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bulelwa

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
    • bulelwa
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits when it comes to the ivory trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade i
    • bulelwa
       
      The word "ancient" means a long time. This suggests that the ivory trade has been in practice in East Africa for a long time.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
    • bulelwa
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits such as having quality when it comes to ivory. Carving means: fashioning an object.
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • But
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that in nineteen century marked a good sharp increase in the ivory trade in East Africa. It may suggest that people started to be involved in the ivory trade if they were not involved.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • bulelwa
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock One that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • ncreased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and
    • bulelwa
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock one that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • neteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, ev
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that East Africa was the best than other places in Africa that were competing with them when it came to the ivory trade.
  • ntil the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in suf
  • Until the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet demand,
    • bulelwa
       
      key event. This event marked an increase in the amount of ivory being obtained to meet people who demanded it.
  • rade was lucrative,
    • bulelwa
       
      Defination producing a great deal of profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en masse.
    • bulelwa
       
      Paraphrased to understand it The nineteenth-century onslaught on the interior of East Africa's ivory valuables took the form of a two-way
  • den may do it in four months.' The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • bulelwa
       
      These are the places where most of the time ivory trade took place.
  • Cameron, arriving here in i874, speaks of the 'special ornaments' here of 'beautifully white and wonderfully polished hippopotamus ivory'. These ivory carvings at Ujiji were exceptional
    • bulelwa
       
      This means that ivory was used to make nice products that are aesthetic.
  • The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
    • bulelwa
       
      I am confused why is the article talking about the popular measurement of cloth instead of dealing with the ivory trade? .
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The d
    • bulelwa
       
      This idea is repeated, it allude that it was important to have soft ivory rather than hard because white ivory made more profit in sale.
  • vory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Har
    • bulelwa
       
      The reader gets the image of how hard ivory looks.
  • ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • is
    • bulelwa
       
      I get an image of how white ivory looks like
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 Small
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that there were different types of sizes tusks that were used for ivory. The small tusks allude that these rhinos or elephants were killed at a young age.
  • d. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives rarely. Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
    • bulelwa
       
      This is animal abuse how can they use such This is animal abuse how can they use such dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct. How can they use dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qua
    • bulelwa
       
      These where two ways to calculate the worth of ivory.
  • ding. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth ce
    • bulelwa
       
      Nothing had a stable price like ivory in nineteenth, which means other products had increase and decrease over the price these times.
  • enya to trade for ivory. The original plans for an East African railway were based on the assumption that the haulage of ivory would be a valuable source of revenue.3
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that East Africa first planned that Ivory will be their source of income.
  • '. The shooting of cow elephants was prohibited, and all ivory below io lb. weight (raised to 30 lb. in I905) was liable to confiscation. Demarcation of reserves also followed.
    • bulelwa
       
      This is good because if they give elephants a chance to grow they will be able to reproduce and maintain the population. Order to prevent elephants from being extinct.
  • a.40 Instances of infringement of the game laws and trading in illicit ivory continued to come before the courts throughout the earlier twentieth cen
    • bulelwa
       
      This means that in the late 19th century not much illegal ivory trade were reported.
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obt
    • bulelwa
       
      Why is that so? was it because no one cared to calculate or there a many numbers of exports?
  • Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
    • bulelwa
       
      This is is sad ,many animals killed for their horns.
  • SUMMARY The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and E
  •  
    This is a source from the J store it talks about ivory in the nineteenth century. There is a link below that proves I was able to get it on the UJ database. I could not annotate my PDF straight from the J store due to technical difficulties not because I do not know how to annotate from the J store. My tutor said I should add a link to my source. This is my link below https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/179483.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Afb9e9b59532f72e2bb9a12ae108a610a&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=
mbalenhle2003

