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lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

www.nam.ac.uk/zulu-war

lidya demssie babore 222217401 HISTORY 2A

shared by lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  • lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
tendaim

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views

Tendai Mangena History 2A 221060211

shared by tendaim on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      how colonial South Africa got access to guns
  • uring the early
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      real reasons for africans procuring guns
  • ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      africans were labeled according to their efficacy with firearms this is how colonial rulers categorized them by level of threat to skill
  • By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
  • ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      above all they wished to convert africans to thie way of euro standards
  • earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      again at first guns offered a way for people to find food to eat and survive as well as an "income" to be earned by trading certain commodities
  • more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      competition would have started and i believe that the white settlers wanted to be the only ones who benefitted from this hunting
  • Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      at some point the white settlers used black labour (slavery) in order to fulfill their demand for guns
  • ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      enro settlers used african labour to source their commodities (in a way this improved africans use and ability with and of guns)
  • There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      guns stayed an important piece of trade and value due to the nature of SA, there was much to hunt and kill which also didnt need newer better guns, so the guns in SA stayed "old styled"
  • n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
  • noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Boer had good shooters which were mostly middle aged and young men, i wonder who fought for the africans side and what weapons did they have access to?
  • out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      because of the decrease of animals and africans to hunt less and less Boers had practice or use for guns and so when they were called up it was hard as only a small percentage of them had the necessary marksmanship and skill to shoot
  • mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
  • tendaim on 25 Apr 23
     
    this article goes in depth in discussing how firearms reached and stayed in South Africa and why they were such a welcomed commodity and how it turned to war and the idea to take firearms away from Africans
amahlemotumi

Firearms in South Central Africa.pdf - 7 views

Amahle Motumi 220069900 History 2A

shared by amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • They originated in unions between Khoikhoi and white hunters, traders and farmers, and probably never existed without firearms; from an early date they also acquired horses.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi-khoi white had access to guns and horses from an early period.
  • Khoikhoi peoples, whose economic basis and political structure had been broken by various aspects of white settlement amongst them, were being armed by the whites to take part in commando expeditions against the San
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi military unit was trained for hit and run raids into the Sans territory.
  • Great Tre
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      movement of Dutch speaking colonists up into the interior of Southern Africa in search of land where they establish their own homeland, independent of British rule.
  • ...31 more annotations...
  • They were also long distance hunters and traders, for ivory and cattle in exchange for guns among other goods
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Griqua people traded ivory and other goods for guns.
  • In the i820s and I830s the Griqua and other Khoikhoi groups extended their operations over much of the highveld, giving the Ndebele their first whiff of gunpowd
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the griqua attacked the ndebele exposing them to the new weapon which is the gun.
  • Many Tswana chiefs appreciated the significance of firearms, as did Mzilikazi: firearms were military weapons which upset (or were rumoured to upset) balances of power, making the possessing group superior to its neighbours and equal to the Griqua and the whites; economically, firearms were efficient means of hunting, which for the Tswana was a necessity until well into the twentieth centur
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns were much appreciated because owning them meant that specific group was superior to another group that did not own any. Power lied with gun possessor.
  • e the migration of the Boers on to the highveld at the end of the I830s. Although the Afrikaner settlements formally forbade the trade of firearms to Afric
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the ownership of guns by blacks was prohibited
  • Boe
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Afrikaans name used to refer to the British people.
  • embargo
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ban on trade
  • Africans had to have a magistrate's permit to buy guns, but such was the demand for labour on the diamond diggings and in railway construction that these permits were either readily granted or were ignored by traders
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if Africans wanted to own a gun they had to obtain a legal permit from magistrate claiming that they needed the gun for work purposes in the mines or construction of railways.
  • The great increase in the number of firearms on the highveld and in Tswana country from the middle years of the nineteenth century probably aggravated the political instability of the are
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the increase of gun ownership in the area led to an unstable government and its structures.
  • agents provocateurs
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      person who induces others to be violent or commit an illegal act in order to incriminate or discredit a cause
  • Tswana chiefs and Boer leaders jockeyed for position amongst themselv
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      battle for position of higher power between the two.
  • veld-cornet
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      local government or military officer.
  • e LMS
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      London Missionary Society.
  • vociferou
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      loud and forceful.
  • Anglo-Boer wa
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      war between the British Empire and two Boer republics over the Empires influence in Southern Africa.
  • The Langeberg Rebellio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      revolts against British land annexations in the Griqualand west area
  • armed with guns were also mounted, but not to the same extent as the Sotho. It seems that firearms were most successful when used in defenc
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      for some like the Sotho, firearms only benefited them in defense.
  • Africans would come to work on the diggings, and upon the railways which were being built from the Cape ports to the interior, only for cash with which to buy guns and ammunitio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Africans started working in the mines and constructions site of railways for money so they could trade it for guns.
  • y this time Africans were well aware of the technicalities of firearms, and (for example) in both the I878 Xhosa-Cape war and the Sotho Gun War white officers complained that Africans had better rifles than the colonial force
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      by the late 19th century the Africans had obtained better models of guns that surpassed the colonial officers guns.
  • nservatism' of the Ndebele, guns were not generally issued to the impi. Despite this, guns were obviously thought to be an important weapon by the Ndebele, if only because their neighbours were becoming armed and more able to withstand the raids of the impi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns played a pivotal role in the wars that broke out because the Ndebele's could now withstand the war and use firearms just like their enemies.
  • Bechuanaland Protectorate proclamation of i892.32
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      protectorate that safe guards against further expansion by Germany , Portugal or Boers
  • swana's claim that guns were 'vital to their customary economic activity of huntin
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns became a big part of the way Tswanas hunted to secure a good economy.
  • An eyewitness account of the early nineteenth century Rozvi court relates that the Mambo had 'several guns' and four somewhat rusty cannons.43 Many of the guns traded from the Portuguese were muzzle-loaders known by the Shona as 'migigw
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Shona people were introduced to firearms early in the 1800s so they were familiar with them.
  • The Ndebele acquired firearms at a much later stage of their history than did the Shon
  • heir neighbours (Kalanga, Lozi) were putting guns to good economic use in the mid-nineteenth century. The ivory trade (and also the trade in cattle) in the Tswana and trans-Limpopo country was especially advantageous to the Ngwato capital, Shoshong, 'the largest, most prosperous and hence best armed town in the interi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ownership of firearms led to good economy and security in the kingdoms.
  • he variety of guns was truly impressive. While muzzle-loaders dominated the Shona collection, the Ndebele possessed mainly breech-loading rifles, mostly Martini-Henry rifles.53 Other rifles found among the Ndebele included Sniders, Enfields, and those manufactured by Reilly, Rigby and Gibbs of Brist
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Africans had access to different varieties of guns.
  • gun society
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      involves the three ways in which the Shona sourced out their guns.
  • They were also able to manufacture gunpowder from local materials, and for ammunition they used almost any missile that the particular
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      in late 1800's the Africans had grown familiar with the weapons and had started producing gun powder to fire the weapons.
  • At the first battle there is evidence that the carrying of heavy firearms hampered the Ndebele in their night attack and there is a suggestion that premature firing gave away their position to the white forces
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the heavy weapons hindered the attacks planned silent of the Ndebele .
  • The use of firearms by the Ndebele in the Matopos was probably an important factor in inducing Rhodes to come to terms with them, terms which were not altogether unfavourable, certainly when seen in the light of settler demands, and of the treatment that was meted out to the Sho
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      they were able to use the guns to their advantage by making certain tribes give in to what they want
  • le, firearms were most effective when used by societies that had little or no formal military s
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      less structured military forces stood a better chance at winning a war because of the not uniformed dispersal they took on at the battle field.
  • frican people who did not fit in with this stereotype were not only considered to be lacking in military virtues and competency, but also to be greatly inferior in social and cultural attainmen
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if a particular kingdom or chiefdom did not own guns, they were seen as inferior and not possessing any power.
makofaneprince

Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 7 views

makofane Prince 221081879

shared by makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolete',
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      the use of guns in south africa came with the settlers
  • Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolet
  • 'an overwhelming military superiori
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      possession of guns meant many victories in wars
  • ...12 more annotations...
  • From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      the boers were able to triumph in many wars since the natives had no acces to guns, however, since the xhosas were able to steal their masters' firearms the wars changed and this affected how the boers were comfortable with having a weapon they could use to win most of their wars
  • The demands of the diamond fields for African labour in the I 87os-demands which apparently could only be met by allowing the labourers to purchase guns-greatly increased the availability of firearms to all the highveld African
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      purchasing of guns by natives were restricted, however with the need of labour, the restriction had to be removed, since many natives wanted guns and would even trade their cattles for guns
  • In the I830s when conflict between the Nama and Herero was sharpening over the grazing lands of Okahandja, the Red Nation Nama, being worsted in the warfare, invited Jonker Afrikaner18 and his followers, known to be well-armed with guns, across the Orange River, to intervene on their beha
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      guns changed the ways of wars in South Africa, those with access to guns would always be of victory.
  • . From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses.
  • Hottentot
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      it was name used to refer to a Khoikhoi person by the first Dutch's/Germans. it is a German term which means to 'stutter', the name was used with reference to the Khoi people's language in which clicking sounds are used.
  • As a result of the long duration of the warfare, the Xhosa were able to adapt their tactics to deal with and utilize firearm
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      the xhosa had no knowledge of using firearms, but the prolonged period of wars led to them utilizing and eventually knowing how to operate the guns.
  • r. All of them were organized for a specialized form of raiding warfare against their African neighbours and were, on the whole, extremely successful at this without the use of firearms.4
  • Similarly, even Gungunyane and the Gaza, who had acquired large numbers of firearms from British, Portuguese and Indian traders, some of which they had used against their Chopi enemies, confronted the Portuguese army at the battle of Manjacazane in the traditional manner, and were simply mown down by machine guns and field artiller
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      despite the use of guns many tribals still used their old way/traditional tactics in their wars, even though they had a large amount of guns. this can be due to the fact that most of the white authorities were unfamilliar with such tactics, does they would be of good advantage to the natives. the continuation use of their traditional tactics in wars can be to the fact that they were still learning how to operate the guns and how to use them effectively, it might also be that they were not having enough ammunition to use the guns. and also most tribes were proud of their traditiion and were comfortable with how things were does it can be said that the use of guns at large was seen as a way of leaving their ancestors teachings and tactics used in wars.
  • firearms were used increasingly from the mid-century onwards for huntin
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      the introduction of guns also changed the way the natives used to hunt, with guns their hunting was effective.
  • . In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with guns. These they were able to use to good effect against Swazi and Boer raiders. As late as I876, they were able to hold Boer commandos at bay: by then their armoury had been improved and replenished by service on the diamond fields, where they were reputed to be the most numerous African group
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      the pedi tribe was able to survive and grow in numbers with the use of guns in their wars. the tribe got hold of many guns from the diamond fields and trading of cattles for guns. the tribe was also good with using guns
  • . In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with gun
  • As Dr Miers shows in her article on 'The Arms Trade and Government Policy in southern Africa between I 870-90'49 a great volume of arms and ammunition was shipped to southern Africa for sale to Africans, in spite of official regulations to the contrary. The trade was highly profitable, not least to the governments of the white colonies whose regulations forbade the traffi
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 18 Apr 23
       
      south africa had the highest trade of guns due to the persisting period of resistence and independence.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  • mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
     
