ‘god-sanctioned’ imperial project in their pursuit of spiritual self-perfection and theocratic rule.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Four Christian men from Nyasaland in the 1920s reimagined Africa's past and future in cosmopolitan terms, but each had divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and GeorgeWellington Kampara believed humanity had an obligation to create a Christian and democratic society, while John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma believed earthly society was doomed until Christ's return
  • themselves within 1920s Johannesburg, but their Christian-informed beliefs meant their different visions of the future were diametrically opposed. While Kampara no doubt followed UNIA doctrine to herald Marcus Garvey as his modern-day Moses, anticipating that, either by boat or plane, ‘the Americans were coming!’, Ankhoma declared that the leader of his ‘British Israeli’ Pentecostal church was the world’s ‘Moses of the day’. 4 R ejecting Pentecostalism and Garveyism, Kadalie in contrast believed ‘that the salvation of the Africans in this country will be brought about through their own sweat and labour’. Adopting the Swahili name for Moses as his pen-name, he became Clements ‘Musa’ Kadalie. 5 Working through the intellectual biographies of these Nyasa men, this article demonstrates that whereas Phillips and Ankhoma worked within, and endorsed, existing logics of empire because of their Christian beliefs, Kampara and Kadalie rejected ‘ethnic’ and ‘nativist’ national identities to position themselves at the forefront of a future ‘New Africa’. In many ways, it is innately conservative to frame these men as ‘Nyasas’. All four men were born in the state that became Malawi in 1964, and each contested colonial categories in important ways. 6 Despite their common Tonga parentage, however, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg. And, more importantly, it was central to how they consolidated and radically transcended state-based modes of identification. Each brief biography sets out who these Nyasas were, how they reimagined Africa’s past to integrate the continent within world history, and how their differing understandings of the international and the imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have generally been marginalised in the historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      The four Nyasa men, Kampara, Ankhoma, and Kadalie, were born in Malawi in 1964 and contested colonial categories in important ways. Despite their common Tonga parentage, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg and how they consolidated and transcended state-based modes of identification. Their differing understandings of the international and imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have been marginalised in historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
  • A New Babylon at the forefront of modernity in Southern Africa, 1920s Johannesburg was a motley metropolis of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks. 8 Large numbers of Afrikaners, Zulu, Xhosa, Eastern European Jews, Britons, Basotho, Americans, Mozambicans, Chinese and Indians were already living and working in the city from the 1890s, and by the mid1920s mission-educated Nyasas were increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. In 1927, the Chamber of Mines-sponsored newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu complained that Nyasas had monopolised the city’s domestic service industry – a lucrative sector previously dominated by Zulu and Pedi. 9 In addition to well-known Nyasa leaders in black trade unions, Garveyite associations, and Ethiopianist, Zionist and Pentecostal churches, ‘[a]ll adherents’ of Johannesburg’s Watch Tower movement were also ‘from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal’– though, in marked contrast to the movement in Central Africa, the church in urban South Africa did little to trouble government officials. 10
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Johannesburg was a city of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks, with mission-educated Nyasas increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. All adherents of Johannesburg's Watch Tower movement were from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Pentecostal missionaries – directly influenced both by Zion City and the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles – also moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, travelling through existing circuits of Ethiopianism, Zionism and older forms of nonconformity. They first formed the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and, later, established branches of the ‘British Israeli’-influenced Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). 15 Based out of the Central Tabernacle in Bree Street, Johannesburg, from September 1908 and replicating the initial multi-racial and inter-denominational character of the Azusa Street Revival, the Pentecostal AFM looked to renew the entire Christian church, building on revivals within South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and attracting considerable numbers of Zionist converts through numerous divine healings, as well as other ‘gifts of the spirit’, such as speaking in tongues and rainmaking. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC – as well Pentecostal and Zionist street preachers – who all promised different versions of a millennial new age. 16 All four Nyasa men were thus part of a broader shift in the religious and political landscape of Johannesburg, as South Africa became markedly more Christian, and black South African Christians became increasingly fragmented between mainline, Ethiopianist, Nazarite, Pentecostal and Zionist strands of Christianity. While in 1921 only 32% of rural black South Africans defined themselves as Christian and only 50,000 of some 1,300,000
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Pentecostal missionaries moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, forming the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and later the Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). They sought to renew the Christian church and attract Zionist converts through divine healings and other 'gifts of the spirit'. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC.
  • By contrast, Beinart and Bundy have presented Kadalie, only a year later, in the aftermath of the original ICU’s fragmentation, as espousing a radical Afrocentric Christianity aligned with Ethiopianist churches. 51 While Kadalie was criticised for being erratic and anti-Christian by his numerous opponents, his relationship with Christianity points to very real tensions and contradictions in 1920s Southern Africa. He was certainly very critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and ‘pie-in-the-sky’ theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. In the same Lovedale speech cited above, Kadalie struck out at those accusing the ICU ‘of being anti-religious. On what facts this charge is based I do not even pretend to know’, and he consistently employed biblical images and motifs in his rhetoric – even going as far as to say that ‘I stood for God the Father, C for God the Son, and U for God the Holy Ghost’. 52 Like many contemporary Ethiopianist Christians, Kadalie continued to follow Presbyterian traditions at the same time as arguing for the existence of black angels and against the hypocrisy of white missionaries. Seeing Christianity as important means of recruiting members, he later regretted that given ‘the great mass of the Africans are religiously minded [...] many of our members did not approve of the behaviour of the secretaries’. 53
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Kadalie was a radical Afrocentric Christian aligned with Ethiopianist churches in 1920s Southern Africa. He was critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and 'pie-in-the-sky' theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. He continued to follow Presbyterian traditions while arguing for the existence of black angels.
nicolezondo

