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neosetumonyane

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Neo Setumonyane History 2A

shared by neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE East African ivory trade is an ancient one. It is mentioned in the
  • first accounts of geographers and travellers, and they give it more promi
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      R.W Beachery explains that the Ivory Trade has been in existence for a long time.
  • nence
  • ...29 more annotations...
  • the
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-east Asia. But in addition to the markets of the East, East African ivory was much sought after in Europe for the large ivory carving centres which had grown up in southern Germany and in the Low Countries during the Middle Ages, and which supplied large numbers of religious reliquaries and artistic novelties f
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from East Africa was different from the one used at Zinj, The one from East Africa was used for carving in European countries
  • ships around
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      A headland in the Puntland region in Somalia
  • ages. Al Masudi, writing in the early Ioth century says that elephants were extremely common in the land of Zinj, and that it was from this country that large elephant tusks were obtained: 'Most of the ivory is carried to Oman whence it is sent to India and China'.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from Elephant tusks and then exported to countries such as India and China
  • than
  • 'How many slaves, how many women, how much palm-wine, how many objects for the gratification of lust and vanity are purchased by the Galla, Wanika, Wakamba and Swahili with the ivory which they bring to the coast.'4
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      People and resources were exploited because of the Ivory trade
  • Ivory no doubt, when combined with free porterage in the form of slaves, was highly lucrative, for both could be sold at the coast, and the profit from slaves was in a sense baksheesh
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The trading of slaves and Ivory were sometimes mixed
  • Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Places in Eastern Africa where Ivory was found
  • Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.
  • A pretty woman could be purchased here for 300 cowries and a hundred strings of beads, and she could be traded again for much more in ivory
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was also used as a form of currency
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. Th
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory varied from hard to soft
  • Buyers maintained that soft ivory came from areas where water was scarce; for example coastal ivory from near Pangani and Mombasa was never as good as that from the dry, upland regions of the interior. Soft ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from Congo was categorised as soft Ivory
  • armlets and bangles.14 Female tusks, being softer and malleable, were highly prized for billiard balls for the American market.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory from the tusks of female elephants were much softer and considered more valuable because they were easy to carve
  • ughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Ivory from Africa made other countries rich while Africa remained poor
  • traders. The task of obtaining perfect tusks was also complicated by their being buried in the elephant's head to a depth of 24 in. or more; a large one mentioned by Baker, was 7 ft. 8 in. long, and was buried nearly 3 ft. in the head. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Elephants were treated as things that produced Ivory. This was definitely unhuman and cruel. They were hunted down for their tusks
  • The business of ivory trading could only be rendered lucrative by constant extension and development, and this required more capital than the Arab possessed. The first Europeans to arrive on the East African coast had found the ivory trade largely in the hands of the Indian merchants at Zan
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Europeans took the Ivory trade business from Indian merchants
  • The Indian merchants, by and large, were not an attractive lot. They were jealous of their trade and intensively secre
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth century
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The trade of Ivory thrived during the 19th century.
  • the barter system
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The barter system was a system of exchange in which participants in a transaction directly exchange goods.
  • but increasing
  • competition for ivory resulted in its being forcibly taken from the Afri
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Although much of the Ivory was from Africa, Africans never benefited from it.
  • What was the ultimate destination of the thousands of tusks of ivory shipped every year from East Africa? A vast quantity went to England, where the Victorian love of ornate furnishing and decor was expressed in ivory inlay work in myriad forms, ranging from ivory-handled umbrellas to ivory snuff boxes and chessmen.
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is very sad to hear that African people and their resources were exploited while they got nothing out of it. It was very unjust of the Europeans to take all of that Ivory for their own success.
  • John Petherick
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      He was a Welsh traveller, trader and consul in East Central Africa
  • and barbarous.25 Schweinfurth remarked: 'Since not only the males with their large and valuable tusks, but the females also with the young, are included in this wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter, it may be easily imagined how year by year the noble animal is fast
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Elephants were not spared and Iron traders did not care whether they would be extinct or not. These traders are depicted as selfish and cruel people who only cared about making money.
  • The last region to be exploited for its ivory
  • ion
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Masai people are an ethnic group inhabiting, northern, central and southern Kenya and Northern Tanzania
  • In the middle and later nineteenth century, before the rise of the Mahdi in the Sudan, Khartoum, from which so much of this ivory trade emanated, was no longer a small garrison town at the junction of the White and Blue Nile; it had become a cosmopolitan entrepot. Here prosperous ivory merchants such as the Maltese de Bono and the Greek Alaro had their beautiful houses, furnished in luxurious and opulent
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some towns were able to develop as a result of the Ivory trade
  • 5 Rhino horn had a more exclusive use in the East, where it was, and still is, ground into powder and sold for love potions and medi
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is very disturbing to discover that hundreds of elephants are killed every year just for their tusks to make things such powder
  • The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and Equatoria, and by the Arabs
    • neosetumonyane
      neosetumonyane on 26 Apr 23
       
      This journal article was very interesting to read and it certainly taught me a lot about the trade in Ivory. I was however very shook to discover the cruelty that people showed towards elephants just because they wanted to make money out of their tusks.
lmshengu