Slavery and the slave trade as international issues 1890 1939.pdf - 1 views

  • chapter
  • discusses the international anti-slavery campaign between 1890 and 1939. The slavery issue was used by the colonial powers during the partition of Africa to further their own ends, but, once their rule was established, they took only minimal action to end the institution and sometimes even supported it. The three slavery committees of the League of Nations were established not because of any increased anti-slavery zeal on the part of the colonial rulers, but in order to deflect persistent humanitarian calls for action. They nevertheless set standards for the treatment of labour and projected a number of social questions into the international
  • arena
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • 1919 Slavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations. 1 As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as anti
  • became
  • lavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • slavery measures. Thus, the 'crusade' could often be used to further other interests - a fact not lost on rival powers. The spearhead of the anti-slavery movement was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.A middle-class and largely Quaker organization, it wielded an influence out of proportion to its tiny membership and minuscule budget because of its close links with members of both Houses of Parliament, with government officials and missionary societies, and its ability to mount impressive propaganda campaigns. By the 1870s the Atlantic slave traffic was a thing of the past. The trade, however, still flourished in Africa and there was an active export traffic to the Muslim world. Attention was forcefully drawn to this by European traders and missionaries penetrating ever further into the interior as the European colonial powers began to partition the coast in the 1880s. Africans took up arms against the intruders and by 1888 the French Cardinal Lavigerie found his missions on the Great Lakes under attack. In response, he launched an anti-slavery 'crusade' of his own, with papal blessing, calling for volunteers to combat this scourge in the heart of Africa.
  • 19 The British, anxious to retain their leadership of the anti-slavery movement and worried at the prospect of unofficial crusaders rampaging around Africa, persuaded Leopold II of Belgium, ruler of the Congo Independent State, to invite the leading maritime and colonial powers, together with the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Zanzibar, to Brussels to discuss concerted action against the export of slaves from Africa. The colonial powers, led by the wily king, proceeded to negotiate a treaty against the African slave trade on land, as well as at sea, and carefully designed it to serve their territorial and commercial ambitions. The Brussels Act of 1890 was a humanitarian instrument in so far as it reaffirmed that 'native welfare' was an international responsibility; and bound signatories to prevent slave raiding and trading, to repatriate or resettle freed and fugitive slaves, and to cut off the free flow of arms to the slaving areas. 4 But it had important practical advantages for the colonial rulers. By binding them to end the trade in slaves and arms, it not only dealt a blow to African resistance, but was an attempt to prevent unscrupulous colonial administrations from attracting trade to their territories by allowing commerce in these lucrative products. By stating that the best means of attacking the traffic was to establish colonial administrations in the interior of Africa, to protect missionaries and trading companies, and even to initiate Africans into agricultural and industrial labour, it put an anti-slavery guise on the colonial occupation and exploitation of Africa
  • Realities Most notably, the Brussels Act did not bind signatories to suppress slavery. None of the colonial powers was prepared to commit itself to this, although they all believed that it should be ended, and they all knew that as long as there was a market for slaves the traffic would continue. British experience with abolition had not been happy. In plantation colonies, freed slaves, instead of becoming more productive wage labourers, had where possible, opted to work for themselves as artisans or in other occupations, or to become subsistence farmers. Production had declined. In the tiny British footholds on the West Coast of Africa fear of losing their slaves threatened to drive away the native merchants upon whom the colonies depended, while in South Africa abolition had been a factor in promoting the Boer exodus known as the Great Trek. In their Indian empire, however, the British devised a form of emancipation which minimized these dangers and provided a model to be used in Africa as new territories were acquired. 5 They merely declared that slavery no longer had any legal status. This meant that no claims could be countenanced in court on the basis of slavery, hence slaves who wished to leave might do so. But slave holding was still legal, and slaves were not actually freed. This model of abolition was ideal for the government. It was cheap - no compensation needed to be paid to owners. The impact could be delayed by not informing the slaves of their rights. There was thus no large scale sudden departure and very little disruption of the economy or alienation of masters. The humanitarians, also disappointed with the results of outright abolition in the colonies, were willing to accept this solution because slavery in India was considered 'benign' - that is less cruel than its counterpart in the Americas — and slaves would not be suddenly freed without means of support. This, therefore, became the model of abolition used in most of British Africa. 6 As the empire expanded colonies, in which slavery had to be outlawed, were kept to a minimum and new annexations became 'protectorates' in which full colonial administrations did not have to be introduced, and 'native' customs including slavery could continue even if it had lost its legal status. Other powers found similar legal subterfuges to avoid freeing slaves, or 'they outlawed slavery but then did not enforce their laws. 7 As the scramble for Africa gained momentum none of the colonial rulers had the resources to risk alienating slave-owning elites, upon whose cooperation they often depended, or disrupting the economies of their nascent dependencies. They justified their failure to attack slavery by claiming that African slavery was also benign, and that once robbed of its cruellest features - slave raiding, kidnapping, and trading
lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  •  
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  •  
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
maureennompumelelo1