The Human Ecology of World Systems in East Africa: The Impact of the Ivory Trade.pdf - 1 views

''Nosipho Mthiyane'' ''222145931''

shared by nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Second, the ivory trade is an example of economic relationships that have been common for millennia between world system centers and areas not directly under their political and economic control. Because the populations are not forced to participate through political means, Chase-Dunn
    • nicolezondo
      nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23
       
      Millenia-a period or cycle of one thousand years.
  • In comparison, the consequences for human ecology of the trade in valuables were diffuse and localized. Centers in worlds systems traded with areas outside their economic and political control in order to obtain goods of prestige value in their own societies.
    • nicolezondo
      nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23
       
      The utilization of resources, demographics, environmental influences on society, health and the environmental effects of human activity are important aspects of human ecology. As populations rise, more resources are needed, and these resources are used and exploited and exploited, environmental harm grows. These three factors are therefore closely related.
  • ivory trade in eastern Africa changed the vegetation cover, caused erosion, contributed to the intensification of agriculture, the spread of pastoralism, and affected the distribution of populations in the region.
    • nicolezondo
      nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23
       
      Pastoralism is the practice of herding as the primary economic activity of a society.
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • . For example, European and Asian countries obtained gold, ivory, copal, and slaves from Africa, and furs from North America (Wolf, 1982)
  • he expansion of overseas trade was explosive, and between A.D. 1000 and 1500 increasing amounts of ivory, iron, and other commodities were exported to China, India, the Middle East, and Europe (Alpers, 1992; Horton, 1987).
  • The impact on human ecology of the ivory trade entailed direct and indirect effects. First, the reduction or extermination of elephant populations had direct effects on vegetation patterns over large areas. Second, the economic activities connected with hunting, transport, and trading affected regional systems of exchange and thereby, indirectly through the political economy, settlements, patterns of resource utilization, population parameters, and specialization of production.
  • Waller (1985) and Sobania (1991) have elucidated the complex interactions between exchange, production, and ethnicity during the nineteenth century.
  • nderstanding of the ivory trade must begin with the elephants themselves. After all, ivory is derived from animals with given biological, ecological, and demographic relationships, and characteristics. Since elephants reproduce, they are a renewable resource that can also be driven to extinction
    • nicolezondo
      nicolezondo on 26 Apr 23
       
      Although elephants are famous for their ivory, other species with tusks or teeth with a similar chemical composition include the walrus, hippopotamus, narwhal, sperm whale, and a warthog. Any mammalian tooth or tusk that is valuable commercially is referred to as ''Ivory"
  • The amount of ivory that was obtained in the nineteenth century was therefore a function of previous exploitation during centuries of huntin
  • . Using the available, albeit fragmentary, documentary evidence and a computer simulation of elephant hunting, he concluded that the coastal elephant populations could not have been the main source of ivory before the nineteenth century. If they had been, then there would not have been any substantial numbers of elephants remaining in the coastal region by that time
  • During the first half of the nineteenth century elephants seem to have been widely distributed and common in many parts of the region. It is important to note that the coastal areas were harboring many elephants especially during the dry seasons when herds gathered at the lower ends of rivers
  • 1850 is devastating for the moving ivory frontier thesis advanced by, among others, Sheriff (1987, p. 78), who argues that the coastal elephant populations were first exterminated followed by a progressive exploitation further inland
diegothestallion