Europeans and East Africans in the Age of Exploration.pdf - 3 views

Lwandile Mshengu History 2A

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nted a
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      yeilded is to give forth or produce by natural process or in return for cultivation
  • y Johann Re
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      johannes Rebmann was agerman missinary, linguist and explorer credited with feats including being the first european ,along with his colleague johann Ludwig krapf to enter africa from the indian ocean coast. in addition he was the first european to find kilimanjaro.
  • on th
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is habitational name of british origin that means from the story
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • s too. It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      . It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and wanted to stay more
  • ample,
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Mtyela Kasanda, better known as King Mirambo, was a Nyamwezi king, from 1860 to 1884. He created the largest state by area in 19th-century East Africa in present day Urambo district in Tabora Region of Tanzania. Urambo district is named after him. Mirambo started out as a trader and the son of a minor chief.
  • Europeans,
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      NYUNGU-YA-MAWE was the exact contemporary and, for a time at least, the ally, of Mirambo-ya-banhu, the famous Nyamwezi war-lord who rose. to power in west-central Tanzania early in the second half of the nine- teenth century.
  • omoted
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Fragmentation most generally means the process of fragmenting-breaking into pieces or being divided into parts. It can also refer to the state or result of being broken up or having been divided.
  • to switch from
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In matrilineal kinship sysytems,lineage and inheritance are traced through a groups female members and children are parts of their mothers and children are parts of their mothers kinship group. in contrast in patrillineal systems group membership is determined through men and children are part of their fathers kinship.
  • In the period of exploration the most notable visitors for the majority of East Africans were not the European explorers so much as other Africans and, more particularly, the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar. By the late 1870s again, it might be argued, some sort of accommodation showed signs of being reached between these traders and many African
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      For the bulk of East Africans, other Africans and especially the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar were the most famous visitors throughout the age of exploration rather than European explorers. It may be argued that by the late 1870s, some type of accommodation had been made between these traders and many Africans.
  • 'Scientific geography' did, in fact, mean, more than anything, the recording of accurate observations for latitude, longitude and height on the basis of which satis? factory maps could be constructed. In this sense, the 'discovery' of a feature like the source of the Nile was indeed a discovery for it definitively established a scientific fact.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In reality, the recording of precise observations for latitude, longitude, and height on which reliable maps could be created were what "scientific geography" really meant. In this sense, the 'finding' of a feature like the source of the Nile was legitimately a discovery because it established a scientific fact.
  • 'scientific geo
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      A geographer is a physical scientist, social scientist or humanist whose area of study is geography, the study of Earth's natural environment and human society, including how society and nature interacts.
  • appear to have been in the Society mainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individuals may have joined because they considered their continental tours made them explorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthy amateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample. But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen, no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sample being
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      appear to have been in the Societymainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individualsmay have joined because they considered their continental tours made themexplorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthyamateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample.But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen,no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sammple being naval officcers.
  • out th
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is insistent and positive affirming, maintaining or defending as of a right or attribute an aasertion of ownership/ innocence .
  • Clements Markha
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sir clements Robert Markham was an english geographer , explorer and writer.He was secretsry of the royal geographical society between 1863 and 1888 and later served as the society's president for a futher 12 years
  • r. There was in fact much more social and political cohesion in East African societies than most explorer
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      IN East African societies africans were more united in terms ofsocial and political than the most of the explores and the explores discovered that when they were there in east africa.
  • Although the British government moved to increase its control over East Africa for reasons that involve much wider considerations, the apparent need to improve law and order provided at least a very powerful justification. Indeed it was a necessary part of the process by which imperial objects could be achie
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Even if the British government expanded its influence over East Africa for far larger objectives, the seeming need to strengthen law and order served as at least a very strong pretext. In fact, it was a crucial step in the process of achieving imperial goals. Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.
  • precursors. It is much more difficult to attempt an answer to the question of what Africans learned or thought they learned about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa. Obviously, first of all, the explorers' direct social and economic impact was slight. It is true that Captain Speke seems to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by one of the Kabaka's
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.Answering the topic of what Africans discovered or believed they discovered about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa is far more challenging. Obviously, the direct social and economic impact of the explorers was little. It is true that according to the CMS Archives, Captain Speke appears to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by a Kabaka sister.
  • Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke, for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to be taken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable ally for one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera; in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971). Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who, unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, did frequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabs in 1
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke,for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to betaken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable allyfor one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera;in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971).Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who,unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, didfrequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabsin 1
  • European explorers could, then, have a noticeable political effect although generally only in the short term. In the longer term, their special characteristics probably operated in different and less easily described ways. Early European visits to Buganda were marked by great questionings of the explorers on the place of Man in Society and in t
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Therefore, European explorers could have an impact on politics, albeit usually in the short term. Their unique traits likely functioned in distinct and harder-to-describe ways over a longer period of time. Early European excursions to Buganda were distinguished by intense inquiries about the role of man in society and in the world.
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
lidya-2

South Africa and Its Military Aspect.pdf - 7 views

lidya demssie babore 222217401 HISTORY 2A

shared by lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • For. a couple of years past South Africa has been engrossing much of the attention of tho British Government and of the country. With the csccption of what might in one sense be called an unofficia1 war with Rrcli, in 1857-58, the country had enjoyed a peace of twenty-four years, when au affrq, at s natiw beerdrinking party, bo;Fond our boundary, lighted tho torch of war, in which wc spccdiIy became involved, and the flame is still nIi& though the scat of m-;\;p lias been shifted.
  • For. a couple of years past South Africa has been engrossing much of the attention of tho British Government and of the country. With the csccption of what might in one sense be called an unofficia1 war with Rrcli, in 1857-58, the country had enjoyed a peace of twenty-four years, when au affrq, at s natiw beerdrinking party, bo;Fond our boundary, lighted tho torch of war, in which wc spccdiIy became involved, and the flame is still nIi& though the scat of m-;\;p lias been shifted.
  • I need not speak of the resources of South Africa-its vast ngri- cnltuml, mineral, and other wealth-that has been done repeatedly by abler hands. Papers have been written and lectures delivered all owr the United Kingdom upon the vast treasure we hnro there; but, to give an idea of the cstent of ow South African possessions, I mill dmm n comparison wliich will the htter familiasize it
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23
       
      it details how the British were exchanging resources like minerals, agriculture and animal skins in exchange for resources from British regarding military strengthening materials for the Zulu.
  • ...18 more annotations...
  • But thc morc rcstlcss mcmbcrs of this Dutch community, as cdy a 183G, crossccl thc Pax1 River, and wcrc creeping along tho moun- tins towards thc Limpopo, dcstroying, cnslrwiug, ov pushing bcforc thm tlic ill-armcd tribes, who, entirely without firearms, wcrc 110 mtch for thcm in an open, easy country. Among thosc tlint rctircd wcc thc Natabili, a Iargc branch of tho Zulu nation, undcr MOSC- fehtsc.
  • suffice it to say that, their system mas, firs; a reconnaissance of a given district, and n Trcaty with the tribc to wlic? it belonged ; then a raid upon it when the peoplo were quita off tieir guard, and scattered among their gardcns ; thc shooting of the m-ithout mcrcy, and tho carrjing off the women and children for sdo in thc toms, where they fetched from 151. to 20t. per hcad
  • In 18'1 it was estimated that about 4,000 women and children were in slarzy in the Transvaal, and, commencing with the Griquas on thc wcs'of the Frec State, northward to theLimpopo, and eren bcyond it, thmcc eaatward to tho coast, and then southward to and including tho Zulus with whom we are now at war, all the tribes
  • Tho only question is, why was it not donc bcforc ? 7Vc now fakc over tcrritory saturatcd with blood, dripping from tho hands of nicn &om wo in tho first instance Ict loosc. Lct us bo carcful to pay attention to establishing n just and merciful policy towards tho native tribes, which shall bo worthy of .Z Christian nation, and en- dearour, so far as me arc nblc, to makc amends for all tho blood which hm hccn shed.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23
       