    Non-academic source
nrtmakgeta

v36a13.pdf - 4 views

NTSHEDI MAKGETA 222150147

shared by nrtmakgeta on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This review essay examines a number of recent works that contribute to the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa; two based upon new and original research (Story and Guy) and the others on reproductions of earlier seminal contributions to the historiography of firearms in Africa (Lamphear and Smaldone).
  • Firearms have a long and significant history in Africa. From their early introduction into the continent, largely as items of trade, firearms have been intricately bound in the various forms of European intrusion into Africa, from the slave trade to pacification and colonisation.
  • Predictably, the history of firearms in Africa has attracted substantial scholarly attention over the past half a century.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • ‘that firearms have had an impact on African history cannot be denied, but the nature of that impact is more questionable’. 2
  • In 2002, David Northrup reiterated this sentiment, acknowledging that ‘firearms were arguably the most significant technical innovation to arrive
  • from the Atlantic, and their impact on the continent has been hotly disputed
  • At the turn of the nineteenth century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principal means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports. The older historiography has been dominated by a guns-for-slaves stereotype of Euro-African trade, whereby African demand for firearms increased their capacity to produce the slaves required to supply the Atlantic demand, leading in turn to the general destabilisation of the continent. 9 Such assessments claimed that firearms were a menace to African societies and caused mayhem and anarchy among pre-colonial states. The argument followed that ‘the importation of guns was the principal reason for warfare within Africa and that it was by means of such wars that gun-toting Africans supplied the Atlantic economy with slaves’. 10
  • Not only did guns play an ancillary rather than primary role in most African armies of this era, but for the most important states, guns [were merely an element in] a process of military transformation that was already underway. 12
  • In addition, Richards notes that the firearm trade peaked in the 1830s (although he gives no figures for this peak), which again weakens the ‘slave–gun cycle’ theory. 13 Firearms were being imported well before the heyday of the slave trade and their importation continued to rise in many key slaving areas after its abolition.
  • Richards and Northrup also show that large quantities of cheap industrial firearms were produced and traded into Africa; the Bonny gun and the Angola gun being two prime examples. This not only demonstrates the demand for cheap firearms, but also the ‘subtleties and interregional differences of African demand’. 15 As Northrup stated:
  • What this suggests is that the overwhelming demand for firearms in Africa came from Africans of limited means, for personal rather than military use. 19 Another reason why the cheaper arms would have been more sought after by African populations is that many of them could be repaired in situ by their owners.
  • Many of the more expensive and modern weapons were machine-made and so difficult for owners to mend or maintain. The cheap muskets made for Africans could be repaired by the owner or local African gunsmith. In many of the regions where firearms became an important feature of local life, blacksmiths and gunsmiths proved vital service industries. 20
  • Industrialisation in Europe not only created an increased demand for raw materials in Africa, but also led to advances in technology which had a direct impact on the performance and efficiency of firearms.
    • nrtmakgeta
      nrtmakgeta on 25 Apr 23
       
      FLINTLOCK RIFLE S-A general term for any firearm that uses a flint-striking ignition mechanism.
  • In the eighteenth century, flintlock rifles were the main trade weapon to Africa, along with older matchlock versions
  • For the first half of the century, many improvements and alterations were made in the design and function of flintlocks but the real breakthrough came in the 1860s with the breech-loading revolution. This revolution brought about significant changes in the functioning of arms that made them more suited to warfare and hunting. They were easier to load and fired faster and this, together with precision production techniques, meant that firearms were more reliable, handled better and were more durable. Equally as important, the first metal cartridge bullets were developed at the same time which provided the gunpowder with greater protection from rain and humidity, and made the process of firing much quicker.
  • Hunting, crop protection and the destruction of vermin were all key activities that firearms were put to by Africans
  • the development of skill in handling firearms that developed in southern Africa and how these had to adapt to the technological advancements made in the production of firearms over the same period. Firearms as a technology, and as a tool, were adaptable. They were manipulated for a range of activities and purpose
  • (hunting, crop protection, eradication of vermin).
  • The extensive debates about the limitations, control and confiscation of black-owned firearms that took place in the Cape Colony during the final decades of the nineteenth century were indicative not only of the white colonial fear of black uprising, but also of extending and entrenching a colonial project that was exclusionary and inflexible.
  • nrtmakgeta on 26 Apr 23
     
    SOURCE NUMBER 5 This source highlights the history of firearms in colonial and pre-colonial Africa and what significance did the firearms have since they were introduced in Africa and how they were used. It also tells us about the guns that African used to fight and protect themselves. It also explain how large quantities of guns were produced and traded in Africa and lastly that guns in Africa were used for hunting , crop protection and to destruct vermin(which are wild animals that are believed to be harmful to crops, farm animals, or game. or which carry disease, e.g rodents)
molapisanekagiso

