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中国新闻自由度世界排名仍低 - 0 views

  • 无国界记者组织推出年度新闻自由度排名榜,中国在全球近170个国家中排名倒数第六。
  • 无国界记者表示,民主并不能自然地保证新闻自由,在某些民主国家,由于对安全状况的担心,反而造成新闻自由受到影响。
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    无法发掘真相的国家
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[转]常见的34种脑残说法及逻辑(本人有增补) - 0 views

  • A:这鸡蛋真难吃。B:紧急通报:昨日某某都市报刊发社论《鸡蛋真难吃,民主未解决》,违背本部三令五申的纪律,特此通报批评,主管领导要对此作出检讨。A:这鸡蛋真难吃。B:某中院对于鸡蛋真难吃受害者的立案回复:因诉讼标的额不符合中院立案标准,正在请示上级法院。A:这鸡蛋真难吃。B:中院终于答复:接上级部门指示,关于鸡蛋真难吃的诉讼请求一律不予立案。A:这鸡蛋真难吃。B:某鸡蛋大亨挥泪写就万言书,《鸡蛋真难吃的罪罚治》,主题是:外国势力炮制鸡蛋真难吃舆论,虎视眈眈,包藏并购祸心。保护鸡蛋真难吃,就是保护民族品牌。嗯,鸡蛋大亨招致漫天臭鸡蛋袭击。
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Creative Commons--"创作共享/创作共用"还是"知识共享"? | Oh My Media | 媒介与传播研究 - 0 views

  • 作为非法律专业人士和普通老百姓,我认为这个译名并不妥当。例如,针对上面的第一点理由:首先,中国老百姓真的就熟悉清楚“知识产权”及其中“知识”的概念吗?这是事实还是想象?其次,相对于“创作共用/共享”的独特、创新、易于区分等特点,“知识共享”是一个不那么像“概念”的词汇,它可以并已经被用在太多的范畴内,这并不利于一个概念的推广,稍对营销有点认识的人应该不难理解为什么产品或者理念常常要故意使用“陌生化”、有别日常生活用语的名词。实际上,我google“知识共享”返回数以百万计的结果,而前二十页里只有一条与CC有关,是一位网志作者参加了CC协议草案讨论会的所见所想,而technorati则没有找到有关CC的内容。第三,CC在中国此前已有一定普及率,看它的“创新-扩散曲线”,应当已经具备了早期使用者的基础,要准备进入S型曲线起飞期了。如果抛掉已有一定认知度的“创作共用/共享”而另起炉灶,不但不利于推广,甚至还可能带来混淆。——如果“知识共享”并不利于CC协议在中国的推广,那么这种连倡导者都承认“会牺牲通过直译所具有的准确性”的译名,其价值何在呢。
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汪洋称下乡调研跟群众交谈没什么新闻性 无需报道--传媒--人民网 - 0 views

  • 在所有人恐慌时  你也要镇定下来  我听说,马云不久前在人心惶惶的时候,先是到重庆一座寺庙里禁语三天,不说话,然后到海南一个别墅里独处了三天,又到日本跟一位高僧对话,最后回来对经济形势说了两句话。  一句是,古语说“人定胜天”,这个“定”不是“一定”的“定”,而是“镇定”的“定”。在所有人头脑发热的时候,你要镇定下来;在所有人恐慌的时候,你也要镇定下来。
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讽刺缅甸军政府的笑声 - 0 views

  • 这些被捕者与他们最著名的同事昂山素姬一样,都是缅甸最勇敢、最有才华的人士,但是却遭到军人政权的镇压。 我在过去4年一直生活在亚洲,有幸与其中一些罪犯相识,成为朋友。
  • 他本来是学牙医的,不过很快发现他的真正事业是做喜剧演员。他无情地嘲讽缅甸无能军人统治下生活的荒谬一面。
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freedomhouse.org: Press Release - 0 views

  • Thirteen years ago in Beijing, you spoke eloquently about the duty of all governments to respect the fundamental human rights of women and men. Respect for human rights, you said, means “not taking citizens away from their loved ones and jailing them, mistreating them, or denying them their freedom or dignity because of the peaceful expression of their ideas and opinions.” In recent years, however, human rights concerns have been pushed progressively further to the margins of the U.S.-China relationship. The Chinese government’s growing financial, diplomatic, and military strength, coupled with its hostility to reforms that challenge the Chinese Communist Party’s grip on power, make China a difficult country in which to effect change. But the advancement of human rights in, and with, China is arguably more central to U.S. interests than ever before. Press censorship in China makes it possible for toxic food and public health crises to spread globally. Suppression of dissent removes internal checks against environmental damage that has global impact. Abuses of low-wage labor implicate international firms operating inside China and compromise goods that come into the United States. The government’s control of mass media and the internet allow it to stoke nationalist anger against the United States in moments of crisis. The export from China of internet-censoring technologies and its provision of unconditional aid to repressive regimes increases the United States' burdens in fighting censorship and human rights crises worldwide. As much as the Chinese government appears to resist outside pressure to improve its record, experience suggests that it does respond to such pressure.
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Mutant Palm » Blog Archive » Chinese & Western Overreactions to Charter 08 - 0 views