      As the British start taking over more land, by force lots of people loss lives and they possessions. The British began to exert their military might in the late 19th century, using advanced weaponry and tactics to gain control of various regions. In doing so, they established themselves as the dominant colonial power on the continent. The British introduced new military technologies, such as the Maxim gun and the breech-loading rifle, which made them virtually invincible when fighting against local militias. This gave rise to a new era in African warfare, marked by increased bloodshed and destruction.
  • dia and Colonies, Febrnarr 22nd, 1879.) Thus much for thc Frco State, Transvaal, and Basutoland. I now tarn to the history of our dcdings with tho Kafiirs and Fingoes of the cape frontier, and the Zulus of Natal. Not long aftcr our taking possession of thc Cape, we, oxpanding ea8txard6, met the Amamss Kaffirs mo+ng wcstwards, driving the
  • Hottcntots.bcforc them. By a Treaty with the Kaffirs of 1817 the Great River lyns mado tho boundary betwccn US. Graham’s Tom an(2 Jlowcr Albany werc p~opled by 8 batch of settlers in 1820.
  • From tliis tinic to 1850 tlic liistory of our dexlings with thc Kaffrs cxllibits the policy of onc Governor modified. or rcrcrsed by tho poliq- of liis succcssor, or by ordcrs from licmc ; Trcatics mndc and arbitnril1 rc..crisccl, not to say brolicn, whcn wc found thcy did not snit US: tho KntIirs brought under British rule by one Gorernor, and dccIarcc2 indcpcndcnt again by tho iicst ; lmundnrics shifted back- wards axid forivards as if we wcrc at play. !ho important wars, by the first of mliicli any opportunity for good which -iic had secured ~7.w thromn away within a year by w ciimgo of Gorcrnor and n ro-rcrml of policy; and in thc second, also, just when a satisfactoq conclusion promiscd, the Go-m.nor was recalled, operations stopped, and peacc given to tlic &ffirs who Iiad not asked for it
  • hose Chiefs who wero let into the secret went through all tho pantomime of receiving tho ucws with displmsuro and discredit, gradually coming round to believe in it: then they hilled a head or tvio of their own cattlc, and sent tho rest away to distant parts of tho conntg :
  • n they began to urge tlie pcoplc to kill their cattle, and to persecute by witch doctors and other means those who did not, sometimes resorting to murder.
  • Thc nigh Commissioner was naturally cmbnrrasscd between the two accounts. Ho vishcd, nbom a11 things, to woid a Far, and hcrc were two doctors prescribing differcut modes of treatment. HO gar0 his confidence to tho police, and requcstcd thc Commander of the Forces, n-ho was at Capo TOWD, to mom troops to thcir support. h’ox, thc country bctwecn the Kei and thc Bashee 11ad never been proclairncd British tcrritory, and the Kci was our boundary. The Commander of the Forces, therefore, wplicd that hc mas quite ~1%- pard to defcnd tho Colony, but x-ithont preparation and very definite aims and instructioiq Iic could not mow troops across our boundary to precipitate o wnr, but that ho would himself at once tako up tho rclicfs for !Satall, and if thc situation mcro really serious he conld IancI
  • Had me sct our faces against idle refugees, we should have taught tho Znlns to carry their own burden instend of taking it up for thcm, and Cetewayo might possibly hnvc bccn dispwed of by 2L2
  • n the meantime the Zdu nation, l rho liarc in reality bcen feeling for some time the tyranny of their Sorereign, pnrticnlarly on the subjcct of his mni-ringc ~R~TS, might liavc hcttlcd the. question by disposing- of him themselves. They would then hare leaned towards the British Government for counsel and support.
  • I cannot help thinking tht it \could bo a mistake
  • to makc a military body of this forcc. AS policc it lias douc cxdlcnt nlilitq scr\yicc, and thc mc11 are cngagccl to SC1.rc “ cithcr within op 6‘ bepnd t11c b0rdci-s of the Colony.” With Kaflirs, as ~ell as wliitcs, it Iuakes all tlic difference. IVhcn d luoccmcnt of police is made, it onlr bc a theft, dispute, or small disturbance, but when troops come, it is war. Tile Ofiiccrs, inorcorer, if it be made n military bodp, \\.ill be linblc to grow aborc tlic work mliicli they ha~e hitherto doilc ,yell, and thc w.vltolc corps to bcco~llc far less efficient than it used to bc.
  • Natal and the Transvaal will) I coneludc, remaiiri Crown Colonies for a considerable time, as thcrc is rcnlly not sufiicicnt English population from which a reliable Gorcrnnient could be formcd. Their iiiternal nnd external natirc policy sliould, howcwi; comc under the Gomrnor of the Cape in Couiieil, of which body the Commander of the Forces and thc Lieutcnaat-Governors of Katal, Trausranl, and Griqualand should bc crtra meinbeis. This arrangement seems desirable : 1st. To prcl-ent a rcpctition in these Colonies of that frequent cha~~gc of policy towards the iiativcs, which has done so much miscliicif in thc old Colony; and, ‘Znd, to cnsure a uniform policj- in tlic nativo question throughout tlic South African Colonics so fnr as thcir relative circum- stauces will ndniit.
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 25 Apr 23
       
      The war was fought between the British colonial forces and the Zulu Kingdom, which had managed to build a powerful army that had been successful in battles against neighboring tribes.
  • ad ry. In three-fourths of Natal and Znlnland, and in the idillole of thc T~;tnsrd, mounted iufmtrj arc indispcnsnblc, IIIC~CC~, I caniiot con- cciro anything more tedious or lielplcss in tlic vast cipnnsc of tlic Transvd tcrritory, nntrarerscd RS yet JJJ- a railnvay, than n force ,,mposccl solely of infantry. In the early days of Natal, the import- Illlcc of R mounted force was so recognized, that the light company of the 45th Rcgimcnt mas mounted, and II wry smart and efficicut body JJy first keeping their distance, .?. fcW mountctl infentry can engage any niasscs of footmen, and play with them. It is tiins that dragoons llgd to be taught to lisrass a mob, and thus n handful of Dotcl U0c1-s Tlrc Zulns bad no guns, of conrsc; but, in the present war, the Zulus, with a few jnfcrior arms, arc rclativcly not in D much better Iiosition to our breech-loaders than mlien without firearms they cngngcd tho Boers, who xerc armcd with smooth-boro muzzlc-loadcrs. UuC tlio Doers were mounted, mid could kccp their distpnce
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Advancements in technology have undoubtedly played a significant role in the evolution of African warfare. Before the introduction of European weaponry, indigenous Africans relied on handmade weapons made from iron, wood, and animal hides. However, the arrival of Europeans in Africa brought with them the introduction of firearms, which revolutionized the way wars were fought. The development of machine guns and artillery allowed for larger armies to be deployed and resulted in more devastating attacks on enemy forces. In the late 19th century, colonial powers would often supply their African allies with modern weaponry, giving them a significant advantage over their enemies.
  • 3hny bclicvcd because they thought that their Chiefs belicwd ; others complied through fear; others carno to me and asked if tho Gorernmcnt would protect thcm if they followed my advice
    • lidya-2
      lidya-2 on 26 Apr 23
       
      fear amongst the blacks.
  • Zululand mill, 1 apprehend, bc kept for tlie Zulus, but it should b~ governed by its own Chiefs rlndei- ow direction, to such an extent, and in sucli a manncr, as may be de- termined bj Treaty.
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=NCCO&u=rau_itw&id=GALE|AOSUQW509166629&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-NCCO&sPage=2&asid=6d44448e