40060682.pdf - 1 views

Molapisane kagiso 222108177

shared by molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
  • Africans. Partly through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • The Comaroffs' approach offers a good starting point from which to investigate what everyday practice meant, ideologically, with respect to firearms - carrying them, caring for them, storing them, not to mention hunting and fighting with them. It happens that skills with guns and the perceived and real links to political power weapons and skills conferred were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • e much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber m
  • weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber musket could kill an elephant at short range with a well-placed shot, but the larger muskets fired a heavier, more destructive ball, and were made specifically for hunting elephants and other big-game animals.18
  • port complete guns from Britain.19 Hunting guns occupied a special niche in colonial southern African culture. They came to be known affectionately as sanna, a word derived from the Dutch snaphaan (snaphaunce, an early type of flintlock) and were also called roer, a Dutch word for gun derived perhaps from the sound of a gunshot. Their
  • saddle. At first, 44-inch barrels were popular because hunters liked to stop the horse, lean over the saddle, and rest the stock on the ground while loading. But a gun with such a long barrel can be awkward to manipulate on horseback, which is why cavalrymen preferred carbines and pistols. Later, as it became clear that shorter guns could be sufficiently powerful, mounted hunters also came to prefer them. In southern Africa the trigger mechanism was also adapted to riding: many African muskets required a heavy pull on the trigger to prevent accidental discharge during a fall from a horse.22 22. Lategan, 524-25. Tylden
  • Even so, by the 1880s rural settlement was proceeding apace, and game animals were growing scarce. Young Boer men relied less on their guns to earn a living and therefore practiced less. The old percussion-lock muskets and rifles gradually lost their appeal. Though they remained less expensive to own and easier to repair, they also required more skill to use effectively than modern breechloaders. With a large-bore muzzle loader, every shot could be adjusted to the circumstances, but every shot had to count: guns had to be fired at close range, and it took so long to reload that a missed shot could result in the shooter being gored or trampled by the qu
  • molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23
     
    This source is from jstor, the source contains African shooting skills that African people had and the type of guns western people used to train the African people with eighteenth and nineteenth century.
tshehla222227980

Blog Article: The History of Slavery in Zanzibar. - 1 views

nataniatravel.com/...e-slave-market-zanzibar-island

Mojalefa Joseph Tshehla History 2A 222227980

shared by tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But do you know that the slave market in Zanzibar island was the last legally operating slave market in the world?
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is the main thesis of the entire data collection. "The slave trade center in Zanzibar".
  • Because of its specific position in the Indian Ocean, the history of Zanzibar was very turbulent.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Very turbulent in a manner that a lot of activities occurred due to the coastal region that encouraged harbors which were essential particularly during slave trading.
  • Zanzibar was a part of the Portuguese Empire for almost two centuries.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Portuguese traded slaves also forcefully while exploiting Zanzibar as it had zero power over Portugal because when Portugal arrived in Zanzibar, they established their dominance and held all the power over the island
  • ...11 more annotations...
  • Together with the ivory, clove and spice trade, the slave trade was very important for the economy. Zanzibar had a central role in trade routes into the interior of Africa. And the new city on the Swahili coast was born: Zanzibar city or Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is generally my argument. Although they were also trading ivory, clove and spice trade, i feel like they just used the other raw materials to tone down the shame of being rich through this inhumane act of enslavement. I am arguing this because slavery was generally profiting them more than all the other products combined, so they could have dropped them and focused only on slavery but they just kept them in the picture so that there is good in the worst they did to native Africans
  • The late 18th and early 19th centuries was a period of rapid expansion of the slave trade
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      What impact did this have at Zanzibar? -This increased their gross domestic product. -Commercially, slavery/ slave trade markets yielded the region [Zanzibar] more profit.
  • Unguja (Zanzibar) was a perfect place and port for traders voyaging between the African Great Lakes, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Indian southern region.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Briefly, the reason Zanzibar was the perfect place and port was because it was located in a geographical area where boats may access it for exports such as slaves which consequently increased Zanzibar's wealth due to being the trade focus of the region.
  • The streets in Zanzibar were full of slaves, accounting for more than two-thirds of the population. People were taken from a vast area, extending south of Lake Nyasa (now Malawi), west of Lake Tanganyika (now DR Congo), and north of Lake Victoria (now Uganda), to the Stone Town open slave markets. Today, this area includes countries such as Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, Ruanda, Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, and  Mozambique. However, people from Zanzibar were free and not slaves.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Also, i feel like the people from Zanzibar were at the mercy of the traders because the trade market was in their region hence they were not the first priority of enslavement. This is just an arguable point, someone might say otherwise.
  • The captives were from different cultures and language groups, and usually, the whole families were taken to slavery. Some of them were skilled craftsmen and women, musicians, ironworkers, and farmers. They lived in settled communities and engaged in hunting, fishing, and gathering firewood.  
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is really an important point, this exudes that they people were being exploited. Their skills, hard labor was taken without they concern. Forcefully migrating them to foreign countries were they are forced into hard labor without being paid. Therefore, it may be said that the Zanzibar market costed the Eastern Africa its skills and labor that could have being used to develop that portion of Africa.
  • Many of them also had armed guards
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Harsh measures were implemented to force the natives into slavery. They had to be suppressed under traumatic experiences such as usage of guns to force them to journey to the Zanzibar market where they would be traded like they were property.,
  • They travelled for days, sometimes for weeks, with minimum food and water. Some people died of exhaustion, disease or malnourishment.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      These are some, if not the least, challenges that the slaves had to endure during the journey to the slave market. Having to endure the extreme temperatures also.
  • Many of them did not survive the journey to Zanzibar island.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      It may be assumes that a majority of them did not survive the journey because of the traumatic experience that their body could not absorb all at once.
  • After captives arrived in Zanzibar, the slave traders imprisoned them in underground chambers. It was a test. If they lived for more than three days, they would be sold on the market at Mkunazini, in Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Not only was their journey tough, however, extreme measures such as those mentioned in the article were put forth to test the natives' survival. This are some of the painful experiences that reading about slavery unfolds.
  • The slaves were stripped completely naked and cleaned
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This suggest that their dignity was stripped of and their originality was washed away so they they may be sold as slaves. This to me means more that just stripping them naked and being washed away, it was so much symbolic that literal.
  • But there is something more. The slaves were tied to a tree and whipped with stinging branches. It was a demonstration of their strength. Those who didn’t cry or scream during the whipping got a higher price at the market. Terrible isn’t it…?
    • tshehla222227980
      tshehla222227980 on 26 Apr 23
       