  • On the other hand, I’ve seen no one addressing the questions of actual political and bureaucratic process. What comes first? Elections in major urban centers like Shanghai, a sort of Special Democratic Zone? Loosening of Internet controls? Judiciary reform? Privatization of state media? Releasing political prisoners? Local officials already abuse existing structures, how much more will they abuse transitional processes? If you don’t want a revolution, then there has to be some sort of proposed process that the current government can work with and Chinese citizens can feel both moves reform forward and doesn’t threaten to unravel society. If you don’t say anything about how you might accomplish such a thing, but simply describe the end result in which the government becomes something unrecognizable from the existing one, you may not have explicitly called for its overthrow but you sure didn’t call for something else instead. Not to mention its difficult not to see it as just a wish list. Anybody can make a wishlist - who’s going to do the real work?
  • I think the commenter who asks whether Charter 08 is really calling for a revolution has a point, and it’s not fair to riposte “well, if this all happened it would be revolutionary”. It wouldn’t be if the changes happened gradually or in a controlled and orderly way (as they did in other countries). The party itself, after all, keeps promising political reform, and many of the people who support it so heartily do so on the assumption that it is serious about eventually keeping that promise. The people I spoke to (and quoted) did not think this was a substitute for tackling concrete real life issues, but thought it important to have a framework within which to do so.
  • Notice, also that I said a “revolution of the system of government”. Not the government, the system. The problems I’m referring to is that when the system, the way things are done, from paying your electricity bill to detemining holders of public office, changes radically, 180 degrees, then there can be terrible consequences. How should one try to avoid those consequences? How can you make the transition smoothly? These are the things that ought to be discussed, and these are the things that will persuade people that your ideals can actually be realized. That might get you a groundswell of demand for change - abstract philosophical manifestos, though, don’t cut it.
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Digital Resistance and the Orange Revolution « iRevolution - 0 views

  • Maidan was a group of tech-savvy pro-democracy activists who used the Internet as a tool to support their movement. Maidan in Ukranian means public square and Maidan’s website features the slogal “You CAN chnage the world you live in. And you can do it now. In Ukraine.”
    • feng37
       
      买单?
  • The main activity of Maidan was election monitoring and networking with other pro-democracy organizations around Eastern Europe.
  • “websites cannot produce an activist organization.”
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • it was crucial for Maidan to frequently host real world meetings as their membership base increased. The human element was particularly important. This explains why Maidan encouraged users to disclose their identity whenever possible.
  • The community benefited from centralized leadership that developed the organization’s culture, controlled its assets and provided the strategy to achieve desired goals. The Maidan experience thus demonstrates a hybrid organization.
  • Pora, meaning “It’s Time” in Ukranian, was a well-organized group of  pro-democracy volunteers that “emerged as an information sharing campaign and during the elections morphed into coordinators of mass protest centered around tent cities in towns throughout Ukraine. The grassroots movement took its inspiration from Serbia’s Otpor movements as well as “older civic movements in Hungary and Czechoslovakia.”
  • “the active use of modern communication systems in the campaign’s management,” and “mobile phones played an important role for mobile fleet of activists.”
  • “a ssytem of immedate dissemination of information by SMS was put in place and proved important.” In addition, “some groups provided the phones themselves, while others provided SIM cards, and most provided airtime.”
  • roviding rapid reporting in a way that no other medium could. As tent cities across the Ukraine became the sign of the revolution,
  • The news feed from the regions [became] vitally important. Every 10 to 15 minutes another tent city appeared in some town or other, and the fact was soon reported on the air.
  • While the government certainly saw the Internet as a threat, the government had not come to consensus regarding the “legal and political frameworks it would use to silence journalists that published openly on this new medium.”
  • many online journalists unlike mainstream journalists were free from the threat of defamation charges.
  • one of the earliest examples of what Steven Mann calls “sousveillance,” meaning, “the monitoring of authority figures by grassroots groups, using the technologies and techniques of surveillance.”
  • Technology certainly does not make possible a direct democracy, where everyone can participate in a decision, nor representative democracy where decision makers are elected; nor is it really a one-person-one-vote referendum style democracy. Instead it is a consultative process known as ‘rough consensus and running code.’
  • the real power of traditional media. Natalia Dmytruk worked for the Ukraine’s state-run television news program as an interpreter of sign language for the hearing-impaired. As the revolution picked up momentum, she decided she couldn’t lie anymore and broke from the script with the following message: I am addressing everybody who is deaf in the Ukraine. Our president is Victor Yushchenko. Do not trust the results of the central election committee. They are all lies. . . . And I am very ashamed to translate such lies to you. Maybe you will see me again…
  • “Dmytruk’s live silent signal helped spread the news, and more people began spilling into the streets to contest the vote.”
  • itizen journalists and digital activists participated in civil resistance trainings across the country, courtesy of Otpor. The use of humor and puns directed at the regime is a classic civil resistance tactic.
  • one of key reasons that explains the success of the revolution has to do with the fact that “the protesters were very well trained and very good at protesting… very, very good.”
  • Digital activists need to acquire the tactical and strategic know-how developed over decades of civil resistance movements. Otherwise, tactical victories by digital activists may never translate into overall strategic victory for a civil resistance movement.
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近26万新闻工作者将换新证 四类人不得申领记者证--传媒--人民网 - 0 views

