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ipeleng

Smith__K__0869818015__Section3.pdf - 1 views

shared by ipeleng on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • the slave and ivory trade played a more crucial role in opening up routes and creating new demands and avenues. In the period up to 1880 the search for slaves and ivory, essentially extractive products, became so significant that other activities such as agriculture and manufacturing were neglected
    • ipeleng
       
      During this time, there was a high demand in ivory and that meant that there had to be more workers being slaves. The traders had to enslave more people to work and cover the high demand and to also transport the goods in person as there were limitations to other modes of transport.
  • Fortunately for the Mozambican economy, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the demand for slaves was rising
    • ipeleng
       
      The rise in the demand of slaves was caused by the introduction of trades that needed workers
  • behind after the expira­ tion of their contracts. Fresh inputs of contract labour followed a period of great growth in the sugar industry in the 1850s, and by 1907 almost half a million Indians had been brought to Mauritius. At the same time the British refused to allow the French to import Indian labour to Reunion to extend the p
  • ...20 more annotations...
  • tracts. Fresh inputs of contract labour followed a period of great growth in the sugar industry in the 1850s, and by 1907 almost half a million I
  • 1907 almost half a million Indians had been brought to Mauritius. At the same time the British refused to allow the French to import Indian labour to Reunion to extend the plantations there. So the French
  • a to North African ports in order to be shipped to the Ottoman empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • ra to North African ports in order to be shipped to the Ottoman empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • n empire and to the East. Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows.
  • . Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 days
  • Slaves and ivory were also brought from the interior to the east coast, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows
    • ipeleng
       
      Slaves were transported in large numbers in small boats. some would even die on the way because of overcrowding and the diseases that come with unhygienic spaces
  • st, where the Arabs bought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 days. The short passage from Kilwa to Zanzibar took only 24 hours, so no food for slaves was taken aboard. If the winds failed and the boat was becalmed for a few days
  • ought them and transported them to Arabia and Persia in dhows. The passage between Zanzibar and southern Arabia usually took between 30 and 35 day
  • If one reason for vigorous trade between the coast and the interior was the greatly increased demand for slaves, the other reason was the increased demand for ivory.
  • Europe and America developed new uses for East African ivory. Knife handles had been made from the hard ivory of West Africa, but the softer East African ivory was better for billiard balls, piano keys and combs
    • ipeleng
       
      These are some of the products that are made out of ivory
  • Throughout the nineteenth century demand was greater than the supply, and the price moved steadily upwards
    • ipeleng
       
      Traders were making more profit since there were a lot of buyers and with the prices being high it is for their advantage if they are also matching the price standard.
  • slaves were used to transport the ivory to the coast as draught animals could not live in the tsetse-infested country.
    • ipeleng
       
      This is why they needed more slavers so that they can personally transport the goods because animals could not withstand the tsetse-infested countries
  • .
    • ipeleng
       
      The growth of other countries was at the expense of other basically because Kilwa was able to attract trade from the same interior and that did not sit the Portuguese well because they could not control what they do. Their trade was also stimulated by the demand of slaves so they were the suppliers. Disagreements regarding the route that Yao was using to move their supplies and Makua started making things difficult for Yao to continue the trade using that route. END!
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

  •  
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
amahlemotumi

Full article: 'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural ... - 7 views

  • Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      War between the Zulus and British because the Zulus did not want to submit to British law.
  • he iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Singcofela who was part of the war between british and zulu explains that when killing with a gun a person does not get the insanity that one who kills with an assegai has an aftermath effect of war
  • ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving
  • ...55 more annotations...
  • A single technology such as that of firearms may be taken up and employed by different societies in a great variety of ways and with fluctuating levels of success.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      societies used guns differently, some used them to gain more success in both political and economic ways.
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona,Spear that is red even on the handle [...]The young viper grows as it sits,Always in a great rage
    • amahlemotumi
       
      praise song
  • otho thoroughly embraced firearms, considerably modified their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of firearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Sothos changed the battle techniques upon having access to guns but the Zulu stuck to their old ways of fighting in battle but introduced a new weapon , the gun.
  • he battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fired at him with his revolver and missed:
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports. Although indigenous peoples like the Xhosa, Sotho, Pedi and Zulu gradually adopted firearms during the course of the nineteenth century, they did so with varying degrees of eagerness.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      gun ownership spread in a slower pace in South Africa due to the lack of ports for ships to arrive in.
  • individuals in each of these companies (amaviyo)
  • makhanda (military homesteads)
  • ew ibutho (age-grade regiment)
  • amakhanda,
    • amahlemotumi
       
      STATES WITH FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS
  • adets
    • amahlemotumi
       
      OFFICER TRAINEE
  • he traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets
  • In battle, the Zulu tactical intention was to outflank and enclose the enemy in a flexible manoeuvre, evidently developed from the hunt, which could be readily adapted to a pitched battle in the open field or to a surprise attack
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Zulu on battelfield resembled them hunting down prey. The same tactics to corner enemy
  • abaqawe [heroes or warriors of distinction]
  • he king ordered them to wear a distinctive necklace, made from small blocks of willow wood (known as an iziqu),
  • ormed Stuart that coward’s meat ‘would be roasted and roasted and then soaked in cold water. It was then taken out of the water and given to the cowards, while the king urged them on to fight. Upon this they would begin to steel themselves, saying, “When will there be war, so that I can leave off this meat?”’ If the coward was then reported to have acquitted himself fiercely in battle, the king ‘would then praise him and say, “Do not again give him the meat of the cowards; let him eat the meat of the heroes.”
    • amahlemotumi
       
      any warrior who became cowardice was punished and made to eat of the deceased cowards who flunked in war, only if they excelled in war were they granted the opportunity to outgrow the roasted coward meat
  • to giya, or to perform a war dance,
  • This stick which they carry, what is it for?
    • amahlemotumi
       
      EARLY ZULU PEOPLE WERE NOT FAMILIAR WITH GUNS
  • The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fire, in neither battle could they could get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fighting to which they were accustomed
    • amahlemotumi
       
      THEY COULD ONLY ATTACK ENEMIES AT CLOSE RANGE BECASUE THEY HAD SPEARS AND STICKS
  • 1826, he used the limited but alarming firepower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their firepower in subduing the Khumalo peopl
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SHAKA STARTED USING THE GUNS AS A WEAPON TO DEFEATED HIS ENEMIES
  • uring the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner.
  • He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket
    • amahlemotumi
       
      MISSIONARIES TRIED SPREADING THE WORD OF GOD BUT FAILED BECAUSE THE ZULU WERE ONLY INTERESTED IN GUNS
  • mercenaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SOLDIERS PAID BY FOREIGN COUNTRY TO FIGHT IN ITS ARMY
  • emigrant farmers (or Voortrekkers)
  • ingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successfu
  • deed, it was reportedly Shaka’s far-fetched intention ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
  • eadrick argued that colonial warfare only became truly asymmetric with the introduction between the late 1860s and 1880s of breech-loading rifles, quick-loading artillery and machine guns
  • he Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of firearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus named the guns according to the shapes and sizes
  • (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gu
  • weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, firearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa,
  • ince they were not in a position to obtain many through trade, young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought firearms from gun- traders with their earnings.
  • etshwayo had to import firearms thorough traders.
  • he enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the firearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun trafficki
  • ancillaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      supporting weapon
  • 20,000 guns entered Zululand during Cetshwayo’s reign
  • he Zulu army, or impi,
  • What this evidence makes clear is that firearms were not necessarily widely dispersed into the hands of ordinary warriors, and that many had little (if any) practical training in their use.
  • h the unskilled way in which they were maintained, with the often poor quality of their gunpowder and shot, and with shortages of percussion caps and cartridges.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus could not maitain the guns and had poor ammunition and skill of suing the gun
  • Put simply, most Zulu did not shoot well because they had scant practice in it
    • amahlemotumi
       
      had little practice in shooting
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confirmed the chilling efficacy of firearms and the need to possess the new weapons
    • amahlemotumi
       