      I am actually sad that I got to read this, but personally, I feel like my skin is a map that illustrates were I come from as a descendant of the slaves who were traded. This is a very emotional and a traumatic experience.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

A.M.221125122

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  • andiswa2023 on 26 Apr 23
     
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
makhoba

Young Converts: Christian Missions, Gender and Youth in Onitsha, Nigeria 1880-1929.pdf - 3 views

Luyanda Makhoba

shared by makhoba on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Christian faith, to become the "helpmeets" for their Christian male contemporaries and proper mothers of the next Christian (hopefully Anglican) generation. Women, therefore, mattered to CMS missionaries both as the domestic purveyors of an Anglican culture and as exemplars for women's christianization throughout the Nigerian southeast. While Anglican Igbo women, too, were to be missionaries of a sort, their mission was to be bounded by the walls of their European-style homes or, at most, kept to specific Christian localities over which their husbands held priestly sw
  • C[raven]. R. Wilson)' In the late nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missionaries, both of African and European descent, became interested in gaining converts among Igbo-speaking women in southeastern Nigeria. Schooling was an integral part of the conversion process. This education was perceived by the missionaries as a concomitant training to that of young, Igbo-speaking men. Igbo men were seen as the deepest foundations of the Anglican church in southeastern Niger
  • In the late nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missionaries, both of African and European descent, became interested in gaining converts among Igbo-speaking women in southeastern Nigeria. Schooling was an integral part of the conversion process. This education was perceived by the missionaries as a concomitant training to that of young, Igbo-speaking men. Igbo men were seen as the deepest foundations of the Anglican church in southeastern Niger
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • Female missionaries, perhaps acting out of their own experiences of domestic isolation as well as Christian feminist principles, tried to mitigate this isolation somewhat by establishing women's groups at school. One such group was the Scripture Union, for those women who could read their Bibles and by encouraging Christian women who had graduated from their training to meet periodically as "Old Girls" or members of Christian women's associations. In the early 1900s regular Women's Conferences were established by joint committees of female missionaries and prominent Old Girls. The first of these conferences was held in Janu
  • CMS missionaries first appeared in Onitsha, on the eastern banks of the Niger River, in the 1860s-partially in response to Bishop Crowther's shrewd economic and political assessment of the future importance of the town for European colonialism. When the first missionary (the Rev. Taylor, a repatriated Igbo) arrived, however, he found that Christian evangelism in the town would be difficult and fraught with dangers. Ndi onicha (Onitsha people) eagerly accepted European merchandise and were already involved with the representatives of European trading firms. They were, however, highly skeptical of the offer of a new religion, particularly once they discovered that African CMS missionaries were accorded little respect by western traders. This meant that important Onitsha elders kept their distance from the missionar
  • h century. Missionaries of African descent were recruited in an evangelical campaign in that city by Anglican Bishop Samuel Crowther (a repatriated Yoruba speaker) duri
    • makhoba
      makhoba on 25 Apr 23
       
      They used evangelic way to recruit in 1860s.
  • Although the majority of Igbo-speaking girls during this period were unlikely to approach the missions, Dennis' account shows us that some were not only willing to take the risk of offending their parents and destroying their patrilineally arranged marital opportunities, they had determined upon it. For Dennis, of course, these were the "women who wanted to be good," but from the point of view of Idumuje Ugboko elders, they must have seemed young hellions, bent on destroying proper gender relations along with carefully constructed networks of alliance and affinity. The picture of girls dragged screaming into the night was constructed by Dennis to woo potential CMS donors for a girls' training institution in western Igbo. Nonetheless, there remains in the account something of the horror and embarrassment that must have been felt by every participant in these evening dr
  • Although the majority of Igbo-speaking girls during this period were unlikely to approach the missions, Dennis' account shows us that some were not only willing to take the risk of offending their parents and destroying their patrilineally arranged marital opportunities, they had determined upon it. For Dennis, of course, these were the "women who wanted to be good," but from the point of view of Idumuje Ugboko elders, they must have seemed young hellions, bent on destroying proper gender relations along with carefully constructed networks of alliance and a
  • The children of Christian women had already proved to be the foundation of the Anglican church in the forty years since its inception in Igboland, and CMS missionaries were eager to maintain a hold on the imaginations of children to come through their mothers' examples of f
  • The CMS missionaries therefore had to respond to their own ambivalences about both the centrality of marriage to Christian culture (most of the women missionaries were unmarried while in the Niger Mission) and the need to establish a proper, liminal period of "youth" or "girlhood" for christianized women to prepare them for their duties as wives and helpmeets to Christian husbands. Older women were welcome as converts, but the missionaries were constantly disappointed at how little influence such women seemed to hold over their "heathen" husbands, at least in terms of evangelis
  • Missionized men who showed some interest in evangelism were, by the 1910s, often sent off to villages at some distance from mission centers like Onitsha in order to prepare the way for more professional missionaries or to demonstrate their own fitness for more evangelical responsibility. Their young, recently trained wives would either accompany them directly or be sent for after completing their course.27 Wives' immediate duties included assisting their husbands in setting up Bible studies as well as developing a mod
  • ujhistprof on 16 May 23
     
    not relevant to your topic because its W.Africa
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=NCCO&u=rau_itw&id=GALE|AOSUQW509166629&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-NCCO&sPage=2&asid=6d44448e