Recent explorations in the territories of the African Lakes Company.pdf - 5 views

shared by maureennompumelelo1 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • I know that this and other longitudes were determined chronometrically, and are depended upon Blantyre being in long. 34 ° 56' 30" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Longitudes which are imaginary lines dividing the earth and measuring the distance. These lines are measured in degrees, minutes and seconds. The explorers dictated many longitudes in a chronometric way which is the art of measuring time accurately.
  • O'Neill's most careful observations at Blantyre have shifted that place 7' 24" to the east (to 35 ° 3' 54" E.), all Mr. Stewart's chronometric observa- tions have to be shifted to the same extent, and hence I have not hesitated in placing Karonga in long. 33 ° 57' 24" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The explorers had the ability to modify all the longitudes of places since they were the ones who came up with them.
  • 2. A sketch of the road from Tanganyika to Nyassa, June 17 to July 12, 1884, by Mr. E. C. Here. Mr. Here spent 96½ hours on the march, and estimates the distance at 268 English miles. He gives no bearings. 3. MS. notes on the route from Lake Nyassa to the Tanganyika, by Mr. Fred. Moir. Total distance, 231 miles. 4. Lieut. Wissmann's map of his route from Lake Tanganyika to Lake Nyassa, May 12 to June 1, 1887. Scale, 1:927,554. Distance, as measured on the map, 260 English miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This shows that the distance measured by the three different explorers between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyassa is not equal because each explorer measured the distance as per the hours they spent on the journey and on the route they took.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Not a single observation for latitude appears to have been made between Kirenji and the Tanganyika, although this country has been traversed very many times by European travellers.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although many travelers from Europe had crossed Africa, but neither of them has determined the latitude between Kirenji and Tanganyika. Latitude-this is the angular distance of a place , north or south of the earth's equator and is usually measured in degrees and minutes. Unlike the longitudes, it does not include the seconds in its measurements.
  • , has been laid down from a rough Ms. map prepared by the traveller. Mr. Moir, in a note written on the face of his map in 1883, states that Mom- bera's is laid down from actual observations made at that place in let. 11 ° 37' S., and 30 ° 50' 30" E. ; that Mr. Stewart and himself subse- quently took lunars at the place, the result agreeing within a few miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The longitude and latitude measures of Loangwa valley were determined by Mr. Moir and Mr. Steward by t5he moon's revolution in the year 1879. Lunars-of relating to, or resembling the moon.
  • at night, on the 19th, they camped close to Kambomba's town, which lies at the foot of the hills, immediately to the west of Mount Parasinga. There are between four and five hundred huts, and many sheep, but n~> cattle, as the tsetse abounds in the Loangwa valley.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The travelers discovered that in this area there were many people residing but they all kept sheep and no cattle since there were tsetse insects in the area. This might have been that the cattle had died after being bitten by the tsetse tsetse insects because they are the most prone animals to this parasites. Tsetse-this is a large biting fly found normally in the tropical Africa. They feed on the vertebrates blood and their role is to transmit diseases.
  • On the 15th the road led through a level country and past severn} villages, the inhabitants of which were armed with bows and poisoned arrows.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This landmark explained above, led the travelers to a village of hunters who used bows and poisoned arrows as their hunting tools.
  • "pelele,"
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is a labret dummy worn in the upper lip by some native tribes in Africa.
  • Most of the villages are inhabited by Basenga. It then climbed the hills to the village of the chief Chifungwi, a little thin man,
  • wana Hill, where Arabs trading in slaves and ivory, have a station, lies within this district.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      People who lived in Bwana Hill traded slaves and ivory.
  • with a small head, who wore anklets and Bracelets of brass-wire and beads. His people are Wasingwa, but Mangamba and other villages belonging to him are inhabited by fugitives from Unyika, who fled from the dreaded Merere.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Still within the journey, the two travelers came across a chief headed village which included villagers who had fled from their origin villages fearing Merere.
  • Mombera to Kambomba, 27 h. 6 rain. 76"06 miles. Kambomba to Kirenji,. 41 ,, 22 ,, 112'59 ,, Kirenji to Karonga, 18 ,, 14 ,, 54"17 ,,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      is is the time spent by the travelers on their journey from Mombera to Karonga.
  • The western shore of Lake Iqyassa is partly based upon information collected by Mr. Donald Munro during a land journey from Bandawe to Karonga (Aug. 18-30, 1884).
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mr. Donald Munro discovered the Western shore of Lake Nyassa when he was travelling from Bandawe to Karonga.
  • The Luweya forms a small delta, enclosing two swampy islands, fringed along its lake shore by sand-banks about 600 feet wide, which are thickly covered with native huts, Ngombo's people occupying the southern, and Makambiro the northern island. The southern arm of the river (Lnweya-mufwa) leaves the main stream about 2 miles from the lake; it is 30 yards broad, 3 feet deep, and has a slow current. The dimensions of the main branch are similar, but its current is stronger. The northern arm (Chintechi) resembles a swamp rather than a river. The people who crowd the delta live in daily dread of the Mangone, against whom the swamps afford a certain measure of security. Their exhalations, on the other hand, are a source of much disease, and the many recently covered graves in the villages afford evidence of this.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      In this paragraph the measurements of the Luweya River in Malawi are stipulated and how people surrounding this area lived in fear of the Mongone disease.
  • The three rocky islands (" Chirwa," Chirupumbu, and another) in a broad bay to the north are crowded with huts, some of them upon piles. The adjoining mainland has a poor soil, notwithstanding which cassava i.~ cultivated, and food appears to be plentiful.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      These three specified islands mainly consists of rocks and their lands are mostly covered in huts and their soil does not have much nutrients to support plant growth but yet the cassava plant was grown there and many other food plants. Cassava-this is a nutty-flavored starchy, root vegetable used for tiredness, dehydration in people with diarrhea, sepsis, and to induce labor.
  • Leaving this bay, Mr. Munro climbed over steep hills, rising to a height of 1500 feet, and then returned to the lake, which he reached near a small bay dubiously called "Magwina" (" crocodile "). Wretched huts of fugitives cling to the hill- sides further to the north.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered the Magwina Lake where there were huts built closely together belonging to the people who had fled from their villages.
  • Patowtow is a beautiful little harbour, extending about half a mile inlaml, and bounded by steep hills. It affords excellent shelter.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Unlike the Magwina Lake huts, in this area Munro witnessed well-maintained houses.
  • Mr. M'Ewan left Bandawe on April 7, 1885, and, having been joined by Mr. Munro, started from Mombera's on April 14. The travellers eneamped on that day at the foot of the Kabo Rock---a mass of granite covering an area of 160 by 80 yards, and rising to a height of 80 feet. Mount Parasinga, a prominent peak, was clearly visible, bearing 269", and during the progress of the journey proved a valuable landmark.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As these two specified travelers were travelling, they came across an important object marking the land boundary.
  • Five miles to
  • e north of it a river of similar dimensions, the Chiwetwi, enters the lake. The country hereabouts is well cultivated by people from the interior, who spend the rainy season until harvest time in temporary dwellings.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mangone natives cultivated the land and lived in informal settlements during the rainy season until the harvesting period.
  • Ruali, the first village of Uchungu, stands upon the lake shore. Its houses and inhabitants contrast very favourably with what is to be seen among the Atonga to the south.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      From all the other shelters the travelers had seen along their journey, Ruali was the only place with even fine houses.
  • Commander Young
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the explorer who discovered the full measurements of Lake Nyassa.
bulelwa