      BECAUSE OF THE MANY DEFEATS THE ZULU THOUGHT ABOUT POSSESING A NEW WEAPON, GUNS.
  • Xhosa were skilled in their use of firearms, and made for formidable foes.
  • the Zulu elite came to regard them as significant indicators of power and prestige, and recognized their efficacy in hunting and fighting
  • est firearms went to men of high status and, according to Bikwayo, double-barrelled ones seemed to have been the most prestigious
  • nceku, or personal attendan
  • aluable, dangerous, and exotic as they were, firearms inevitably conferred the mystique of power upon the possessor
  • sigodlo (or private household
  • ade all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ritual done to enhance the aim on European and kill him
  • the nineteenth century, firearms became increasingly essential for hunting, one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers
  • rince Cetshwayo ‘succeeded in killing someone there, by shooting him when he was in caves among the rocks [...] on the hillsid
  • weapons themselves still had to be incorporated into the ceremonies of ritual purification and strengthening that preceded battle.
  • inyanga, or war doctor,
  • ory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits filled with stake
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were used to kill elephants and it was easier to obtain ivory
  • Mystical forces, in other words, would compensate for lack of practical skill in hitting a target, just as they would protect a man from wounds and death.
  • tshelele ka Godide told Stuart of a hunter who accidentally shot himself in the stomach and died when the butt of his cocked gun touched the ground. Cetshwayo ordered his izangoma (diviners) to hold a ‘smelling out’ (umhlahlo) and they pronounced that the victims’ brother ‘had worked evil (lumba) on the gun’.
  • e Zulu adoption of firearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were easily familiar with firearms, and knew how to use them.
  • e bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fighting began. Why, we might ask, did they not make more effective use of them in 1879,
  •  
    John Laband's article explores the cultural complexities of the transfer of firearms technology to the Zulu Kingdom in the 19th century. While initially resistant to firearms due to their reliance on traditional close combat tactics, the Zulu eventually embraced the technology and incorporated it into their military strategies. However, Laband argues that the adoption of firearms was not a straightforward adoption of Western technology, but rather a complex process of cultural adaptation and appropriation. Despite relying on firearms, the Zulu continued to value traditional warrior virtues, resulting in a hybridization of Zulu and Western military traditions. This unique blend of traditions played a significant role in the Zulu's success in battle against colonial powers. The article highlights the nuanced and complex nature of cultural exchange and technological transfer, and how these processes are shaped by cultural values and traditions.
tshehla222227980

Blog Article: The History of Slavery in Zanzibar. - 1 views

  • But do you know that the slave market in Zanzibar island was the last legally operating slave market in the world?
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is the main thesis of the entire data collection. "The slave trade center in Zanzibar".
  • Because of its specific position in the Indian Ocean, the history of Zanzibar was very turbulent.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Very turbulent in a manner that a lot of activities occurred due to the coastal region that encouraged harbors which were essential particularly during slave trading.
  • Zanzibar was a part of the Portuguese Empire for almost two centuries.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Portuguese traded slaves also forcefully while exploiting Zanzibar as it had zero power over Portugal because when Portugal arrived in Zanzibar, they established their dominance and held all the power over the island
  • ...11 more annotations...
  • Together with the ivory, clove and spice trade, the slave trade was very important for the economy. Zanzibar had a central role in trade routes into the interior of Africa. And the new city on the Swahili coast was born: Zanzibar city or Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is generally my argument. Although they were also trading ivory, clove and spice trade, i feel like they just used the other raw materials to tone down the shame of being rich through this inhumane act of enslavement. I am arguing this because slavery was generally profiting them more than all the other products combined, so they could have dropped them and focused only on slavery but they just kept them in the picture so that there is good in the worst they did to native Africans
  • The late 18th and early 19th centuries was a period of rapid expansion of the slave trade
    • tshehla222227980
       
      What impact did this have at Zanzibar? -This increased their gross domestic product. -Commercially, slavery/ slave trade markets yielded the region [Zanzibar] more profit.
  • Unguja (Zanzibar) was a perfect place and port for traders voyaging between the African Great Lakes, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Indian southern region.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Briefly, the reason Zanzibar was the perfect place and port was because it was located in a geographical area where boats may access it for exports such as slaves which consequently increased Zanzibar's wealth due to being the trade focus of the region.
  • The streets in Zanzibar were full of slaves, accounting for more than two-thirds of the population. People were taken from a vast area, extending south of Lake Nyasa (now Malawi), west of Lake Tanganyika (now DR Congo), and north of Lake Victoria (now Uganda), to the Stone Town open slave markets. Today, this area includes countries such as Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, Ruanda, Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, and  Mozambique. However, people from Zanzibar were free and not slaves.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Also, i feel like the people from Zanzibar were at the mercy of the traders because the trade market was in their region hence they were not the first priority of enslavement. This is just an arguable point, someone might say otherwise.
  • Many of them did not survive the journey to Zanzibar island.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      It may be assumes that a majority of them did not survive the journey because of the traumatic experience that their body could not absorb all at once.
  • Many of them also had armed guards
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Harsh measures were implemented to force the natives into slavery. They had to be suppressed under traumatic experiences such as usage of guns to force them to journey to the Zanzibar market where they would be traded like they were property.,
  • They travelled for days, sometimes for weeks, with minimum food and water. Some people died of exhaustion, disease or malnourishment.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      These are some, if not the least, challenges that the slaves had to endure during the journey to the slave market. Having to endure the extreme temperatures also.
  • The captives were from different cultures and language groups, and usually, the whole families were taken to slavery. Some of them were skilled craftsmen and women, musicians, ironworkers, and farmers. They lived in settled communities and engaged in hunting, fishing, and gathering firewood.  
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is really an important point, this exudes that they people were being exploited. Their skills, hard labor was taken without they concern. Forcefully migrating them to foreign countries were they are forced into hard labor without being paid. Therefore, it may be said that the Zanzibar market costed the Eastern Africa its skills and labor that could have being used to develop that portion of Africa.
  • After captives arrived in Zanzibar, the slave traders imprisoned them in underground chambers. It was a test. If they lived for more than three days, they would be sold on the market at Mkunazini, in Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Not only was their journey tough, however, extreme measures such as those mentioned in the article were put forth to test the natives' survival. This are some of the painful experiences that reading about slavery unfolds.
  • The slaves were stripped completely naked and cleaned
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This suggest that their dignity was stripped of and their originality was washed away so they they may be sold as slaves. This to me means more that just stripping them naked and being washed away, it was so much symbolic that literal.
  • But there is something more. The slaves were tied to a tree and whipped with stinging branches. It was a demonstration of their strength. Those who didn’t cry or scream during the whipping got a higher price at the market. Terrible isn’t it…?
    • tshehla222227980
       
      I am actually sad that I got to read this, but personally, I feel like my skin is a map that illustrates were I come from as a descendant of the slaves who were traded. This is a very emotional and a traumatic experience.
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
atiyyah21