Excellent Nkosinathi Ndlovu 222147238

shared by nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

Zanele Adonisi

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
katlegomodiba

An Ascent of Kilimanjaro.pdf - 1 views

Katlego Modiba History 2A

shared by katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Read at the Meeting of the Society, 27 November 1922. SINCE Africa's highest mountain was first seen and approached by Rebmann in 1848, and since Sir Harry Johnston's pioneer work on the upper slopes in 1884, eighteen men and at least one lady had reached the icy rim of the great crater on its summit. The first Englishman to climb to the top was Mr. W. C. West, of Capetown, whose ascent was accomplished in June 1914. Dr. Foerster, a German settler at Moshi,
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      this is a journal article by C. Gillman about some expedition in Mount Kilimanjaro. The writer describes the mount Kilimanjaro and how it was and the conditions there.
  • NCE Africa's highest mountain was first seen and approached by Rebmann in 1848,
  • on the upper slopes in 1884, e
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • t Englishman to climb to the top was Mr. W. C. West, of Capetown, whose ascent was accomplished in June 1914. D
  • anjaro, and t
  • anjaro, and th
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mount Kilimanjaro is located in the country Tanzania which in the Eastern part of the continent Africa. Kilimanjaro is one of Africa's tallest mountains at about 5, 895 meters and 19,340 feet. Many explorers, explored this mountain because it is well known in Africa and this mount changed how many explorers viewed Africa, it is well known that most Europeans viewed Africa as a continent that is
  • AN ASCENT OF KILIMANJARO 3 line 5200 metres above the surrounding plains (800 metres) to the summit of Kibo (5930
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      Of course, many of the tallest mountains in the world and a number of volcanoes on the central and South American plateaus are higher than Kilimanjaro at sea level, but their bases, whether mountain chains or plateaus, are already at a significant altitude, whereas here the slopes rise uninterruptedly for 5,200 meters above plains below(800 meters) to the summit of Kibo.
  • ly ste
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      a summit can be described as the highest point of a hill or a mountain.
  • y ste
  • aphical base to the top. Many peaks of the world's big fold mountains, several volcanoes on the Central and South American plateaus are of course actually higher above sea-level than Kilimanjaro, but their base, be it a chain or a plateau, lies already at a considerable altitude, whilst here t
  • AN ASCENT OF KILIMANJARO 3 line 5200 metres above the surrounding plains (800 metres) to the summit of Kibo (5930
  • bove. From a base about 80 kms. in diameter, the slopes rise very gently at first, and, gradually steepening towards the summit, produce that slightly concave outline so characteristic of Kilimanjaro and of strato-volcanoes generally, and indicating the fact that the earlier lavas have been poured out in a much more liquid state than the younger ones, which were m
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The slopes rise very gently at first, gradually steepening towards the summit to create that slightly concave outline so distinctive of Kilimanjaro and of strato-volcanoes generally, and indicating that older lavas have been poured out in a much more liquid state than the younger ones, which were more viscous. The slopes begin at a base that is about 80 km in diameter.
  • -volcano. The three cones whose centres of eruption lie on an almost straight line running west to east, are Shira in the west, Kibo in the centre, and Mavenzi in the east. Shira, the oldest, 4000 metres high, is to-day only a ruin with the remains of its former crater-wall forming a ragged more or less horizontal spur protruding from the western slope of its
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The three cones are namely Shira, Kibo and Mavenzi. Shira is the oldest and is only 4000 meters high, while Mvenzi is only 5270 meters high and Kibo is the highest with 5930 meters high.
  • Structurally Kilimanjaro consists of three single strato-volcanoes, each of which has had its own
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      Here the writer simply tells us that mount Kilimanjaro is made up three separate starti-volcanoes and each have their own history and origin
  • eighbour. The second in age is Mavenzi, 5270 metres high, whose former crater, though much destroyed by erosion, is still well recognizable and opens by two deep barrancos towards the north-east. The centre is taken up by Kibo, 5930 metres, the youngest and highest of the three component volcanoes, and the only one which still shows an intact crater and a perpetu
  • rin
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Kibo summit is the highest point of climbing Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania located in the mountain's arctic zone.
  • called Sa
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      A plateau is a flat, elevated landform that rises sharply above the surrounding area on at least on side. Plateaus occur on every continent and take up a third of the Earth's land.
  • tless small parasitic cones the .middle and lower slopes of the main massif. One of these cones, right down at the foot of the mountain in its south-east corner, has a large crater fllled by the beautiful emerald-green waters of lake Chala.
  • limatic features of Kilimanjaro are determined by three main factors: (1) the mountain's position in the equatorial region of continuous trade winds; (2) the isolation of a huge mass of rock rising from a level plain; and (3) the great height above this plain which brings the upper regions of the mountain well within the zone of the anti-tr
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      Anti-trades are prevailing winds from the west toward the east in the middle latitudes between 30 and 60 degrees latitude. They are also called westerlies.
  • ins. The results are ascending winds during the day and descending winds at night, the mountain winds being stronger over the southern than over the n
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      This are the results of trades that bring vapour from the Indian Ocean that blows and that's what happens as soon as they approach the mountain.
  • slopes, because the former, being less steep than the latter, are more extended and therefore the air-column influenced by them much larger. It is these mountain winds which, by altering the horizontal direction of the trade as it strikes Kilimanjar
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The daily cycle is controlled by the mountain's winds, which change the trade's horizontal direction as it approaches Kilimanjaro.
  • slopes, because the former, being less steep than the latter, are more extended and therefore the air-column inf
  • alt
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      it is difficult to understand this word, so it makes the whole sentence not to be understandable.
  • opes, to arctic
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      the weather there is drier, with less snow in the winter and sunny summer days
  • o well dis
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      discernible means to be visible or noticeable.
  • KILIMANJARO FROM THE NORTH-EA
  • KILIMANJARO FROM THE NORTH-EAST
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      This picture shows how the mount Kilimanjaro looks like when one is viewing it from the north-east side. its a picture by C. Dundas
  • MAVENZI AND THE SADDLE PLATEAU FROM THE CAVE ON KIB
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      A picture of how Mavenzi summit and saddle plateau looks like