Excellent Nkosinathi Ndlovu 222147238

shared by nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
ipeleng

Smith__K__0869818015__Section3.pdf - 1 views

Ipeleng Sitwe 222054131

shared by ipeleng on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • the slave and ivory trade played a more crucial role in opening up routes and creating new demands and avenues. In the period up to 1880 the search for slaves and ivory, essentially extractive products, became so significant that other activities such as agriculture and manufacturing were neglected
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      During this time, there was a high demand in ivory and that meant that there had to be more workers being slaves. The traders had to enslave more people to work and cover the high demand and to also transport the goods in person as there were limitations to other modes of transport.
  • Fortunately for the Mozambican economy, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the demand for slaves was rising
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      The rise in the demand of slaves was caused by the introduction of trades that needed workers
  • behind after the expira­ tion of their contracts. Fresh inputs of contract labour followed a period of great growth in the sugar industry in the 1850s, and by 1907 almost half a million Indians had been brought to Mauritius. At the same time the British refused to allow the French to import Indian labour to Reunion to extend the p
  • ...20 more annotations...
  • tracts. Fresh inputs of contract labour followed a period of great growth in the sugar industry in the 1850s, and by 1907 almost half a million I
  • 1907 almost half a million Indians had been brought to Mauritius. At the same time the British refused to allow the French to import Indian labour to Reunion to extend the plantations there. So the French
  • a to North African ports in order to be shipped to the Ottoman empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • ra to North African ports in order to be shipped to the Ottoman empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • n empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • . Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 days
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were transported in large numbers in small boats. some would even die on the way because of overcrowding and the diseases that come with unhygienic spaces
  • st, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 days. The short passage from Kilwa to Zanzibar took only 24 hours, so no food for slaves was taken aboard. If the winds failed and the boat was becalmed for a few days
  • ought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 day
  • If one reason for vigorous trade between the coast and the interior was the greatly increased demand for slaves, the other reason was the increased demand for ivory.
  • Europe and America developed new uses for East African ivory. Knife handles had been made from the hard ivory of West Africa, but the softer East African ivory was better for billiard balls, piano keys and combs
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      These are some of the products that are made out of ivory
  • Throughout the nineteenth century demand was greater than the supply, and the price moved steadily upwards
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      Traders were making more profit since there were a lot of buyers and with the prices being high it is for their advantage if they are also matching the price standard.
  • slaves were used to transport the ivory to the coast as draught animals could not live in the tsetse-infested country.
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is why they needed more slavers so that they can personally transport the goods because animals could not withstand the tsetse-infested countries
  • .
    • ipeleng
      ipeleng on 26 Apr 23
       
      The growth of other countries was at the expense of other basically because Kilwa was able to attract trade from the same interior and that did not sit the Portuguese well because they could not control what they do. Their trade was also stimulated by the demand of slaves so they were the suppliers. Disagreements regarding the route that Yao was using to move their supplies and Makua started making things difficult for Yao to continue the trade using that route. END!
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
nrtmakgeta

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 6 views

Nrt makgeta NTSHEDI MAKGETA 222150147

shared by nrtmakgeta on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • By the 1870s, pseudoscientific racism had taken hold among European
  • ...22 more annotations...
  • licymakers, who increasingly believed that it would be difficult to transfer technical skills to colonial subjects. C
  • cal knowledge and practices circulated in complex ways; they were not simply transferred from the European core to the colonial periphery, as the development of local firearms in southern Africa makes clear. People living in the colonies made end-user modifications to both imperialist technologies and imperialist ideologies.31
  • It was precisely in the 1870s - the Scramble for Africa - that Africans became more deeply enmeshed in southern Africa's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • nrtmakgeta
      nrtmakgeta on 24 Apr 23
       