  • “首先我们要明确新闻采访工作是有效实现人民群众获取知情权的职务行为,因此,新闻记者证只发新闻机构的专职采编人员。我们所说的新闻机构包括新闻类报社,新闻性期刊出版单位,通讯社,广播电台,电视台,新闻电影制片厂等。其中,新闻性报纸、期刊由新闻出版总署认定;广播、电视新闻机构由国家广电总局认定。”
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新版记者证2月底全国统一免费换发--传媒--人民网 - 0 views

  • 目前,新版记者证已由国内人民币印刷企业完成印制,证件封皮由原来的蓝色改为咖啡色,封面烫有银色的国徽和“新闻记者证”的中英文,封底烫有银色的新闻出版总署英文简称“GAPP”和“新闻记者证”的英文“PRESS CARD”。  据了解,新版记者证和人民币一样,每本都有一个流水数字编号,确保每本新闻记者证都是惟一的;新版记者证同时使用了与人民币相同技术的安全线水印纸,水印图案是“GAPP”,安全线由相互连接的“PRESS CARD”组成,在紫光灯照射下会发出红色荧光底纹和红色荧光纤维;新版记者证还使用了凹版印刷、光折射幻彩油墨等十多种人民币防伪技术,大大增加了防伪难度。
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    当记者的门槛似乎越来越高,记者证向钱币看齐,简直要昭告天下记者:跟着我有肉吃。 没有记者证的怎么办?twitter之,手机相机之,人肉搜索之……
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China Digital Times » Yan Lieshan (鄢烈山): The Liberalization of News and the F... - 0 views

  • When China joined the WTO, there was also an implicit attempt to use “opening-up” to accelerate “reform.” The saying “there is no way back for an arrow when the string is drawn” is particularly true today when the world is filled with goods “made in China.” It is impossible to allow the free flow of commodities but not information when China takes part in the division of labor in globalization. It is equally impossible to allow the free flow of only the “positive” information. There is no such bargain under heaven. The information age has descended upon us. New media like the Internet and cell phones are still developing rapidly. It will cost more and more to control the dissemination of news and will eventually become impossible.
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中国人肉搜索引擎助奥运冠军寻父 - 0 views

  • 中国的互联网社群有一个专用名词叫作"人肉搜索引擎",意即动员人力帮助寻找人或物。
  • 虽然郭文珺在射击项目上的成绩不断进步,但她一直没有摆脱失去父亲的阴影,曾经数次萌生放弃射击运动的念头,甚至一度离开体校,做了一名售货员。
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开幕式上的蓝屏:是硬件问题还是软件问题呢? - Engadget 瘾科技 - 0 views

  • 这个小小的瞬间,却让微软和联想感到些许的难堪,鸟巢的灯光和投影显示系统使用了上百台Windows XP Embedded系统的服务器产品,而联想作为IT赞助商,应该机子硬件是Lenovo的,这个镜头出现在李宁要点火的那个之前,不过无论如何,开幕式的整体是完美的,但盖茨大叔已经退休了,他也不用为这个尴尬来解释了,不过可以想见,苹果迷们会乐一阵子
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请来大批志愿者 填补奥运空座位 - 0 views

  • 北京奥组委周二(8月12日)说,大批拉拉队员被运进奥运场馆,以填补空座席并增添场内气氛。
  • 北京奥组委副主席王伟对记者说,这样做可以使拉拉队更好地为比赛双方的精彩表演助威,创造一个良好的赛场气氛。
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无人负责 | Oh My Media | 媒介与传播研究 - 0 views

  • 关于“上级监管部门”的动机。这个名词在我们的脑海中常常像一部冷酷无情的机器,但实际这部机器也是由无数和你我一样的凡人组成。他/她们从大学里毕业,看大片上网下馆子去旅游,操心股市房市菜市场,恋爱失恋结婚生子外遇,他/她的孩子也喝奶……
  • 可是当他/她在工作的时候,只会把自己当成毫无人性的大机器上的小零件,忠实执行命令,“做好自己的事就是最大的负责”。其心理状态可能有很多种:其一,充分认同宏大的目标:国家利益、国家形象、社会稳定与和谐、“中国制造”的国际形象……从而可以合法化各种手段;其二,根本没有理想,彻底犬儒和怀疑,只是要做好这项工作,完成领导交付的任务,“混口饭吃”,以及获得晋升机会和实际利益;其三,对一些做法亦有所怀疑,但会以种种方式来消除来自超我的压力造成的焦虑,例如说服自己相信“制度不是我一个人可以改变的”,“我的眼界不如领导高明”等等。
  • 历史上发生的那些迄今仍属禁忌话题的事件,每个经历它们的人回忆起来,都把自己当成受害者,一切责任,推给体制,推给国情,推给历史原因。这样就可以轻松上路,从头再来了吗?
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