  • n the surrounding plains and on the lower slopes up to 1100 metres, xerophile grass- and bush-steppe. (2) From 1100 to 1800 metres, a broad belt of agricultural land from which the original vegetation?lower tropical rain-forest?has been largely exterminated by man. The rainfall averages 1 metre. (3) The forest belt between 1800 and 3000, with its two subdivisions of upper tropical rain-forest and temperate mountain rainforest, and an annual rainfall of from 2 to 3 metres. (4) The alpine grass and shrub vegetation from 3000 to 4400 metres, with a rainfall of less than 1 metre; and finally, (5) The alpine desert, where lichens are the only plant form that can subsist, on the whole extremely dry and with all precipitations falling in the shape of snow o
  • the surrounding plains and on the lower slopes up to 1100 metres, xerophile grass- and bush-steppe. (2) From 1100 to 1800 metres, a broad belt of agricultural land from which the original vegetation?lower tropical rain-forest?has been largely exterminated by man. The rainfall averages 1 metre. (3) The forest belt between 1800 and 3000, with its two subdivisions of upper tropical rain-forest and temperate mountain rainforest, and an annual rainfall of from 2 to 3 metres. (4) The alpine grass and shrub vegetation from 3000 to 4400 metres, with a rainfall of less than 1 metre; and finally, (5) The alpine desert, where lichens are the only plant form that can subsist, on the whole extremely dry and with all precipitations falling in the shape of snow or
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is something interesting about the explorers who were able to identify the five zones of Kilimanjaro and the meters they all have.
  • ent-da
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      A glacier is a slowly moving mass or river of ice formed by the accumulation and compaction of snow on Mountains. glaciers were found in summit Kibo all present day.
  • n or meteorological con
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      meteorological conditions are determined by the wind velocity and direction, the air temperature and humidity, atmospheric pressure and the stabilityy class.
  • a peculia
  • Kibo, however, shows a peculiarity, unique as far as our knowledge goes, in that its large central crater forms an island-like region of fusion, interrupting the region of feeding, t
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      peculiarity is a strange or unusual feature or habit
  • l
  • latter thus being of annular shape and enclosing a dischargeless glacier ar
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The summit Kibo exhibits a characteristic that is unique to our knot in that its massive center crater divides the feeding zone into an island-like region of fusion and an annular region that is surrounded by a discharge-free glacier area.
  • ior Commissioner of Moshi, Messrs. P. Nason and F. J. Miller, and myself. The first day's march of seven hours took us through cultivated Chaga Land in an easterly direction to the little kingdom of Marang'u, which had supplied the porters for most of the former expeditions, and whence a good path leads through the forest belt. This march across the lower slopes of the mountain entailed a good many ups and downs caused by the deeply eroded radial valleys, but it also afforded us a fair insight into the life of a most interesting people. Nowhere in East Africa have I seen anything approaching the high standard of culture that is exhibited by the sturdy inhabitants of the cultivated zone of Kilimanjaro
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      the mountain was fascinating
  • little chieftaincies
  • Grouped together in a number of little chieftaincies, the Wachaga are certainly a happy blend of the agricultural Bantu and the Hamitic herdsman. This is very probably due to the initiative of powerful and despotic rulers who, by imposing their will, led the masses to more intensive labour and thus to higher forms of civilization, and have understood how to make the best of the very favourable conditions which the well-watered mountain
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The explorers viewed the Wachagga as unquestionably a successful fusion of the agricultural Bantu and the Hamitic herdsman, grouped together in a number of small chieftaincies. This is very likely a result of the initiative of strong, despotic rulers who, by imposing their will, drove the populace toward more intense labour and, consequently, toward higher forms of civilization, and who also knew how to make the most of the favorable conditions that the well-watered mountain sloped offered. it is interesting that the slopes are watered
  • o abe
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      abeyance means a state of temporary disuse or suspension
  • rd but healthy work are well built, sturdy, and tough. To see their women balancing huge bundles of thatch descend along a steep and slippery path, slim and erect, is a fine sight. And as to the men, our porters gave a good exhibition of their staying powe
  • tropical forest, we rested on the lowest patch of grass at about 2000 metres. A further climb of a little more than an hour took us through the temperate rain-forest to the lowest of Dr. Foerster's huts (2730 metres), which we reached soon after noo
  • e advantages of the cool dark shade. It probably requires the trained eye of the botanist to distinguish between the lower and upper tropical rain-forest. As far as I could see they both agree in their main characteristics, i.e. tall trees growing out into the light from a dense undergrowth, and large smooth shiny leaves adapted to a highly increased transpira
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      It was difficult for explorers to distinguish the difference between the lower and upper tropical forest because they had similar features
  • The abundance of moisture with which the plants have to deal during most of the year up there in the mean altitude of the daily mists is aggravated by the comparative coolness of the climate. Mere enlarging of the transpiring leaf surface and the tropical devices for letting the water drip off no longer suffice. Other means had to be developed to deal with the altered environment. The leaves again become smaller and are often covered with thin hair, which, while allowing the surplus water to drip off easily, may also be regarded as pro
  • ht and heat there. The uppermost portion of the temperate forest consists almost entirely of tree-heather growing to a height of io to 15 metres. A most curious fact, and one which requires further investigation, is the absence of that bamboo belt which is found everywhere in East Africa above the rain-forest and, according to Uhlig, is particularly well developed on Mount Meru, only some 80 miles distant from
  • I wish to add a few words on the economic function of the forest be
  • he agriculture of the Wachaga, and with it their further progress towards civilization, but also the development of the European plantations in the lower regions of Kilimanjaro, depend in the first instance on that continuous and ample supply of water which the mountain guarantees them. It seems, therefore, of the utmost importance to understand clearly the agencies which influence this life-spending ele
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      The mountain supplies the lower regions plantations of the Europeans with water. The question is why can't they just get water from rivers or even from the rainfall?
  • e perennial stre
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      perennial streams are streams that have continuous flow of surface water throughout the year in at least parts of its catchment during seasons of normal rainfall
  • usal n
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      a central or focal point
  • But the meteorological conditions of the mountain are such that a considerable portion of the vapour-laden atmosphere reaches the
  • regions above the forest before condensation has taken place, and the same is the ease with most of the moisture which the forest plants them? selves exhale again in the course
  • regions above the forest before condensation has taken place, and the same is the ease with most of the moisture which the forest plants them? selves exhale again in the cours
    • katlegomodiba
      katlegomodiba on 25 Apr 23
       