The Ivory Trade and Political Power in Nineteenth-Century East Africa | SpringerLink - 11 views

link.springer.com/...978-3-030-42595-1_9

222058834 History 2A

shared by diegothestallion on 06 Mar 23 - No Cached
  • The Ivory Trade and Political Power in Nineteenth-Century East Africa | SpringerLink
  • Elephants from the East African interior were the innocent victims of their region’s increased connections to oceanic commerce during the nineteenth century. Americans, Europeans, and South and East Asians all demanded East African ivory in increasing quantities over the time-period, and elephants were killed to fuel their demand.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      The more ivory was demanded ,the higher elephant were killed to meet the required demanded ivories and to expand the ivory trade further.
  • This was part of a process through which ivory ceased being an object reserved for elites and became consumed by a wider stratum of society in the form of, for example, billiard balls, piano keys, and bangles.Footnote 1 Ivory’s increased commodification divorced elephants from most pre-existing cultural or symbolic associations that East Africans had of them, especially around prominent trade routes.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      This sentence provide examples of product that were produced using ivory, Namely Piano Keys and billiard ball. This are product produced using soft ivory that was found in East Africa
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Elephants from the East African interior were the innocent victims of their region’s increased connections to oceanic commerce during the nineteenth century. Americans, Europeans, and South and East Asians all demanded East African ivory in increasing quantities over the time-period, and elephants were killed to fuel their demand.
  • elephants were hunted throughout East Africa since before the nineteenth century and elephants continued to survive in sheltered locales throughout the region, including in regions where ivory traders were long-known to frequen
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      THIS SHOWS THAT EAST AFRICAN ECONOMY DEPEND MOSTLY IN IVORY TRADE BECAUSE ELEPHANT HUNTING DID NOT START IN 19TH CENTUARY BUT IT WAS TAKING PLACE BEFORE THAT, BUT DID NOT INTENSIFY COMPARED TO 19th CENTUARY.
  • South Asia was a major market for East African ivory by sometime in the seventh or eighth centuries and it was imported into China during the Song dynasty (960–1279).
  • Firstly, elephant hunters used and displayed ivory throughout the period, even though the demographic who comprised the primary elephant hunters shifted. During the first half of the nineteenth century, most East African elephant hunters were members of secret societies or part of age-grade systems that brought boys into manhood.
  • Elephant hunters also displayed and used ivory and other elephant products to distinguish themselves from other members of the population. Burton, for example, noted that Gogo ivory hunters’ wore ‘disks and armlets of fine ivory’ in 1858.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      THIS IS WHERE IVORY WAS USED AS A RITUAL TO SYMBOLISE THEIR BELIEVE OR TO BE ABLE TO IDENTIFY EACH OTHER IN IVORY MARKET OR IN OTHER COMMUNITIES.
  • The patterns of ivory consumption in nineteenth-century East Africa indicate that it became a product that was increasingly tied to chiefly status. Control of its distribution and trade were the functions of chiefs.
  • The importance of the ivory trade to political power in East Africa’s coastal and island regions has been interpreted though alternate dynamics to its importance in the interior. On the coast, access to and control of the ivory trade is often linked to understandings of the power dynamics between Omani and Rima populations.
  • In the interior, meanwhile, it has been seen to shape the relationships between pre-existing chiefs, rising militarised chiefs, and coastal traders.
  • The global ivory trade was increasingly integral to the construction of political power in nineteenth-century East Africa. In the interior of this region, chiefs, state-builders, warlords, and prominent traders sought control of ivory and its trade to buttress their political authority, symbolically, economically, and militarily.
  • This divergence was tied to East Africa being a global supplier rather than a consumer of ivory. Within East Africa itself, though, few members of the general populace sold ivory directly to the global market.
  • ujhistprof on 07 Mar 23
     
    Hi Micaela Will you edit your tag as follows: "Michaela Pillay" - use the inverted commas to make your name one tag. Thanks, Natasha
1 - 20 of 280 Next › Last »
Showing 20▼ items per page