The East Central African Question - 2 views

  • latter.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      making them work their own land
  • they have taken no practical steps to develop the country or to check the slave-trade.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      I think the British don't like the Portuguese
  • Nyassa Land
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Present day Malawi
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • the Earl of Claren- don
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was an English lawyer, diplomat, and, historian. it is now a noble title.
  • Her l~![ajesty~s Government attached more importance to the moral influence that might be exerted on the minds of the natives by a well-regulated and orderly household of Europeans, setting an example of consistent, moral conduct to all who might witness it, treating the people with kindness ~nd relieving their wants, teaching them to make experi- ments in agriculture, explaining to them the more simple arts, imparting to them religious instruction, "~s far as they are left: 481.28px; top: 592.826px; font
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Their highest priority was to civilize the natives by setting a good example for them and treating them more like humans than slaves.
  • Shir6 Highlands
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Plateau in Southern Malawai
  • slaves
  • our missionaries and traders
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      I am assuming he is talking about British missionaries and traders since he is from Britain.
  • Her Majesty's Government
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      The British Government
  • Only by the aid of English sailors has the Government of Mozambique, on more than one occasion, been saved from being overturned.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      is he implying that the Portuguese are ruining things?
  • apart from the larger issues at stake
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      What larger issue?
  • penal settlements
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      so locations dedicated to being prisons
  • Serpa Pinto aml Cardoso
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Portuguese explorers
  • Earl Russell
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      former prime minister
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Christianity also played an important role in shaping them.
  • I can conceive that those whose interests are bound up in East Central Africa may think that Her Majesty's Government are willing to take only half measures, but it should be borne in mind that responsibilities incurred on behalf of the nation must be restricted to those involving national interests.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      So they'll only take action if it's in the interest of others?
  • the Society
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      what is the society?
  • native emancipation
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      the act of being freed from under the control of another person
  • Dr. Livingstone
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      Scottish explorer and physician
  • :European Powers
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      5 great powers of that time included: France, Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia.
  • to improve our acquaintance with the inhabitants, and to endeavour to engage them to apply themselves to industrial pursuits and to the cultivation of their lands,
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      He is saying that the British just want to trade raw materials and resources, not slaves.
  • I hope, on some future occasion, when rival claims have been adjusted, to give a more accurate delimitation of tile territories possessed by the European Powers.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      In future, he hopes they can rightfully divide the land once the rivals (I'm not sure who the rivals are) have decided on a compromise
  • slave- trade,
  • s.s. Pioneer, and of the Lad~/2VUass(e
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      boats/ ships
  • Let it be known among all your people, and among all the surrounding tribes, that the English are the friends and promoters of all lawful commerce, hut that they are the enemies of the slave-trade and slave-hunting."
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      The Earl of Clarendon is really trying to emphasize his intention to solely trade resources, not people, but is that his true intention?
  • concurrence
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      union/ partnership
  • and we hate the tra.de in slaves
    • keciatshebwa
       
      The Scottish Church were the founders of the Blantyre mission names after David Livingstone. Although Geographically named Blantyre the mission was based along the Nyasaland. With the intention of Purifying and ministering the Holy nature of Christ linked to the meaning of Blantyre on the natives, however the latter proceedings of the mission revealed negative actions of the members on the peoples on the Nyasa land
  • THE
  • he Scottish Churches have 50 representatives in aetuai and lawful occupat
  • The Church of Scotland has its centre of operations at Blantyre; the Free Church of Scotland in Nyassa Land; the English Universities Mission, with its headquarters at Zanzibar, joins the Missions on the Lakes; Messrs. Buchanan Brothers have plantations at Zomba (where the British Consuh~te is situated); and the African Lakes Company have stations throughout the entire Lakes route, from the coast to the southern .~hores of Tanganyika. The Scottish Churches left: 456.534px; top: 910.636px; fo
    • keciatshebwa
       
      The Scottish Church were the founders of the Blantyre mission names after David Livingstone. Although Geographically named Blantyre the mission was based along the Nyasaland. With the intention of Purifying and ministering the Holy nature of Christ linked to the meaning of Blantyre on the natives, however the latter proceedings of the mission revealed negative actions of the members on the peoples on the Nyasa land
Mnqobi Linda

History, Materialization, and Presentation of Slavery in Tanzania.pdf - 2 views

shared by Mnqobi Linda on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Abu Abdullah Muhammad al-Idrisial Qurtubi al-Hasani as-Sabati
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      He was a Muslim Arab geographer and cartographer who served in the court of King Roger II at Palermo, Sicily.
  • prostrate
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      This means to lie down with one's face turned toward the ground. As a sign of showing respect towards Visitors
  • When they [Africans] see an Arab, whether a traveler or a merchant, they prostrate themselves before him. The visitors to this country steal their children, enticing them away by offering them fruits, finally take possession of them and carry them off to their country. (translated in Martin and Ryan 1977, 73)
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Abu Abdullah highlight here that in the early ages of slavery, Visitors or Arabs would visits Africans and end up stealing their children buy offering them fruits and capture them and take them away of their families.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • In this account, we see most usefully the destination of those trafficked in the trade: the homelands of “Arab” traders. This destination contributes to a continuing lack of western historical knowledge about the East African slave trade. In contrast to the West African slave trade, the trade of enslaved captives in East Africa was not managed for the benefit of European economies. Local slave traders were part of an Arab trading system that was fundamentally separate from European capitalism until well into the eighteenth century. The organization of early Islamic society, like societies based on Christianity and Judaism, included the exploitation of individuals as coerced labor. Even when manumission was practiced and urged by the Prophet Muhammed, a caveat of tolerance for the practice remained.
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Arabs were the main slave traders who took some of the from the Europeans and from East of AFrica.
  • The development of international trade links therefore supported the continuation of the institution of slavery within Islamic law. Of course, Muslims were not the only group involved in the export of slaves from East Africa. For example, later eighteenth-century activity specifically supported the Madagascan plantation economy of colonial France. The Portuguese also participated in slaving to a more limited extent during their colonial control of the Swahili Coast in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries. In 1606, during the Portuguese colonial period, Gaspar de Santo Bernadino recorded his observations of the slave trade as practiced on the Swahili Coast:
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      This discuss that not only the muslims were involved in enslaving people but also continents near the Indian ocean were involved, like Madagascar, the Portuguese.
  • When we reached Pate we were informed that some Moors from Arabia had arrived in a small vessel for the purpose of bartering for African boys whom they carried off to their country. There the boys were made to follow the Moorish religion and treated as slaves for the rest of their lives. Six of them had already been purchased. (translated in FreemanGrenville 1962, 162)
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Arabs would also bring a small amount of Men to exchange for a huge amount of boys from Africa.
xsmaa246

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Afric
    • xsmaa246
       
      in this article, I will focus on firearms (guns ) in Southern Africa specifically in South Africa.
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us when guns were introduced in South Africa, it also tells us that it was introduced because the Dutch East India Company wanted the European settlers to obtain the firearms so that they serve as civilian soldiers ( this is what militia means, its civilians being trained as soldiers)
  • itia. The European farmers (called Boers) who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior distributed guns to Africans, in spite of company regulations fo
  • ...14 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain se
    • xsmaa246
       
      the reason why africans took firearms was for security and to hunt.
  • s. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Africans as skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Africans as racially infe
    • xsmaa246
       
      seems that even though the british thought lowly of africans they started to see them as skilled and armed because of their possession of firearms.
  • pean settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military adva
    • xsmaa246
       
      even though this does not relate to firearms in south africa , this is highlighted because it tells us that when guns are introduced to natives it seems that natives adapt fast to using firearms and use them on nature first, just like earlier when it was said guns were used to catch game then it was used as a means for security.
  • There is only one place to find a scholarly discussion of shooting skills in southern Africa: a special issue of the Journal of African History, published in 1971, on the social history of firearms. The contributors greatly advanced our knowledge of firearms in southern Africa, but they arrived at some unexamined and contradictory conclusions about skill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a w
    • xsmaa246
       
      although this speaks about findings that were published in 1971 does not mean that the information collected was not before 1890 this simply is talking about how skillful could the south african natives be with firearms.
  • redcoat deserter
    • xsmaa246
       