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 1 views

shared by bulelwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ISSN: 0225-5189 (Print) 2158-9100 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcjd20
    • bulelwa
       
      This serves as proof that this document was donwloaded from UJ database.
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
    • bulelwa
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • central
    • bulelwa
       
      I am not interested in this region because Digo research allows me to explore East Africa.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • central Africa Ruth
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tr
  • The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century.
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that during the 19th century in East Africa ,ivory was powerful it had an influence on how much other things valued.
  • By the late 19th century, guns had been widely adopted as the elephant in Late hunter's tool of choice, though older methods were still used as well.
    • bulelwa
       
      This marks a change in how elephants were poached, my Jstore article states that poachers used an axe to extract ivory from elephants, it was in the 19th century we see the use of guns, which id s a fast process to kill elephants.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa arose
    • bulelwa
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade route
    • bulelwa
       
      a new idea that builds from J store. In J store ivory was sold in markets, in this source we are introduced to ivory being traded in local markets.
    • bulelwa
       
      This shows that ivory influenced politics.
  •  
    This is a source from Taylor and Francis. It talks about the participation of East African societies during the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, it shows how ivory was an economic and political activity in East Africa during the nineteenth century. It also shows how the ivory trade led to a decline in the number of elephants in East Africa. This is the PDF version, I experienced technical difficulties when trying to annotate it from the original database. But inside this PDF I annotated evidence to show this document was downloaded from the UJ database.
maureennompumelelo1