      Did the explorers actually watch everything that happened in the mountains
  • d awa
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

www.encyclopedia.com/...slavery

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
kwanelealicia

THE ORANGE FREE STATE GOLDFIELD.pdf - 2 views

Kwanele Buthelezi History 2A

shared by kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Author(s): Peter Scott
  • Source: Geography , JANUARY, 1954, Vol. 39, No. 1 (JANUARY, 1954), pp. 13-20
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • ...15 more annotations...
  • .2 Although some of the difficulties encountered in development, such as the provision of power, water, labour and transport facilities, recall the early days on the Rand, the scale of operations has been far gr
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Despite elements of the development-related challenges, like the need for labor, water, power, and road networks, are reminiscent of the Rand's early years, the scope of activities has grown significantly.
  • '"THE discovery of the Orange Free State goldfield ranks with the Kimberley diamond and Witwatersrand gold discoveries as one of the most outstanding events in the economic development of South Africa. The new goldfield will shortly assume a major role in the Union's economy, but partly owing to the great depth at which the gold occurs and partly to the intervention of World War II, its exploration and development have been slo
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Author, Peter Scott argues that the finding of the Orange Free State goldfield is one of the most significant moments in the commercial growth of South Africa, together with the discovery of the Kimberley diamond and the Witwatersrand gold. He continues to state that the newly discovered goldfield will soon play a significant role in the Union's economy, but its exploration and exploitation have been delayed and expensive in part because of how deep the gold occurs and in part because of World War II's interference.
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • Resources Development Council. The Free State goldfield thus provides a striking example, in contrast to all other goldfields and most other mining areas, of regional planning on a large scale.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Thus, juxtaposed to all other goldfields and the majority of other mining regions, the Free State goldfield offers a stunning illustration of extensive planning for the region.
  • somewhat intermittently
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Intermittently means that in a way that does not happen regularly or continuously, in a way that stops and starts repeatedly or with periods in between.
  • Fig. 1. - Location of the Orange
  • Adverse mining conditions include intense faulting, high rock temperatures, and the presence of underground water. Although the area west of Virginia appears to be comparatively undisturbed,4 on the western flank both block faulting and minor faulting, with vertical displacements ranging from a few feet up to 1,800 feet, are far more prevalent than on the Rand
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is new interesting information.
  • Supply Whereas mine water provides about half the water requirements of the Rand gold mines, in the Free State mine water is generally too saline, except perhaps near the Sand River, for use in reduction plants. Moreover, partly owing to the lower rainfall and higher evaporation rate, the yields are generally too small to repay purification. Consequently, the Free State mines have to be supplied with substantially more water per ton of ore milled than
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      It is stated that while mine water meets almost half of the water needs of the Rand gold mines, mine water in the Free State is typically too salty to be used in reduction plants, with the possible exception of the area surrounding the Sand River. Moreover, the yields are typically too low to justify purification, in part due to the reduced rainfall and higher evaporation rate. As a result, the Free State mines need to supply much more water per ton of processed more than the Rand mines do.
  • To supply the electric power requirements of the Free State goldfield, as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines, a power station, designed for an initial output of 210,000 kilowatts and an ultimate output of 300,000 kilowatts, is being built at Vierfontein, about 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus. Although its location was determined primarily by the local occurrence of substantial coal deposits, an important contributory factor has been the proximity of the Vaal River, from which water for cooling purposes will be pumped at the rate of about 3,000 gallons a minute ; in addition, the existence of the railway has facil
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      A power station, with an initial output of 210,000 Kilowatts and a maximum output of 300,000 kilowatts, will be constructed at Vierfontein, some 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus, to meet the electric power needs of the Free State goldfield as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines. The Vaal River is close by, and water for cooling reasons will be pumped from it at a rate of about 3,000 gallons per minute. Additionally, the railway's presence made it easier to assemble heavy equipment.
  • will be brought to the surface by endless rope ha
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The rope haulage system is the medium of transportation from the bottom of the mines to the top of the mines or the top of the mines to the bottom of the mines. In this transportation system, Rope, tubs, pulley, motors, tracks, and safety devices are used.
  • Since most of the goldfield is remote from the main roads and railways of the Free State, it has been necessary to augment preexisting lines of communication. The goldfield obtains the bulk of its iron and steel requirements from Pretoria and to a growing extent from Vereeniging and much of its machinery and equipment from engineering plants at Vereeniging and on
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      It has been required to expand already-existing connection channels because the majority of the goldfield is isolated from the main highways and trains of the Free State. Pretoria supplies the majority of the goldfield's iron and steel needs, with Vereeniging providing a rising amount as well. Engineering plants in Vereeniging and on the Rand supply the majority of the goldfield's machinery and equipment.
  • The development of gold mining has profoundly changed the settlement pattern. From an essentially dispersed agricultural type, with market towns each housing fewer than 500 Europeans, settlement has become predomina
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growth of the gold mining industry has significantly altered the settlement pattern. Settlement has evolved from a largely dispersed agricultural type with market towns holding no more than 500 Europeans.
  • . Already one of the largest towns in the Free State, Welkom will soon rank second only to Bloemfontein. Allanridge, another new township, was started in 1950, and plans for further townships at Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the banks of the Sand River, have been completed. Within the next few years, as the developing mines begin producing, the rate of population increase will be accelerat
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Welkom is already among the largest towns in the Free State and will shortly surpass Bloemfontein in size. Another brand-new township, Allanridge, began construction in 1950, and plans for two more townships, Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the Sand River's banks, have been finalized. The rate of population growth will quicken over the coming years as the newly developed mines start to produce.
  • f detached or semi-detached houses built by the mining companies. Eventually there will be seven villages, each of which, like the hostels, will house about 2,500 people. These resident families will provide the nucleus of a stable labour force, and it is hoped that the Free State will thus be less dependent than the Rand on a fluctuating supply of migrant la
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      There will eventually be seven communities, each of which will have roughly 2,500 residents like the hostels. The foundation of a steady labor force will be provided by these local families, and it is believed that the Free State will be less reliant than the Rand on a shifting availability of migrant labor as a result.
  • Population expansion due to the development of mining has not been confined to the goldfield. Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, and Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south, have both undergone striking growth. Although the goldfield at present derives much of its supplies as well as its technical and economic control from the Rand, Bloemfontein, the Free State capital, is steadily gaining importance as an administrative, cultural and su
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growth of mining has contributed to population growth outside of the goldfield. Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south and Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, have both experienced remarkable expansion. Although the Rand now provides the goldfield with the majority of both its commodities as well as its technical and economic management, Bloemfontein, the capital of the Free State, is slowly gaining importance as an administrative, cultural, and supply center.
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

Asmaa Al-Helou 221178198

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
      xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
asanda

Firearms in Nineteenth-Century Botswana: The Case of Livingstone's 8-Bore Bullet.pdf - 3 views