      British soldiers who deserted their posts.
  • hybrids. The sheer size of African game animals, especially the much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of
    • xsmaa246
       
      they used bigger guns or military type guns to hunt for bigger game
  • To load a muzzle-loading flintlock, the gunner measured out a quantity of coarse black powder (or opened a premeasured charge) and poured it down the barrel. Next he placed the ball on a patch (typically made of something like linen) and pushed it down the barrel with the ramrod to rest on top of the powder. He then primed the lock by placing a pinch of powder in the pan, cocked the hammer, aimed, and pulled the trigger. It was a slow (thirty seconds even for a reasonably skilled gunner) and awkward procedure, which left soldiers exposed to enemy fire. Flintlock muskets were vulnerable to wet weather as well. To further complicate matters, fouling of the barrel caused by the black powder, which does not burn cleanly, made the weapon progressively more difficult to load during a battle or other prolonged use. To compensate, soldiers often loaded with balls that were smaller than the caliber (diameter of the barrel) nominally used by the weapon. See Malone (n. 3 above), 31-35, for rich descriptions and illustrations of matchlock and flintlock muskets.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is a description of the guns that were used in south africa at the time. the flintlock muskets
  • ents. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloaders.13
  • 1. In a percussion lock, a percussion cap containing fulminate is placed over a nipple on top of the touchhole; the hammer strikes the cap, which explodes and ignites the charge in the barrel. This is a much more reliable ignition system, especially in damp weather, and it allows a weapon to be more quickly loaded, takes less skill, and entails fewer risks than the flintlock. By the 1850s most armies had switched to the percussion loc
  • areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunition.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an excellent take on firearms by south Africans as they used these guns to hunt and find food and in turn, this helped them trade what they hunted for other things. so this tells us that is how Southerners used the guns. also this passage tells us that many Africans worked for European traders who gave them guns.
  • 5. While Burchell was living among the Tlhaping, a man offered eight oxen in exchange for one gun, which seemed a high price until one considered the gun's usefulness for hunting. Guns remained relatively rare in this part of southern Africa until the 1850s. By the 1870s they were widespread, thanks in part to the availability of wage labor at the nearby Kimberley diamond mines. There, an old (but still powerful) rifled percussion musket could be bought for four pounds sterling, the equivalent of three months' wages, while a modern breechloader might cost twenty-five pound
    • xsmaa246
       
      this shows how guns were traded.
  • The relationship of hunting skills and marksmanship to the political, economic, and ecological transformation of southern Africa can only be understood fully when we consider the ways in which guns were adapted to the local environme
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is saying that the use of guns changed in different environments.
  • both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction fr
  • . It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • xsmaa246
       
      the british and the boers think that they should disarm africans of their guns as they want to be the only ones in control of guns. as they think africans are dangerous.
l222091943

Conjure, Magic, and Power: The Influence of Afro-Atlantic Religious Practices on Slave ... - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • "teachers, doctors, prophets, conjurers" in determining the actions of North American slaves: Ignorance and superstition render them easy dupes to ... artful and designing men .... On certain occasions they have been made to believe that while they carried about their persons some charm with which they had been furnished, they were invulnerable. They have, on certain other occasions, been made to believe that they were under a protection that rendered them invincible .... They have been known to be so perfectly and fearfully under the influence of some leader or conjurer or minister, that they have not dared disobey him in the least particular. (p. 1
  • . Henry Clay Bruce (1969), a man who spent 29 years of his life as a slave in Missouri, Virginia, and Mississippi, recalled numerous "conjurors, who succeeded in duping their fellow-slaves so successfully, and to such an extent that they believed and feared them almost beyond their masters" (p. 52). Among slaves at least, conjurers were respected not solely because of the apprehension their powers inspired. In the words of W.E.B. Du Bois (1982), these spiritualists had multifaceted and multidimensional functions in the slave community; at any given time, the conjurer could be "the healer of the sick, the interpreter of the Unknown, the comforter of the sorrowing,
  • North America, the power of conjure was revered by both African- and American-born slave rebels in similar fashion. They seemingly believed, without question, the ability of these spiritualists to determine the outcome of a variety of events, including resistance movements, through arcane and supernatural means. This assessment runs counter to the claims of Eugene Genovese (1976) who argued that the presence of West Indian conjurers as insurrectionary leaders "could not be reproduced in the United States, except on a trivial scale
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • This was definitely the case in the 1712 New York City slave rebellion, which was the most serious slave disturbance up to that time in the British American colonies. It only involved about 28 insurgents; however, this relatively small band killed 10 Whites, wounded 12 others, and created a panic throughout the North American colonies (Aptheker, 1993, p. 173; Carroll, 1938, pp. 14-15). Among the key components in this rebellion was Peter the Doctor, a free African conjurer who rubbed a magical powder onto the clothing of the slaves to reportedly make them invulnerable. Thus emboldened, the rebels armed with swords, knives, and guns set fire to a building in downtown New York City and waited to ambush approaching Whites seeking to put out the blaze (Aptheker, 1993, p. 172; Sharpe, 1890,
  • British colonial authorities, this Obeah-man testified that he, along with his fellow practitioners, "administered a powder, which being rubbed on their bodies, was to make them invulnerable" (Schuler, 1970b, p. 375). Thus, in both the 1712 New York City revolt and the 1760 Jamaican conspiracy, powder was rubbed onto slaves imbuing them with special powers and giving them the confidence to rebel. A definite Akan-speaking presence can be found in the 1712 New York City revolt. Two of the three extant contemporary accounts of the uprising demonstrate tangible proof that Akanspeaking Africans pl
  • Boston News-Letter,
  • The plants, herbs, human blood, graveyard dirt, and other substances
  • Kormantin
    • l222091943
       
      what are karmantine is a river a stream a body of running water moving to a lower level in a channel on land?
  • some Negro Slaves here of ye Nations of Caramantee & Pappa plotted to destroy all the White[s] in order to obtain their freedo
  • nine rebels with obvious Akan day names, a young male slave by the name of Dick, owned by Harmanus Burger, performed a vital function during the course of the trials. Having been charged in the coroner's inquest with the murder of Henry Brasier on April 9, 1712, Dick along with Peter Vantilborough's Cuffee received immunity in return for services provided to the British Crown. Serving as an interpreter for the slaves who could not speak English-on several dates including April 11th, 12th, 14th, 16th, and 17th; May 7th and 27th; and June 4th-Dick's skills in that regard were drawn on in at least seven of the nine cases involving slaves with Akan day names. Joost Lynsen's Quacko,
  • e (Aduru Pa), malevolent medicine (adubone), or poison (aduto).
  • e 21 Africans facing criminal charges in connection with the uprising, 9 had Akan day names. Of the slaves accused of being involved in the revolt, 2 were named Cuffee, 4 were named Quacko, 1 was named Quashi, Quasi, and Amba, respectivel
  • that constitute the powder all contain an innate amount of supernatural forc
  • Western hemisphere derivatives-Vodun, Santeria, and Condomble-would play a similar role in other regions of the Americas. During the initial phases of the 1791 Santo Domingo slave uprising, for example, an individual known as Boukman Dutty, a Vodun high priest, was the initial leader who masterminded the revolutionary movement. Boukman had considerable influence among slaves, serving as both a religious figure and the headman of a plantation. The plan he
  • Bookman
  • The Aja-speaking Yoruba originated in a region of West Africa in which both variants of the Kwa language group (including Akan and Aja) were spoken and in which there was a great deal of cultural and commercial contact between the Akan and the Yoruba city-states. With this degree of cultural interplay and diffusion, it is conceivable that an Akan speaker would be well versed in the spiritual beliefs and practices of the Yorub
Mnqobi Linda