Recent explorations in the territories of the African Lakes Company.pdf - 4 views

shared by maureennompumelelo1 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • I know that this and other longitudes were determined chronometrically, and are depended upon Blantyre being in long. 34 ° 56' 30" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Longitudes are the imaginary lines dividing the earth and measuring the distance. These lines are measured in degrees, minutes, and seconds. The explorers dictated many longitudes in a chronometric way which is the art of measuring time accurately.
  • Mr. O'Neill's most careful observations at Blantyre have shifted that place 7' 24" to the east (to 35 ° 3' 54" E.), all Mr. Stewart's chronometric observa- tions have to be shifted to the same extent, and hence I have not hesitated in placing Karonga in long. 33 ° 57' 24" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The explorers had the abilities of modifying all the longitudes of places since they were the ones who came up with their measurements.
  • 2. A sketch of the road from Tanganyika to Nyassa, June 17 to July 12, 1884, by Mr. E. C. Here. Mr. Here spent 96½ hours on the march, and estimates the distance at 268 English miles. He gives no bearings. 3. MS. notes on the route from Lake Nyassa to the Tanganyika, by Mr. Fred. Moir. Total distance, 231 miles. 4. Lieut. Wissmann's map of his route from Lake Tanganyika to Lake Nyassa, May 12 to June 1, 1887. Scale, 1:927,554. Distance, as measured on the map, 260 English miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This shows that the distance measured by the three different explorers between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyassa is not equal because each explorer measured the distance as per the hours they spent on the journey and on the routes they took.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Not a single observation for latitude appears to have been made between Kirenji and the Tanganyika, although this country has been traversed very many times by European travellers.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although many travelers from Europe crossed Africa, but neither of them has determined the latitude between Kirenji and Tanganyika.
  • latitude
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the angular distance of a place, north or south of the earth's equator and its usually measured in degrees and minutes. Unlike the longitudes, latitudes do not include the seconds in their measurements.
  • Mr. Moir, in a note written on the face of his map in 1883, states that Mom- bera's is laid down from actual observations made at that place in let. 11 ° 37' S., and 30 ° 50' 30" E. ; that Mr. Stewart and himself subse- quently took lunars at the place, the result agreeing within a few miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The longitude and latitude measures of Loangwa valley was determined by Mr. Moir and Mr. Steward by the moon's revolution in the year 1879. Lunars-of relating to, or resembling the moon.
  • with a small head, who wore anklets and Bracelets of brass-wire and beads. His people are Wasingwa, but Mangamba and other villages belonging to him are inhabited by fugitives from Unyika, who fled from the dreaded Merere.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Still travelling, the two travelers came across a chief headed village which included villagers who had fled from their own villages.
  • On the 15th the road led through a level country and past severn} villages, the inhabitants of which were armed with bows and poisoned arrows.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This landmark explained above, led the two travelers in a village of hunters who used bows and poisoned arrows as their hunting tools.
  • "pelele,"
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is a labret dummy worn in the upper lip by some native tribes in Afruica.
  • at night, on the 19th, they camped close to Kambomba's town, which lies at the foot of the hills, immediately to the west of Mount Parasinga. There are between four and five hundred huts, and many sheep, but n~> cattle, as the tsetse abounds in the Loangwa valley.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As the travelers were camping nearby Kambomba's town they discovered that in this area there were many people who resided there, but they all kept sheep and no cattle since there were tsetse insects in the area. This might have been that the cattle had all died from the tsetse insect bites because they are the most prone animals to these parasites. tsetse-this is a large bittng fly found mostly in the tropical Africa. They feed on the vertebrates blood and their role is to transmit diseases.
  • It then climbed the hills to the village of the chief Chifungwi, a little thin man,
  • Mr. M'Ewan left Bandawe on April 7, 1885, and, having been joined by Mr. Munro, started from Mombera's on April 14. The travellers eneamped on that day at the foot of the Kabo Rock---a mass of granite covering an area of 160 by 80 yards, and rising to a height of 80 feet. Mount Parasinga, a prominent peak, was clearly visible, bearing 269", and during the progress of the journey proved a valuable landmark.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As these two specified travelers were travelling, they came across an important object marking the land boundary.
  • Mombera to Kambomba, 27 h. 6 rain. 76"06 miles. Kambomba to Kirenji,. 41 ,, 22 ,, 112'59 ,, Kirenji to Karonga, 18 ,, 14 ,, 54"17 ,,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the time spent by the travelers on their journey from Mombera to Karonga.
  • The western shore of Lake Iqyassa is partly based upon information collected by Mr. Donald Munro during a land journey from Bandawe to Karonga (Aug. 18-30, 1884).
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mr. Donald Munro discovered the western shore of Lake Nyassa when he was travelling from Bandawe to Karonga.
  • The Luweya forms a small delta, enclosing two swampy islands, fringed along its lake shore by sand-banks about 600 feet wide, which are thickly covered with native huts, Ngombo's people occupying the southern, and Makambiro the northern island. The southern arm of the river (Lnweya-mufwa) leaves the main stream about 2 miles from the lake; it is 30 yards broad, 3 feet deep, and has a slow current. The dimensions of the main branch are similar, but its current is stronger. The northern arm (Chintechi) resembles a swamp rather than a river. The people who crowd the delta live in daily dread of the Mangone, against whom the swamps afford a certain measure of security. Their exhalations, on the other hand, are a source of much disease, and the many recently covered graves in the villages afford evidence of this.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      In this paragraph the measurements of the Luweya River are stipulated and it also explains how the people surrounding this area lived in fear of the Mangone disease.
  • The three rocky islands (" Chirwa," Chirupumbu, and another) in a broad bay to the north are crowded with huts, some of them upon piles. The adjoining mainland has a poor soil, notwithstanding which cassava i.~ cultivated, and food appears to be plentiful.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      These three specified islands mainly consists of rocks and their land is mostly covered in huts and their soil does not have much nutrients to support plant growth, but yet the cassava plant is grown there and many other plants used as food. cassava plant-this is a nutty-flavored starchy , root vegetable used for tiredness, dehydration in people with diarrhea, sepsis, and to induce labor.
  • Leaving this bay, Mr. Munro climbed over steep hills, rising to a height of 1500 feet, and then returned to the lake, which he reached near a small bay dubiously called "Magwina" (" crocodile "). Wretched huts of fugitives cling to the hill- sides further to the north.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered the Magwina Lake where there were huts built closely together belonging to people who had fled from their places.
  • Patowtow is a beautiful little harbour, extending about half a mile inlaml, and bounded by steep hills. It affords excellent shelter.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Unlike the Magwina Lake huts, in this area Munro witnessed well-maintained houses.
  • Bwana Hill, where Arabs trading in slaves and ivory,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered that in the Bwana Hill they had a slave and ivory trade.
  • The country hereabouts is well cultivated by people from the interior, who spend the rainy season until harvest time in temporary dwellings.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mangone natives cultivated the land and lived in informal settlements during the rainy season until the harvesting period.
  • Ruali, the first village of Uchungu, stands upon the lake shore. Its houses and inhabitants contrast very favourably with what is to be seen among the Atonga to the south.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      From all the other shelters from the travelers journey, Ruali was the only place with even fine houses.
  • Commander Young
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the explorer who discovered the full measurements of Lake Nyassa.
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
nsndzimande