Asanda Minenhle KUZWAYO 222141038

shared by asanda on 21 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Although closely associated with the South African experience, the pre-colonial emergence of an indigenous gun culture among communities within modern Botswana was a determining factor in the territory’s separate colonial and thus postcolonial destiny. Possession of guns, accompanied by a rapid adoption of new military as well as hunting tactics for their use, played a key role in the reformation of local polities during the midnineteenth century. By 1870 most of modern Botswana had as a result come under the authority of four kingdoms; led by the Dikgosi of Bakwena (Kweneng), Bangwaketse (Gangwaketse), Bangwato (Gammangwato) and Batawana (Gatawana). 8 The political authority of each of these kingdoms, along with the border states of the Barolong booRatshidi (Borolong), Bakgatla bagaKgafela (Kgatleng) and Balete (Gammalete), was supported by the protective as well as coercive capacity of their arsenals. 9 This in turn enabled them to resist repeated threats to their independent well-being by the Amandebele and Boers. Defensive state formation in south-east Botswana further resulted in a considerable population influx from the Transvaal, permanently altering the region’s demography. An 1857 visitor to the Bakwena capital, Dithubaruba, thus observed that
    • asanda
      asanda on 21 Apr 23
       
      this is important because it is where pre-colonial began which emergence of an indigenous gun culture among communities within modern Botswana which was a determining factor in territory separate colonial
  • Praise poetry from the period further serves to underscore the fact that the story of guns has been as much about their quality as quantity. The Bangwato Kgosi Khama III is remembered as the hero who does not sit by the fire, who when the tribes came together, came together and went to fetch wood, remained behind and examined the rifles; he picked out those for shooting far, he picked out carbines and breechloaders. 1
    • asanda
      asanda on 21 Apr 23
       
      this one is unexpected that the story of guns has been as much about their quality as quantity
  • In July 1876, just a decade after their battlefield superiority over muzzleloaders was demonstrated at the Battle of Koniggratz, the acquisition of breechloaders by Khama’s mentor, Sechele, is credited with enabling the Bakwena to gain the upper hand in a firefight on the outskirts of Molepolole against Linchwe’s Bakgatla bagaKgafela. 13 Thereafter, possession of breechloaders was a common and critical factor in subsequent Batswana martial success. Among Linchwe’s praise poems one thus finds reference to his subsequent use of Martini rifles against the Boers. 14 Batswana were also quick to incorporate gun wielding cavalry into their military formations and tactics. 15 Horsemen armed with breechloaders played a decisive role in what is believed to have been the most sanguinary of Botswana’s many nineteenth-century fire-fights, the 1884 engagement at Khutiyabasadi, where Batawana and Wayeyi slaughtered over 1,500 Amandebele invaders. 1
    • asanda
      asanda on 21 Apr 23
       
      this is confusing because i don't understand why did the other places get in a battle and it was so much wars between places
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • The military and consequent political significance of firearms to the evolution of nineteenth-century Botswana is paralleled by the social and environmental impact of their use in hunting. The acquisition of guns was both a cause and consequence of a surge in the region’s hunting trade from the 1840s; involving the export of ivory, karosses and ostrich feathers from hunting grounds largely falling under the effective control of the Dikgosi of Kweneng, Gammangwato, Gangewaketse and Gatawana. 17 Besides leading to a rapid decline in wildlife, and consequent expansion of arable and pastoral lands, hunting with guns reinforced social stratification in many areas. This is exemplified by patterns of subordination and servitude in the Kgalagadi between Batswana notables and Bakgalagari and Basarwa or Khoe/San communities. 18 By the late nineteenth century regimental expectations of gun ownership, coupled with a relative decline in commercial hunting, was a material factor that drove men to seek employment at the Kimberley and Gauteng mines. Like other groups in the region from an early date Batswana were able to produce their own gunpowder as well as shot. 19 Also as elsewhere on the continent, smoothbore muskets could often be serviced by local blacksmiths, an indigenous capacity that in some areas survived until relatively recent times. 20 Besides munitions evidence, there are other material manifestations of transformation connected to the spread of guns and associated technology. In 1845 the hunter-trader Roualeyn Gordan Cumming observed, while visiting Sechele’s then centre at Tshonwane (Chonuane), that:
    • asanda
      asanda on 21 Apr 23
       
      this is the main idea because it talks about the trade of guns which led to the different wars
tendaim

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views

Tendai Mangena History 2A 221060211

shared by tendaim on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      how colonial South Africa got access to guns
  • uring the early
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      real reasons for africans procuring guns
  • ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      africans were labeled according to their efficacy with firearms this is how colonial rulers categorized them by level of threat to skill
  • By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
  • ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      above all they wished to convert africans to thie way of euro standards
  • earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      again at first guns offered a way for people to find food to eat and survive as well as an "income" to be earned by trading certain commodities
  • more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      competition would have started and i believe that the white settlers wanted to be the only ones who benefitted from this hunting
  • Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      at some point the white settlers used black labour (slavery) in order to fulfill their demand for guns
  • ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      enro settlers used african labour to source their commodities (in a way this improved africans use and ability with and of guns)
  • There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      guns stayed an important piece of trade and value due to the nature of SA, there was much to hunt and kill which also didnt need newer better guns, so the guns in SA stayed "old styled"
  • n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
  • noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Boer had good shooters which were mostly middle aged and young men, i wonder who fought for the africans side and what weapons did they have access to?
  • out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      because of the decrease of animals and africans to hunt less and less Boers had practice or use for guns and so when they were called up it was hard as only a small percentage of them had the necessary marksmanship and skill to shoot
  • mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
  • tendaim on 25 Apr 23
     
    this article goes in depth in discussing how firearms reached and stayed in South Africa and why they were such a welcomed commodity and how it turned to war and the idea to take firearms away from Africans
amahlemotumi