      This is the introduction of how guns came in southern Africa , after the Scramble for Africa in 1870s to be precise. African were using their money from their emerging economy to buy guns, this made the Boers and British settlers in Africa to not be settled and they were very concerned about this matter.
  • G. 3 Southern Africa in the 1870s. (Map by author and
  • To understand colonial gun control, it is important to r
  • colonies of
  • olitics. The commission's investigations did overturn one stereotype. Throughout the English-speaking world, settlers on the frontier were supposed to be heavily armed and skilled with weapons. Yet the testimony before the commission revealed that settlers in the Eastern Cape were lightly armed and inexperienc
  • ces. According to the 50th Ordinance of 1828, all Cape citizens were equal before the law
  • y. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitne
  • n Africa had different native policies. There were two independent Boer republics across the Orange River from the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal). These restricted citizenship to European men and deprived Africans of all civic rights, including any right to possess weapons. To the east, in the British colony of Natal, guns had to be registered with British magistrates who supervised African chiefs. (African chiefdoms remained substantially intact so that chiefs might administer customary law under the supervision of the colony's lieutenant governor.) Chiefs retained a degree of autonomy in certain other regions along the Cape Colony's borders, such as the Transkei, Lesotho, and Griqualand East, while the Mpondo remained indepen
  • s.35 In 1876 the British settlers of the Eastern Cape began to protest what they considered irregularities in the regulation of African gun ownership. The debates that ensued acquired a broad significance for South African politics, and their prominence, in parliament and in newspapers, accented the importance of skills in the use of firearms and highlighted the everyday practice of carrying weapon
  • more stringent gun control. Most witnesses opposed the arming of Africans.36 Witnesses and commissioners linked gun ownership to broader policy debates about citizenship that had been going on for some time in the Cape Colony, and that were intensifying dur
  • ractically with them if the danger becomes real, are not inclined to agree."37 One regular officer of the British army, Lieutenant Colonel Crossman of the Royal Engineers, agreed with Froude. In a confidential report to Carnarvon on diamond miners in Kimberley, he argued that only long-serving Africans ought to be permitted to purchase guns. "For my own part," he continued, "I would not allow guns to be sold to the natives at all. They do not purchase them for hunting but for purposes of war. They are not satisfied with the common exported article, but endeavour to obtain the best rifles they can purchase, saying 'that as the red [British] soldier uses good rifles they also must have th
  • rship. The problem Ella saw was not that guns themselves would make Africans more dangerous, but that the "possessor of [a gun] gets thoughts into his head which might not otherwise get there." Africans did not buy guns with the idea of attacking Europeans, but "when a lot of men with guns get together they might get ideas of that nature into their heads."43 A superficial analysis of these settlers' statements would dismiss them as deterministic. But if we accept the Comaroffs' claim that the everyday material practices of colonialism were associated with hotly contested changes in ontology and epistemology, they take on new significance. Ideas about the use of guns were instrumental in ra
  • Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits
  • In 1876, as fear of a Xhosa attack mounted, some settlers and soldiers fretted about whether the Europeans living in the Eastern Cape were well-enough trained in the use of firearms. E. B. Chalmers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police testified that few Eastern Cape settlers even owned gun
  • Several other settlers also called attention to the state of affairs. According to two witnesses, fewer than half the settlers owned guns, although more knew how to use them, and more of the young men were learning.45 According to another witness, "farmers and their sons" not only lacked arms, they had also lost the skill of riding while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or wor
  • while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or work at a craft, and settlers frequently lacked the leisure to hunt or take tar
  • p. In the 1878 session of the Cape Parliament, Sprigg succeeded in steering through a set of bills that created an all-white militia. He also secured passage of the Peace Preservation Act, which provided for disarming parts of the population; the governor was empowered to proclaim certain districts subject to the act, and could then instruct magistrates to determine who should
  • urn in their arms and who might keep them. The act was not in itself discriminatory, but it was understood that Europeans in proclaimed districts would keep their arms and that Africans would turn theirs in. Those who were forced to surrender their weapons would be compensated. According to Sprigg, this measure was necessary "for getting arms out of the hands of disloyal na
  • Cape Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, embodied the full range of colonial rhetoric. When liberals challenged the disarmament of Basutoland, Frere mocked liberal arguments that "a native tr
  • armed with firearms [is] less formidable than one armed after their own fashion with assegai
  • nrtmakgeta on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is a JSTOR article. It speaks about how the economy of Africans was emerging(newly formed or prominent) basically their economy was growing and they got to buy guns. Them (Africans) buying and owning guns came as a threat to the Boers and the colonizers' as they thought that Africans cannot or do not have the skills needed to use guns and they will use them in a bad way influencing each other to misuse their guns. Hence the process of disarming African was introduced whereby they had to have permits to own guns and only whites were allowed to own guns .
sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

Sive Mhlobo 222057774

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
andiswamntungwa

The administration of the abolition laws, African responses, and post‐proclam... - 1 views