September 1874 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

  • Sir Bartle Frere having accomplished the grand work of abolishing slavery
    • nsndzimande
       
      Once again this proves that David Livingstone was a noble man and he despised slavery, probably because it went against everything he believed in as a religious man.
  • Dr. Livingstone
    • nsndzimande
       
      Dr Livingstone was a physician, a Christian missionary, and a well known explorer of Africa. He spent 3 decades exploring the African continent, and in the 1950s he became known as the first European to cross the African continent. He is also known for his discovery of the Victoria falls. Despite the history of Africans and Europeans, Dr Livingstone strongly believed that Africa had a good chance of being progressive.
  • Manyema,
    • nsndzimande
       
      The Manyema tribe originated from the place referred to in the modern day as eastern Congo and they were feared by many because of how powerful and warring they were. The way Livingstone describes this tribe shows how intimidated he was and this further demonstrates how his mission was not to destroy the Africans.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Lord Stanley
    • nsndzimande
       
      Henry Marton Stanley is well known for locating Dr Livingstone during his voyage in Africa.
  • Ujijian traders carrying 18,000 lbs. weight of ivory, bought in this new field for a mere trifle, in thick copper bracelets and beads
    • nsndzimande
       
      During this century guns were a form of currency and they were also a measure of economic standard. Africa has always been known for its richness in resources, therefore they would trade their resources, such as ivory as mentioned above, and in return they would receive guns.
  • Garden of Eden, in the Book of Genesis.
    • nsndzimande
       
      A reference to the Bible is made which relates to Christianity, one of the mains reasons why he came to Africa.
  • Sultan of Zanzibar.
    • nsndzimande
       
      A sultan is a Muslim supreme ruler/ monarch.
  • Ujiji
    • nsndzimande
       
      This is a historic town land it is the oldest town located in Western Tanzania. This is the town where David Livingstone and Henry Marton Stanley met and amemorial was constructed to honour that event.
  • r ictoria Falls
    • nsndzimande
       