Firearms in South Central Africa.pdf - 7 views

Amahle Motumi 220069900 History 2A

shared by amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • They originated in unions between Khoikhoi and white hunters, traders and farmers, and probably never existed without firearms; from an early date they also acquired horses.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi-khoi white had access to guns and horses from an early period.
  • Khoikhoi peoples, whose economic basis and political structure had been broken by various aspects of white settlement amongst them, were being armed by the whites to take part in commando expeditions against the San
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi military unit was trained for hit and run raids into the Sans territory.
  • Great Tre
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      movement of Dutch speaking colonists up into the interior of Southern Africa in search of land where they establish their own homeland, independent of British rule.
  • ...31 more annotations...
  • They were also long distance hunters and traders, for ivory and cattle in exchange for guns among other goods
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Griqua people traded ivory and other goods for guns.
  • In the i820s and I830s the Griqua and other Khoikhoi groups extended their operations over much of the highveld, giving the Ndebele their first whiff of gunpowd
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the griqua attacked the ndebele exposing them to the new weapon which is the gun.
  • Many Tswana chiefs appreciated the significance of firearms, as did Mzilikazi: firearms were military weapons which upset (or were rumoured to upset) balances of power, making the possessing group superior to its neighbours and equal to the Griqua and the whites; economically, firearms were efficient means of hunting, which for the Tswana was a necessity until well into the twentieth centur
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns were much appreciated because owning them meant that specific group was superior to another group that did not own any. Power lied with gun possessor.
  • e the migration of the Boers on to the highveld at the end of the I830s. Although the Afrikaner settlements formally forbade the trade of firearms to Afric
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the ownership of guns by blacks was prohibited
  • Boe
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Afrikaans name used to refer to the British people.
  • embargo
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ban on trade
  • Africans had to have a magistrate's permit to buy guns, but such was the demand for labour on the diamond diggings and in railway construction that these permits were either readily granted or were ignored by traders
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if Africans wanted to own a gun they had to obtain a legal permit from magistrate claiming that they needed the gun for work purposes in the mines or construction of railways.
  • The great increase in the number of firearms on the highveld and in Tswana country from the middle years of the nineteenth century probably aggravated the political instability of the are
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the increase of gun ownership in the area led to an unstable government and its structures.
  • agents provocateurs
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      person who induces others to be violent or commit an illegal act in order to incriminate or discredit a cause
  • Tswana chiefs and Boer leaders jockeyed for position amongst themselv
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      battle for position of higher power between the two.
  • veld-cornet
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      local government or military officer.
  • e LMS
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      London Missionary Society.
  • vociferou
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      loud and forceful.
  • Anglo-Boer wa
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      war between the British Empire and two Boer republics over the Empires influence in Southern Africa.
  • The Langeberg Rebellio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      revolts against British land annexations in the Griqualand west area
  • armed with guns were also mounted, but not to the same extent as the Sotho. It seems that firearms were most successful when used in defenc
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      for some like the Sotho, firearms only benefited them in defense.
  • Africans would come to work on the diggings, and upon the railways which were being built from the Cape ports to the interior, only for cash with which to buy guns and ammunitio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Africans started working in the mines and constructions site of railways for money so they could trade it for guns.
  • y this time Africans were well aware of the technicalities of firearms, and (for example) in both the I878 Xhosa-Cape war and the Sotho Gun War white officers complained that Africans had better rifles than the colonial force
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      by the late 19th century the Africans had obtained better models of guns that surpassed the colonial officers guns.
  • nservatism' of the Ndebele, guns were not generally issued to the impi. Despite this, guns were obviously thought to be an important weapon by the Ndebele, if only because their neighbours were becoming armed and more able to withstand the raids of the impi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns played a pivotal role in the wars that broke out because the Ndebele's could now withstand the war and use firearms just like their enemies.
  • Bechuanaland Protectorate proclamation of i892.32
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      protectorate that safe guards against further expansion by Germany , Portugal or Boers
  • swana's claim that guns were 'vital to their customary economic activity of huntin
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns became a big part of the way Tswanas hunted to secure a good economy.
  • An eyewitness account of the early nineteenth century Rozvi court relates that the Mambo had 'several guns' and four somewhat rusty cannons.43 Many of the guns traded from the Portuguese were muzzle-loaders known by the Shona as 'migigw
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Shona people were introduced to firearms early in the 1800s so they were familiar with them.
  • The Ndebele acquired firearms at a much later stage of their history than did the Shon
  • heir neighbours (Kalanga, Lozi) were putting guns to good economic use in the mid-nineteenth century. The ivory trade (and also the trade in cattle) in the Tswana and trans-Limpopo country was especially advantageous to the Ngwato capital, Shoshong, 'the largest, most prosperous and hence best armed town in the interi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ownership of firearms led to good economy and security in the kingdoms.
  • he variety of guns was truly impressive. While muzzle-loaders dominated the Shona collection, the Ndebele possessed mainly breech-loading rifles, mostly Martini-Henry rifles.53 Other rifles found among the Ndebele included Sniders, Enfields, and those manufactured by Reilly, Rigby and Gibbs of Brist
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Africans had access to different varieties of guns.
  • gun society
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      involves the three ways in which the Shona sourced out their guns.
  • They were also able to manufacture gunpowder from local materials, and for ammunition they used almost any missile that the particular
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      in late 1800's the Africans had grown familiar with the weapons and had started producing gun powder to fire the weapons.
  • At the first battle there is evidence that the carrying of heavy firearms hampered the Ndebele in their night attack and there is a suggestion that premature firing gave away their position to the white forces
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the heavy weapons hindered the attacks planned silent of the Ndebele .
  • The use of firearms by the Ndebele in the Matopos was probably an important factor in inducing Rhodes to come to terms with them, terms which were not altogether unfavourable, certainly when seen in the light of settler demands, and of the treatment that was meted out to the Sho
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      they were able to use the guns to their advantage by making certain tribes give in to what they want
  • le, firearms were most effective when used by societies that had little or no formal military s
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      less structured military forces stood a better chance at winning a war because of the not uniformed dispersal they took on at the battle field.
  • frican people who did not fit in with this stereotype were not only considered to be lacking in military virtues and competency, but also to be greatly inferior in social and cultural attainmen
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if a particular kingdom or chiefdom did not own guns, they were seen as inferior and not possessing any power.
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
molapisanekagiso

40060682.pdf - 1 views

Molapisane kagiso 222108177

shared by molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
  • Africans. Partly through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • The Comaroffs' approach offers a good starting point from which to investigate what everyday practice meant, ideologically, with respect to firearms - carrying them, caring for them, storing them, not to mention hunting and fighting with them. It happens that skills with guns and the perceived and real links to political power weapons and skills conferred were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • e much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber m
  • weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber musket could kill an elephant at short range with a well-placed shot, but the larger muskets fired a heavier, more destructive ball, and were made specifically for hunting elephants and other big-game animals.18
  • port complete guns from Britain.19 Hunting guns occupied a special niche in colonial southern African culture. They came to be known affectionately as sanna, a word derived from the Dutch snaphaan (snaphaunce, an early type of flintlock) and were also called roer, a Dutch word for gun derived perhaps from the sound of a gunshot. Their
  • saddle. At first, 44-inch barrels were popular because hunters liked to stop the horse, lean over the saddle, and rest the stock on the ground while loading. But a gun with such a long barrel can be awkward to manipulate on horseback, which is why cavalrymen preferred carbines and pistols. Later, as it became clear that shorter guns could be sufficiently powerful, mounted hunters also came to prefer them. In southern Africa the trigger mechanism was also adapted to riding: many African muskets required a heavy pull on the trigger to prevent accidental discharge during a fall from a horse.22 22. Lategan, 524-25. Tylden
  • Even so, by the 1880s rural settlement was proceeding apace, and game animals were growing scarce. Young Boer men relied less on their guns to earn a living and therefore practiced less. The old percussion-lock muskets and rifles gradually lost their appeal. Though they remained less expensive to own and easier to repair, they also required more skill to use effectively than modern breechloaders. With a large-bore muzzle loader, every shot could be adjusted to the circumstances, but every shot had to count: guns had to be fired at close range, and it took so long to reload that a missed shot could result in the shooter being gored or trampled by the qu
  • molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23
     
    This source is from jstor, the source contains African shooting skills that African people had and the type of guns western people used to train the African people with eighteenth and nineteenth century.
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