Andiswa Mntungwa History 2A

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ated. I agree with Dumett and Johnson that abolition laws were erratically administered, 7
  • I reject the suggestion that the initial surge in the use of the courts occurred in the Protectorate." In the Protectorate it was limited to centres of missionary activity. I take issue with the existing literature which argues that slaves usually used the courts in the Colony in their quest for freedom. Even in the Colony, the courts failed to assist freed slaves in adjusting to freedom. This explains their return to forms of bondage and dependency, and not, as others have maintained, the benignity of slavery or the generosity of holders.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Kwabena Opare-Akurang does not agree with the suggestion that the purpose of the courts was a special form of government, which one country recognizes the supremacy of the other. It They were only limited to gospel propagating centers. He is against what the literature says, that slaves could use the courts in the colony to seek freedom. He further argues that the courts failed to offer assistance to slaves that were already free, assistance that was going to help them acclimatize to the idea of freedom. This resulted in them returning back to the state of being slaves and being dependent on the holders. But this did not apply to all the slaves as some were able to regain the ability of being kind and tolerant towards the holders.
  • In the Gold Coast, there was a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and experience throughout the colonial period. 43 As the political structures of the colonial state developed, the onus of implementing the abolition ordinance devolved on the DCs. The DCs court was solely responsible for adjudicating cases of slavery from the late 1870s. 44 It
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Throughout the colonial era, the Gold Coast suffered from a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and expertise. The responsibility for carrying out the abolition decree passed to the DCs as the colonial state's political structures grew. Slavery cases were only heard by the DCs court beginning in the late 1870s.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • The operation of the abolition ordinance was stagnant and erratic until the late 1920s, when pressure from foreign anti-slavery societies led to revisions, making it more viable as an instrument of legal status abolition. First, there was the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928 that strengthened the previous Ordinance. 27 Second, the 'Reafflrmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance, 1930' clearly stated that 'slavery in any form whatsoever was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The abolition ordinance operated in a stagnant and unpredictable manner until the late 1920s, when pressure from overseas anti-slavery organisations resulted in amendments that made it more effective as a tool for legal status abolition.First, the preceding Ordinance was tightened by the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928.Second, the Reaffirmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance of 1930 made it abundantly plain that "slavery in any form was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist."
  • The Ordinance was to apply to the Gold Coast Colony and the 'Protected Territories'. It also stated that henceforth slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be automatically free. 20 Thus Strahan's policy sought modification of servile institutions rather than their elimination. 21
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Gold Coast Colony and the "Protected Territories" were to be covered by the Ordinance. Furthermore, it stipulated that going forward, slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be granted automatic freedom. Therefore, Strahan's program favored altering servile institutions rather than eliminating them.
  • During the first decade of the twentieth century, the number of European and African administrators increased, and the work of the DCs became purely administrative, devoid of the legal work that had encumbered it in the past. By 1905, there were Detective Branches at Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi, all coastal towns. Accra had the highest number of detectives with the most superior ranks. This is perhaps reflected on the statistics for crime for 1905, which recorded four slave-dealing cases in Accra and one at Cape Coast." Reinforced by additional personnel, provincial courts began to assume responsibility for administering the abolition ordinance. However, this did not bring any marked change in their administration
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The number of European and African administrators expanded throughout the first decade of the 20th century, and the work of the DCs changed from being mostly legal in nature to being entirely administrative. Detective Branches existed in the coastal cities of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi by 1905. The most detectives with the highest ranks were located in Accra. The criminal statistics for 1905, which listed four slave-dealing instances in Accra and one in Cape Coast, may reflect this."With the help of more staff, provincial courts started taking up administration of the abolition ordinance. However, this had no discernible impact on how they conducted business.
  • hus British resources were stretched to the limit in the Gold Coast. Shortage of colonial officials limited the geographical extent of British administration and led to a policy of conciliation towards the Protectorate states, thereby facilitating slavery there. 56 It was also the chief reason that enforcement of abolition laws was confined to the Colony until the early decades of the twentieth century. 57 Until the 1880s, the colonial government tacitly supported the Basel Mission in its struggle to emancipate slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa. 58 Colonial policy was to 'maintain political peace in the country at any price'. 59 There was a similar British policy in the Praso and Voltaic regions. 60 This made it possible for slave-dealers to continue to bring slaves into the Gold Coast from the interior ports of trade well into the early twentieth century." Allowing slavery to thrive in the Protectorate permitted it to survive in the Colony.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      In the Gold Coast, all available British resources were used to the fullest extent. Lack of colonial administrators constrained the British administration's geographic reach and resulted in a policy of accommodation with the Protectorate States, which encouraged slavery there. This was also the main reason that up until the early decades of the 20th century, the Colony was the only place where abolition laws were actually enforced. Up until the 1880s, the Basel Mission's fight to free slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa had implicit assistance from the colonial authorities. The goal of colonial policy in 1958 was to "maintain political peace in the nation at all costs."59In the Praso and Voltaic regions, the British government followed a similar program. This allowed slave traders to continue transporting captives from inland ports of commerce into the Gold Coast long into the early 20th century.
  • One major gap in the historiography is how Africans responded to the ordinance and its impact on the effectiveness of the abolition. Indeed, Africans responded ingeniously to the operation of the abolition ordinance. Slave-holders and dealers adopted innovative measures to counter the abolition ordinance, hence making it difficult for colonial officials to detect enslaved persons. 98 Most cases of enslavement were brought to the attention of colonial officials through African informers or by the slaves themselv
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      How Africans reacted to the Ordinance and its effect on the success of the abolition is one significant area where the historiography is lacking. Africans did, in fact, cleverly adapt to the abolition ordinance's operation. Innovative tactics were used by slaveholders and dealers to thwart the abolition legislation, making it challenging for colonial officials to find slaves. The majority of enslavement incidents were reported to colonial authorities by either the slaves themselves or by African informants.
  • Communal religious practices and sanctions also served the interests of slave dealers and holders. 107 Slaves were made to swear oaths and 'drink fetish', ritually binding them to stay and refrain from reporting their servile status to colonial officials. For example, in 1875 a holder took a freed slave to 'King Tackie for the purpose of administering fetish oath so as to declare that she will no longer go back to the government'. 108 This bound the slave to the holder, as slaves feared that a breach of the oath or the 'fetish' would be catastrophic. Again, how prevalent this was is difficult to gauge. However, the 'fetish' and oathing sanctions have been powerful agencies of social and political control throughout Ghanaian history.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The interests of slave traders and owners were furthered by communal religious punishments and practices. Slaves were ritually forced to stay and keep from disclosing their servile position to colonial authority by making them take oaths and engage in a "drink fetish." For instance, in 1875, a holding took a liberated slave to "King Tackie to administer fetish oath so as to declare that she will not go back to the government. "A breach of the oath or the "fetish" would be disastrous, therefore this bonded the slave to the possessor. Again, it's hard to say how common this was. However, throughout Ghana's history, "fetish" and "oathing" sanctions have been effective social and political control mechanisms.
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