SlaveryandSlaveTradeinEasternAfrica.pdf - 1 views

shared by Mnqobi Linda on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Traditionally, most societies in Africa, many with divine kings and strict hierarchical forms of government with local chiefs at village level, kept slaves as body guards, tax collectors, domestic servants and farm workers. They were an important indicator of power and wealth. They were seldom sold as chattels but could be given away as gifts to others in position. However, with the discovery of the Americas and the European need for increased cheap labor changed the character of African slave ownership when Europeans introduced the Atlantic Slave Trade and escalated slave raids and enslavement of Africans and their forced migration for use in the Americas. Later in the early 18th century, the rulers of Dahomey/Benin became major slave traders, raiding their neighboring tribes and capturing them, providing more than 10,000 slaves to the Europeans. Some of the captives were former slave traders themselves
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Communities Chiefs made slaves out of their people. They would also sell them or exchange them for food to Europeans.
  • Swahili patricians, the ruling class of coastal society of mixed African-Asian origin in the ports and islands of East Africa, comprising Sultans, chiefs, government officials, ship owners and wealthy merchant houses, used non-Muslim slaves as domestic servants, sailors, coolies and workers on farms and plantations, even in the interior of modern day Tanzania around trading centers such as Tabora, Mwanza on Lake Victoria, and Ujiji and Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika. Swahili craftsmen, artisans and clerks were free Muslim men or Islamized former slaves. The divisions between the different social classes were often not very strict because of intermarriage and social mobility. Seyyid Said, Sultan of Oman an Zanzibar, and his relatives and associates, became so rich because of his clove plantations in Zanzibar employing slave labor that he moved his capital Muscat in Oman to Zanzibar in 1840; thus he became the first of 12 Omani Sultans of Zanzibar.
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      In this portion they discuss different use of Slavery after being captured and moved to other countries.
  • Slavery and slave trade within East Africa were well established before the Europeans arrived on the scene. Export of slaves was mostly to the countries of the Middle East, especially in the Persian Gulf region. African slaves worked as sailors in Persia, pearl divers and laborers on date plantations in Oman and the Gulf, soldiers in the various armies and workers on the salt pans of Mesopotamia (todays Iraq). Many Africans were domestic slaves, working in rich households. Many young women were taken as concubines, i.e. sex slaves. However, the bulk of the slaves in the countries around the Indian Ocean were from South Asia and South East Asia, particularly South India, Malaysia and Indonesia, most of them being women, many of whom were brought to East Africa by the Portuguese to work in their fortresses, naval bases and wine-houses or sold away as concubines.
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      They highlighted that slavery has always been before the arrival of the Europeans to obtain them and move them abroad.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • 1. New clove and coconut plantations in Zanzibar and date plantations in Oman needed labor. 2. New farms in the interior of East Africa for production of food crops around inland centers along the caravan routes needed labor. 3. More slaves were needed as porters to carry trade goods from the coast to the interior, and ivory and other products from the interior to the coast. 4. Brazilian traders, to avoid the British navy intercepting their slave ships in West Africa, had started obtaining slaves from the Portuguese in Angola, the Zambezi valley and the coast of Mozambique. 5. The French needed cheap labor on their newly started sugar and coffee plantations in the islands of Mauritius, Seychelles, Reunion, Rodrigues and southern Madagascar. 6. Many male slaves in Zanzibar and Mombasa would become free after some years in servitude, older slaves would retire or die, and new ships and businesses, building and construction work needed new slaves.
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Why Slavery?
  • 1. the Prazeros, descendants of Portuguese fathers and African mothers, operating mostly along the Zambezi River. 2. the Yao of southern Tanzania and northern Mozambique working north-east of the Zambezi River. 3. the Makua operating east of the Yao, closer to the coast. 4. The Yeke operating further north around Lake Tanganyika under the leadership of Chief Msiri of Katanga and the Nyamwezi Chief Mirambo, who established a short-lived trading and raiding kingdom at Urambo during 1860-70's. Slaves were brought by them from as far west as southern Angola. 5. the Kamba, Galla/Oromo and the Somali in Kenya. 6. the Christian Amhara and the Oromo later systematically raided the Muslim Somali in modern Ethiopia to obtain slaves well into the 1930s.
    • Mnqobi Linda
       
      Suppliers of Slaves in the East of Africa.
nrtmakgeta

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 6 views

  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • By the 1870s, pseudoscientific racism had taken hold among European
  • ...22 more annotations...
  • licymakers, who increasingly believed that it would be difficult to transfer technical skills to colonial subjects. C
  • cal knowledge and practices circulated in complex ways; they were not simply transferred from the European core to the colonial periphery, as the development of local firearms in southern Africa makes clear. People living in the colonies made end-user modifications to both imperialist technologies and imperialist ideologies.31
  • It was precisely in the 1870s - the Scramble for Africa - that Africans became more deeply enmeshed in southern Africa's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      This is the introduction of how guns came in southern Africa , after the Scramble for Africa in 1870s to be precise. African were using their money from their emerging economy to buy guns, this made the Boers and British settlers in Africa to not be settled and they were very concerned about this matter.
  • G. 3 Southern Africa in the 1870s. (Map by author and
  • To understand colonial gun control, it is important to r
  • colonies of
  • olitics. The commission's investigations did overturn one stereotype. Throughout the English-speaking world, settlers on the frontier were supposed to be heavily armed and skilled with weapons. Yet the testimony before the commission revealed that settlers in the Eastern Cape were lightly armed and inexperienc
  • ces. According to the 50th Ordinance of 1828, all Cape citizens were equal before the law
  • y. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitne
  • Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits
  • s.35 In 1876 the British settlers of the Eastern Cape began to protest what they considered irregularities in the regulation of African gun ownership. The debates that ensued acquired a broad significance for South African politics, and their prominence, in parliament and in newspapers, accented the importance of skills in the use of firearms and highlighted the everyday practice of carrying weapon
  • more stringent gun control. Most witnesses opposed the arming of Africans.36 Witnesses and commissioners linked gun ownership to broader policy debates about citizenship that had been going on for some time in the Cape Colony, and that were intensifying dur
  • ractically with them if the danger becomes real, are not inclined to agree."37 One regular officer of the British army, Lieutenant Colonel Crossman of the Royal Engineers, agreed with Froude. In a confidential report to Carnarvon on diamond miners in Kimberley, he argued that only long-serving Africans ought to be permitted to purchase guns. "For my own part," he continued, "I would not allow guns to be sold to the natives at all. They do not purchase them for hunting but for purposes of war. They are not satisfied with the common exported article, but endeavour to obtain the best rifles they can purchase, saying 'that as the red [British] soldier uses good rifles they also must have th
  • rship. The problem Ella saw was not that guns themselves would make Africans more dangerous, but that the "possessor of [a gun] gets thoughts into his head which might not otherwise get there." Africans did not buy guns with the idea of attacking Europeans, but "when a lot of men with guns get together they might get ideas of that nature into their heads."43 A superficial analysis of these settlers' statements would dismiss them as deterministic. But if we accept the Comaroffs' claim that the everyday material practices of colonialism were associated with hotly contested changes in ontology and epistemology, they take on new significance. Ideas about the use of guns were instrumental in ra
  • n Africa had different native policies. There were two independent Boer republics across the Orange River from the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal). These restricted citizenship to European men and deprived Africans of all civic rights, including any right to possess weapons. To the east, in the British colony of Natal, guns had to be registered with British magistrates who supervised African chiefs. (African chiefdoms remained substantially intact so that chiefs might administer customary law under the supervision of the colony's lieutenant governor.) Chiefs retained a degree of autonomy in certain other regions along the Cape Colony's borders, such as the Transkei, Lesotho, and Griqualand East, while the Mpondo remained indepen
  • In 1876, as fear of a Xhosa attack mounted, some settlers and soldiers fretted about whether the Europeans living in the Eastern Cape were well-enough trained in the use of firearms. E. B. Chalmers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police testified that few Eastern Cape settlers even owned gun
  • Several other settlers also called attention to the state of affairs. According to two witnesses, fewer than half the settlers owned guns, although more knew how to use them, and more of the young men were learning.45 According to another witness, "farmers and their sons" not only lacked arms, they had also lost the skill of riding while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or wor
  • while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or work at a craft, and settlers frequently lacked the leisure to hunt or take tar
  • p. In the 1878 session of the Cape Parliament, Sprigg succeeded in steering through a set of bills that created an all-white militia. He also secured passage of the Peace Preservation Act, which provided for disarming parts of the population; the governor was empowered to proclaim certain districts subject to the act, and could then instruct magistrates to determine who should
  • urn in their arms and who might keep them. The act was not in itself discriminatory, but it was understood that Europeans in proclaimed districts would keep their arms and that Africans would turn theirs in. Those who were forced to surrender their weapons would be compensated. According to Sprigg, this measure was necessary "for getting arms out of the hands of disloyal na
  • Cape Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, embodied the full range of colonial rhetoric. When liberals challenged the disarmament of Basutoland, Frere mocked liberal arguments that "a native tr
  • armed with firearms [is] less formidable than one armed after their own fashion with assegai
  •  
    This is a JSTOR article. It speaks about how the economy of Africans was emerging(newly formed or prominent) basically their economy was growing and they got to buy guns. Them (Africans) buying and owning guns came as a threat to the Boers and the colonizers' as they thought that Africans cannot or do not have the skills needed to use guns and they will use them in a bad way influencing each other to misuse their guns. Hence the process of disarming African was introduced whereby they had to have permits to own guns and only whites were allowed to own guns .
molapisanekagiso