      He is known as the first person to discover the Victoria falls.
  • My reasons for the opinion that it is the river of Egypt are the great length of the watershed, which certainly is that of South-Central Africa. It stretches from west to east, a vast elevated bar, across at least two-thirds of the entire continent, while I observed the sources of the Congo arising from a comÂĴ paratively short piece of it, which it shared with the Zambezi on its south. In the same journey that I travelled across the sources of the Congo and Zambezi,
    • nsndzimande
       
      This proves that he actually crossed the African continent as he seemed very knowledgeable about it. He was indeed the greatest African explorer.
  • cannibals
    • nsndzimande
       
      They attained this label beause of their brutality and because they were literal eaters of flesh.
  • Africans are not unreasonable, though smarting under wrongs, if you can fairly make them understand your claim to innocence and do not appear as having your " back up."
    • nsndzimande
       
      This shows how David Livingstone saw Africans as normal people, he did not belittle them or view them in a dehumanising manner.
  • Two English guns in the box are surely not too much for his virtue.
    • nsndzimande
       
      This shows how valuable guns were during this age, they were a high currency. Explorers traded resources which were they had in abundance in their ethnic countries, these were traded to obtain resources they wanted. This was a barter trade of some sort.
  • Arabs
    • nsndzimande
       
      They resided along the coast of Tanzania.
  • Sir Bartle Freie
    • nsndzimande
       
      He was the imperial administrator of Zanzibar meaning he worked for the British colony. David Livingstone may have been "different" from other Europeans in terms of how they viewed Africa and her people, but that did not strip his European "benefits" away.
  • Nile valley,
    • nsndzimande
       
      The Nile is known as the longest river in Africa. It is called the father of African rivers.
  • I. too, have shed light of another kind, and am fain to believe that I have performed a small part in the grand revolution which our Maker has been for ages carrying on, by multitudes of conscious, and many unconscious, agents, all over the world.
    • nsndzimande
       
      He believed that his objective for travellin/ exploring was in progress and he had achieved a good portion of it.
  • The women here were particularly outspoken in asserting our identity with the cruel strangers. On calling to one vociferous lady who gave me the head trader's name, just to look if he and I were of the same colour, she replied with a bitter little laugh, "Then you must be his father."
    • nsndzimande
       
      Europeans were known by the Africans mostly for all the wrong reasons, they were known as the oppressors. David Livingstone was rather different to the description of Europeans, but this must have been hard for Africans to believe because of the suffering they had endured at the hands of the Europeans. The comparison of Livingstone to the head trader is a demonstration of how the Africans saw all Europeans, as the presecutors.
  • and I had a sore longing to finish my work and retire.
    • nsndzimande
       
      Livingstone came to Africa to as a missionary, he was teaching about Christianity. He faced a number of challenges during his time of work, but he pesevered.
  • Bambarre
    • nsndzimande
       
      In the modern time, this place is well known for the letter written by Dr Livingstone when he was there.
  • This 1 name after good Lord Palmerston. Near it rises the Lunga, which farther down is called Luenge, and still further off Kafue or Kafuje, I would name it Oswell's fountain.
    • nsndzimande
       
      The fountains obtained names with religious meaning behind them which proves that he was a man of religion and he was there to teach about Christianity. Palmerston can be translated to pilgrim, which is defined as an individual who voyages to a place of sacredness for religious purpose. When directly translated Oswell means God's power. During his journey he witnessed might have witnessed God's power through the beauty of nature all around him.
  • an irritable eating ulcer fastened on each foot, and laid me up for five months.
    • nsndzimande
       
      These are some of the challenges he faced as a missionary and explorer in Africa. The way he sympathises with the slaves represents how he felt about slavery, it was inhumane.
xsmaa246

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Afric
    • xsmaa246
       
      in this article, I will focus on firearms (guns ) in Southern Africa specifically in South Africa.
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us when guns were introduced in South Africa, it also tells us that it was introduced because the Dutch East India Company wanted the European settlers to obtain the firearms so that they serve as civilian soldiers ( this is what militia means, its civilians being trained as soldiers)
  • itia. The European farmers (called Boers) who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior distributed guns to Africans, in spite of company regulations fo
  • ...14 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain se
    • xsmaa246
       
      the reason why africans took firearms was for security and to hunt.
  • s. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Africans as skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Africans as racially infe
    • xsmaa246
       
      seems that even though the british thought lowly of africans they started to see them as skilled and armed because of their possession of firearms.
  • pean settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military adva
    • xsmaa246
       
      even though this does not relate to firearms in south africa , this is highlighted because it tells us that when guns are introduced to natives it seems that natives adapt fast to using firearms and use them on nature first, just like earlier when it was said guns were used to catch game then it was used as a means for security.
  • There is only one place to find a scholarly discussion of shooting skills in southern Africa: a special issue of the Journal of African History, published in 1971, on the social history of firearms. The contributors greatly advanced our knowledge of firearms in southern Africa, but they arrived at some unexamined and contradictory conclusions about skill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a w
    • xsmaa246
       
      although this speaks about findings that were published in 1971 does not mean that the information collected was not before 1890 this simply is talking about how skillful could the south african natives be with firearms.
  • redcoat deserter
    • xsmaa246
       