40060682.pdf - 1 views

  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
  • Africans. Partly through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • The Comaroffs' approach offers a good starting point from which to investigate what everyday practice meant, ideologically, with respect to firearms - carrying them, caring for them, storing them, not to mention hunting and fighting with them. It happens that skills with guns and the perceived and real links to political power weapons and skills conferred were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • e much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber m
  • weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber musket could kill an elephant at short range with a well-placed shot, but the larger muskets fired a heavier, more destructive ball, and were made specifically for hunting elephants and other big-game animals.18
  • port complete guns from Britain.19 Hunting guns occupied a special niche in colonial southern African culture. They came to be known affectionately as sanna, a word derived from the Dutch snaphaan (snaphaunce, an early type of flintlock) and were also called roer, a Dutch word for gun derived perhaps from the sound of a gunshot. Their
  • saddle. At first, 44-inch barrels were popular because hunters liked to stop the horse, lean over the saddle, and rest the stock on the ground while loading. But a gun with such a long barrel can be awkward to manipulate on horseback, which is why cavalrymen preferred carbines and pistols. Later, as it became clear that shorter guns could be sufficiently powerful, mounted hunters also came to prefer them. In southern Africa the trigger mechanism was also adapted to riding: many African muskets required a heavy pull on the trigger to prevent accidental discharge during a fall from a horse.22 22. Lategan, 524-25. Tylden
  • Even so, by the 1880s rural settlement was proceeding apace, and game animals were growing scarce. Young Boer men relied less on their guns to earn a living and therefore practiced less. The old percussion-lock muskets and rifles gradually lost their appeal. Though they remained less expensive to own and easier to repair, they also required more skill to use effectively than modern breechloaders. With a large-bore muzzle loader, every shot could be adjusted to the circumstances, but every shot had to count: guns had to be fired at close range, and it took so long to reload that a missed shot could result in the shooter being gored or trampled by the qu
  •  
    This source is from jstor, the source contains African shooting skills that African people had and the type of guns western people used to train the African people with eighteenth and nineteenth century.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  •  
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
lpmalapile

Untangling the Legacies of Slavery: Deconstructing Mission Christianity for our Contemp... - 4 views

  • The impact of Christianity on Black suffering
    • lpmalapile
       
      IMPORTANT BECAUSE IT EMPHASIZES THE IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON SLAVERY AND BLACK SUFFERING.
  • When you combine problematic tropes around Blackness, with White exceptionalist forms of hermeneutics, linked to White European notions of manifest destiny, you have the ingredients for a toxic residue of epistemology that sees Black people as “the problem”. 17 This ethic of White mastery over those who are deemed “the Other” becomes the basis on which the roots of a colonially inspired capitalism is at play, in which Blackness becomes the demonised other that has to be conquered, subdued and economically exploited.
  • For many Diasporan Africans, the search for a positive self-esteem has been found from within the frameworks of the Christian faith. Faith in Christ has provided the conduit by which issues of identity and self-esteem have been explored. This search has been helpful at one level, as the frameworks provided by conversion and an alignment with God in Christ has confirmed a new spiritual identity on Black people, but the extent to which this new formulation of the self has affirmed the materiality of one’s Blackness is, however, open to doubt. 35
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  • This means that if you are a Christian slave owner, you have can faith in Christ and still own slaves, as God is only interested in your soul, which is preserved through faith in Jesus. Your actions on earth are another matter, however. For the enslaved Africans, faith in this same Jesus guaranteed salvation in heaven but not material freedom here on earth for the same reason as that given for the justification of the actions of slave masters.
    • lpmalapile
       
      ALSO IMPORTANT BECAUSE IT SHOWS HOW CHRISTIANITY WAS USED TO KEEP BLACK AFRICAN PEOPLE UNDERDEVELOPED. THE BIBLE WAS TEACHING THEM TO ALLOW ANY EXPLOITATION HAPPENING TO THEM BECAUSE THEY SHOULD SEEK SALVATION IN HEAVEN AND NOT ON EARTH THROUGH MATERIAL THINGS.
  • 6 The effects of such biased, self-serving instruction are still being felt - the continuing tendency of Black people to internalise their feelings of inferiority, coupled with an accompanying lack of self-esteem
  • When Caribbean migrants came to Britain in the post-Windrush era they brought with them this legacy of spiritual wisdom from Africa, via the Caribbean. Upon arrival in the UK and encountering the hardships of economic deprivation and systemic racism, 46 what enabled many of them to cope with their experiences of rejection was a direct sense of God being with them; this “God with them” was seen in the form of the spirit that offers alternative ways of interpreting one’s experience and dealing with the reality of marginalization and oppression. 47
nhlangotisn

Blantyre Mission stephen green.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 6 THE NYASALAND JOURNAL BLANTYRE MISSION By Rev. Stephen Green T was appropriate that the Scottish missionaries who came to the Shire Highlands in 1876 should call their settlement Blantyre, the name of David Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire. For Scotland had some three years before been deeply moved by the story of Livingstone's death at Ilala and of the devotion of his African friends who carried his body to the coast that it might be brought home to lie in Westminster Abbey. Livingstone had spoken with enthusiasm
    • nhlangotisn
       
      Livingstone - refers to David Livingstone, a Scottish missionary and explorer who passed through the Shire Highlands in 1859 and spoke highly of the area for missionary settlement. Blantyre - the name of the settlement founded by Scottish missionaries in the Shire Highlands in 1876. The name comes from Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire, Scotland. Church of Scotland - refers to the Presbyterian denomination of Christianity that sent the Scottish missionaries to the Shire Highlands. The Free Church of Scotland had already sent pioneers to Livingstonia Mission in 1875. Henry Henderson - the missionary sent by the Church of Scotland to find a suitable site near Lake Malawi for a new mission, but who eventually settled on the Shire Highlands. Magomero - the site of the Universities' Mission, which had been founded in response to Livingstone's challenge and appeal fifteen years prior. Medical officer - Dr. T. T. Macklin, who accompanied the mission party from Scotland to the Shire Highlands in 1876 and was handed leadership of the mission upon arrival. Artisan missionaries - refers to the five skilled tradesmen who accompanied the mission party from Scotland and were tasked with construction and manual work for the mission. Challenge - the mission to continue the work that Livingstone had begun in the area, as he had spoken highly of the Shire Highlands as a suitable location for missionary settlement
  • Henderson left them encamped by the Shire while he went up to make preparations for their arrival. He found at the place of his choice half-ruined huts, the owners of which had fled to the hills to escape a raid of the Angoni. Some of these he repaired sufficiently to be of service as temporary shelter, and then returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. It was reached by them on the 23rd. October,
    • nhlangotisn
       
      On October 23rd, 1936, Sir Harold Kittermaster unveiled a memorial tablet set in a cairn of stones on the spot where the fig tree had stood. The cairn is made up of sixty stones, each one bearing the name of one of the congregations of the Presbytery of Blantyre, which at that date numbered sixty. Henderson repaired half-ruined huts at the chosen site and returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. They arrived at Blantyre on October 23rd, and encamped under a large fig tree. Dr. Macklin took over the leadership of the mission after Henderson handed it over to him, and he began making friends with neighbouring chiefs and headmen. African helpers were instructed in various kinds of manual work, and a school was opened. Sons of the Makololo chiefs down on the River attended the school as boarders, and they brought slaves with them to wait upon them, which Dr. Clement Scott promptly stopped. Refugee slaves sought asylum at the mission and were received and assured of protection, which led to bitter hostility to the mission on the part of chiefs who had a direct interest in the slave trade. The original pioneer band contained no ordained missionary, and one was not appointed until 1878. Dr. Laws and Dr. Stewart came from Livingstonia for temporary duty as Head of the Mission, and Mr. James Stewart, a civil engineer, was also lent for a time from Livingstonia, and his services were of great value in the laying out of the station and the garden.
  • THE NYASALAND JOURNAL The first minister to be appointed to Blantyre was the Reverend Duff Macdonald, afterwards Minister of South Dalziel, Mother well. In a remarkably short time he acquired a good knowledge of Yao and produced Yao schoolbooks and translations. He also made a special study of local customs and folklore, and his book Africana is still a leading authority.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph describes the establishment of the Blantyre settlement by Scottish missionaries in Nyasaland (now Malawi) and the challenges they faced. The first minister appointed was Reverend Duff Macdonald, who quickly gained knowledge of the local language (Yao) and customs, producing schoolbooks and translations. Mission work also began at Zomba, but was later abandoned for Domasi station. The missionaries faced hostility from some local chiefs due to their anti-slavery policy and their need to exercise civil jurisdiction over Africans. The inexperience of the missionaries led to the adoption of measures inconsistent with Christian aims, and some in Scotland advised withdrawal. However, the Head of the Mission and two others were recalled, and a new minister, David Clement Ruffelle Scott, was sent out. Scott was a versatile man with qualities of leadership who re-organized the Mission's work. He designed Blantyre Church and produced an encyclopedic dictionary of the Mang'anja language, widely known as Scott's Dictionary. Under his leadership, the Mission compensated slave owners who established claims to slaves in sanctuary at the Mission, and formed friendly relations with chiefs.
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  • sister of Dr. John Bowie, had also contracted it. On his way, through torrential rains and across rivers in flood, he received the news that Mrs. Henderson was dead and Dr. Bowie, who had sucked the tracheotomy tube in a desperate effort to save the child's life, was down with diphtheria. All that Affleck Scott and Dr. Henry Scott, who had come from Domasi, could do was of no avail, and Bowie also died. Very soon after, Henry Henderson on his way home with Mrs. Bowie and Mrs. Clement Scott (another sister of Dr. Bowie) died at Q
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the history of the Scottish Presbyterian mission in Nyasaland (now Malawi) during the late 19th century. The mission aimed to spread Christianity to the local population while also attempting to curb the practice of slavery. The text describes several missionaries who played important roles in this effort, including Robert Cleland, Clement Scott, and William Affleck Scott. The paragraph begins by recounting an event in which Scott and Henderson attempted to persuade the Angoni chiefs to cease raiding the Shire Highlands, which was successful in preventing future attacks. The narrative then shifts to describe the establishment of a sub-station at Chiradzulu and the difficulties encountered by Cleland when attempting to found a new station at Mlanje. The paragraph notes that Cleland passed away from illness before he could fully establish the new station. The text then describes the efforts of William Affleck Scott, who joined the mission in 1889 and devoted himself wholeheartedly to spreading the Gospel. Although he did not achieve his ambition of founding a station in Angoniland, he served at several locations in Nyasaland and also participated in expeditions to Portuguese East Africa. The paragraph ends with a tragic account of Henry Henderson's family members succumbing to diphtheria while on their way back to Blantyre, with Affleck Scott and Henry Scott unable to save them despite their efforts
  • he vernacular. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the natural effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi only ten miles distant. The latter, with its square mile of mission land offering facilities for school boarding, evangelists' training, teachers' refresher courses, etc., was much more suitable as the head? quarters of a large district, but as staffing difficulties increased it was the station that suffered more than any other from lack of staff. Work was developed from Domasi in the district to the north-east between Chikala Hill and Lake Chiuta, and for long the dream was cherished of transferring the station to a central site in that district. An exchange of land could have been
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the development of the Blantyre Church, which was built between 1888 and 1891, with Dr. Affleck Scott describing the various people involved in its construction. Despite criticism of the elaborate building, Dr. Scott defends it as a means of bringing more people to the area and teaching them about the benefits of hard work and beauty. The year 1891 also saw the beginning of the administration of Nyasaland as a British protectorate, which had an impact on the work of the Mission. Means of communication improved, making it easier for various Christian forces in the country to make contact. In 1900, the first of a series of missionary conferences was held, with representatives from various missions in attendance. These conferences have been valuable in discussing issues and demonstrating spiritual unity. In 1904, the Federation of Missions was formed with a Consultative Board, which discussed questions of common interest. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi. The dream of transferring the station to a central site in the district to the northeast was never realized, despite repeated appeals from the people.
  • In this matter the missions were very greatly indebted to the Reverend W. H. Murray of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission, who was set free for a time by his Church for translation work, and who not only did much of it himself, but also co-ordinated the work of the other translators. Later Dr. Murray earned the further gratitude of the Church in the Central and Southern Provinces by revising the whole of the text, introducing the new orthography, and adding marginal references, work in which he was ably assisted by Mrs. Murray. Thus Nyanja-speaking Christians in Nyasaland and far beyond its bounds have an admirable version of the whole of the Scriptures which, thanks to the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society, can be bought for the modest
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph provides a historical account of the Blantyre Mission's work in Portuguese East Africa, particularly in the establishment of mission stations and the growth of the Church of Scotland's congregation. In 1898, an effort was made to extend the work to the east of Lake Chirwa, but the Portuguese authorities objected to the founding of a mission until they had pacified the country. The Mihecani station was finally opened in 1913, while the Panthumbi station was later moved to Bemvu, where it was under the leadership of Harry Matecheta. The policy of centralization was adopted in 1904, and technical and industrial training was concentrated in Blantyre, while other stations were free to develop evangelistic and junior school work. The Henry Henderson Institute was built to accommodate extra pupils. The mission played an essential role in training carpenters, builders, gardeners, and clerks, who found employment in government offices and commercial concerns. The Mlanje Mission was removed to a new site in the early 1930s. In 1924, the Presbyteries of Livingstonia and Blantyre entered into an incorporating union in the Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian), and the first Synod of that Church was constituted at Livingstonia. Blantyre missionaries played a significant role in Bible translation.
giftadelowotan

Full article: History, Materialization, and Presentation of Slavery in Tanzania - 7 views

  • East Africa has been part of an Indian Ocean trading network connecting it with the Arab world since at least the eighth century CE. This trade included the trafficking of humans. A number of sites associated with slave trading in East Africa are open to public display while some are also incorporated into local folklore. This article explores the historical interpretation of slavery presented at several sites in Zanzibar and mainland Tanzania
  • The visitors to this country steal their children, enticing them away by offering them fruits, finally take possession of them and carry them off to their country.
    • giftadelowotan
       
      HUMAN TRAFFICKING
  • Slavery in the region is presented as a simple story wherein indigenous and homogenous African communities were exploited and enslaved by merchants from the Arabian Peninsula.
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  • The caravan routes from these cities into the interior of the continent provided the central supply chain of the slave trade in East Africa; these routes were also the mechanism that opened the continent to European exploration and, ultimately, exploitation
  • I argue that European colonization of Zanzibar and mainland Tanzania left material and ideological traces that structure how slavery is represented in the present day.
  • [Although] Islam does not allow the enslavement of Muslims … it recognizes two categories; those born in slavery or prisoners of war—as a product of a war declared on the inhabitants of Dar al-Harb or the Abode of War which lies outside Dar al-Islam or the Land of Islam.
    • giftadelowotan
       
      ISLAM VIEW ON SLAVERY
  • The slave trade faced a considerable challenge when the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar signed the “Slave Trade Treaty” with Britain in 1873, which called for the end of slave markets in the Sultan's domain and an end to the export of enslaved captives
  • Slavery and its presentation on the island of Zanzibar
  • After all, those who built [Arab houses], those who generated the wealth that paid for them, and the vast majority that inhabited and serviced them were African slaves and clients or servants of African descent
    • giftadelowotan
       
      AN EXAMPLE OF AFRICAN EXPLPITATION BY ARAB SLAVERS
  •  
    Your bookmark doesn't take us back to the actual article/ just a front page with no article accessible.
amahlemotumi

Firearms in South Central Africa.pdf - 7 views

  • They originated in unions between Khoikhoi and white hunters, traders and farmers, and probably never existed without firearms; from an early date they also acquired horses.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Khoi-khoi white had access to guns and horses from an early period.
  • Khoikhoi peoples, whose economic basis and political structure had been broken by various aspects of white settlement amongst them, were being armed by the whites to take part in commando expeditions against the San
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Khoi military unit was trained for hit and run raids into the Sans territory.
  • Great Tre
    • amahlemotumi
       
      movement of Dutch speaking colonists up into the interior of Southern Africa in search of land where they establish their own homeland, independent of British rule.
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  • They were also long distance hunters and traders, for ivory and cattle in exchange for guns among other goods
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Griqua people traded ivory and other goods for guns.
  • In the i820s and I830s the Griqua and other Khoikhoi groups extended their operations over much of the highveld, giving the Ndebele their first whiff of gunpowd
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the griqua attacked the ndebele exposing them to the new weapon which is the gun.
  • Many Tswana chiefs appreciated the significance of firearms, as did Mzilikazi: firearms were military weapons which upset (or were rumoured to upset) balances of power, making the possessing group superior to its neighbours and equal to the Griqua and the whites; economically, firearms were efficient means of hunting, which for the Tswana was a necessity until well into the twentieth centur
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were much appreciated because owning them meant that specific group was superior to another group that did not own any. Power lied with gun possessor.
  • e the migration of the Boers on to the highveld at the end of the I830s. Although the Afrikaner settlements formally forbade the trade of firearms to Afric
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the ownership of guns by blacks was prohibited
  • Boe
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Afrikaans name used to refer to the British people.
  • embargo
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ban on trade
  • Africans had to have a magistrate's permit to buy guns, but such was the demand for labour on the diamond diggings and in railway construction that these permits were either readily granted or were ignored by traders
    • amahlemotumi
       
      if Africans wanted to own a gun they had to obtain a legal permit from magistrate claiming that they needed the gun for work purposes in the mines or construction of railways.
  • The great increase in the number of firearms on the highveld and in Tswana country from the middle years of the nineteenth century probably aggravated the political instability of the are
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the increase of gun ownership in the area led to an unstable government and its structures.
  • agents provocateurs
    • amahlemotumi
       
      person who induces others to be violent or commit an illegal act in order to incriminate or discredit a cause
  • Tswana chiefs and Boer leaders jockeyed for position amongst themselv
    • amahlemotumi
       
      battle for position of higher power between the two.
  • veld-cornet
    • amahlemotumi
       
      local government or military officer.
  • e LMS
    • amahlemotumi
       
      London Missionary Society.
  • vociferou
    • amahlemotumi
       
      loud and forceful.
  • Anglo-Boer wa
    • amahlemotumi
       
      war between the British Empire and two Boer republics over the Empires influence in Southern Africa.
  • The Langeberg Rebellio
    • amahlemotumi
       
      revolts against British land annexations in the Griqualand west area
  • armed with guns were also mounted, but not to the same extent as the Sotho. It seems that firearms were most successful when used in defenc
    • amahlemotumi
       
      for some like the Sotho, firearms only benefited them in defense.
  • Africans would come to work on the diggings, and upon the railways which were being built from the Cape ports to the interior, only for cash with which to buy guns and ammunitio
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Africans started working in the mines and constructions site of railways for money so they could trade it for guns.
  • y this time Africans were well aware of the technicalities of firearms, and (for example) in both the I878 Xhosa-Cape war and the Sotho Gun War white officers complained that Africans had better rifles than the colonial force
    • amahlemotumi
       
      by the late 19th century the Africans had obtained better models of guns that surpassed the colonial officers guns.
  • nservatism' of the Ndebele, guns were not generally issued to the impi. Despite this, guns were obviously thought to be an important weapon by the Ndebele, if only because their neighbours were becoming armed and more able to withstand the raids of the impi
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns played a pivotal role in the wars that broke out because the Ndebele's could now withstand the war and use firearms just like their enemies.
  • Bechuanaland Protectorate proclamation of i892.32
    • amahlemotumi
       
      protectorate that safe guards against further expansion by Germany , Portugal or Boers
  • swana's claim that guns were 'vital to their customary economic activity of huntin
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns became a big part of the way Tswanas hunted to secure a good economy.
  • An eyewitness account of the early nineteenth century Rozvi court relates that the Mambo had 'several guns' and four somewhat rusty cannons.43 Many of the guns traded from the Portuguese were muzzle-loaders known by the Shona as 'migigw
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Shona people were introduced to firearms early in the 1800s so they were familiar with them.
  • The Ndebele acquired firearms at a much later stage of their history than did the Shon
  • heir neighbours (Kalanga, Lozi) were putting guns to good economic use in the mid-nineteenth century. The ivory trade (and also the trade in cattle) in the Tswana and trans-Limpopo country was especially advantageous to the Ngwato capital, Shoshong, 'the largest, most prosperous and hence best armed town in the interi
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ownership of firearms led to good economy and security in the kingdoms.
  • he variety of guns was truly impressive. While muzzle-loaders dominated the Shona collection, the Ndebele possessed mainly breech-loading rifles, mostly Martini-Henry rifles.53 Other rifles found among the Ndebele included Sniders, Enfields, and those manufactured by Reilly, Rigby and Gibbs of Brist
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Africans had access to different varieties of guns.
  • gun society
    • amahlemotumi
       
      involves the three ways in which the Shona sourced out their guns.
  • They were also able to manufacture gunpowder from local materials, and for ammunition they used almost any missile that the particular
    • amahlemotumi
       
      in late 1800's the Africans had grown familiar with the weapons and had started producing gun powder to fire the weapons.
  • At the first battle there is evidence that the carrying of heavy firearms hampered the Ndebele in their night attack and there is a suggestion that premature firing gave away their position to the white forces
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the heavy weapons hindered the attacks planned silent of the Ndebele .
  • The use of firearms by the Ndebele in the Matopos was probably an important factor in inducing Rhodes to come to terms with them, terms which were not altogether unfavourable, certainly when seen in the light of settler demands, and of the treatment that was meted out to the Sho
    • amahlemotumi
       
      they were able to use the guns to their advantage by making certain tribes give in to what they want
  • le, firearms were most effective when used by societies that had little or no formal military s
    • amahlemotumi
       
      less structured military forces stood a better chance at winning a war because of the not uniformed dispersal they took on at the battle field.
  • frican people who did not fit in with this stereotype were not only considered to be lacking in military virtues and competency, but also to be greatly inferior in social and cultural attainmen
    • amahlemotumi
       
      if a particular kingdom or chiefdom did not own guns, they were seen as inferior and not possessing any power.
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