      British soldiers who deserted their posts.
  • both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction fr
  • To load a muzzle-loading flintlock, the gunner measured out a quantity of coarse black powder (or opened a premeasured charge) and poured it down the barrel. Next he placed the ball on a patch (typically made of something like linen) and pushed it down the barrel with the ramrod to rest on top of the powder. He then primed the lock by placing a pinch of powder in the pan, cocked the hammer, aimed, and pulled the trigger. It was a slow (thirty seconds even for a reasonably skilled gunner) and awkward procedure, which left soldiers exposed to enemy fire. Flintlock muskets were vulnerable to wet weather as well. To further complicate matters, fouling of the barrel caused by the black powder, which does not burn cleanly, made the weapon progressively more difficult to load during a battle or other prolonged use. To compensate, soldiers often loaded with balls that were smaller than the caliber (diameter of the barrel) nominally used by the weapon. See Malone (n. 3 above), 31-35, for rich descriptions and illustrations of matchlock and flintlock muskets.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is a description of the guns that were used in south africa at the time. the flintlock muskets
  • ents. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloaders.13
  • 1. In a percussion lock, a percussion cap containing fulminate is placed over a nipple on top of the touchhole; the hammer strikes the cap, which explodes and ignites the charge in the barrel. This is a much more reliable ignition system, especially in damp weather, and it allows a weapon to be more quickly loaded, takes less skill, and entails fewer risks than the flintlock. By the 1850s most armies had switched to the percussion loc
  • areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunition.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an excellent take on firearms by south Africans as they used these guns to hunt and find food and in turn, this helped them trade what they hunted for other things. so this tells us that is how Southerners used the guns. also this passage tells us that many Africans worked for European traders who gave them guns.
  • 5. While Burchell was living among the Tlhaping, a man offered eight oxen in exchange for one gun, which seemed a high price until one considered the gun's usefulness for hunting. Guns remained relatively rare in this part of southern Africa until the 1850s. By the 1870s they were widespread, thanks in part to the availability of wage labor at the nearby Kimberley diamond mines. There, an old (but still powerful) rifled percussion musket could be bought for four pounds sterling, the equivalent of three months' wages, while a modern breechloader might cost twenty-five pound
    • xsmaa246
       
      this shows how guns were traded.
  • The relationship of hunting skills and marksmanship to the political, economic, and ecological transformation of southern Africa can only be understood fully when we consider the ways in which guns were adapted to the local environme
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is saying that the use of guns changed in different environments.
  • hybrids. The sheer size of African game animals, especially the much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of
    • xsmaa246
       
      they used bigger guns or military type guns to hunt for bigger game
  • . It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • xsmaa246
       
      the british and the boers think that they should disarm africans of their guns as they want to be the only ones in control of guns. as they think africans are dangerous.
tshehla222227980

Blog Article: The History of Slavery in Zanzibar. - 1 views

  • But do you know that the slave market in Zanzibar island was the last legally operating slave market in the world?
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is the main thesis of the entire data collection. "The slave trade center in Zanzibar".
  • Because of its specific position in the Indian Ocean, the history of Zanzibar was very turbulent.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Very turbulent in a manner that a lot of activities occurred due to the coastal region that encouraged harbors which were essential particularly during slave trading.
  • Zanzibar was a part of the Portuguese Empire for almost two centuries.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Portuguese traded slaves also forcefully while exploiting Zanzibar as it had zero power over Portugal because when Portugal arrived in Zanzibar, they established their dominance and held all the power over the island
  • ...11 more annotations...
  • Together with the ivory, clove and spice trade, the slave trade was very important for the economy. Zanzibar had a central role in trade routes into the interior of Africa. And the new city on the Swahili coast was born: Zanzibar city or Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is generally my argument. Although they were also trading ivory, clove and spice trade, i feel like they just used the other raw materials to tone down the shame of being rich through this inhumane act of enslavement. I am arguing this because slavery was generally profiting them more than all the other products combined, so they could have dropped them and focused only on slavery but they just kept them in the picture so that there is good in the worst they did to native Africans
  • The late 18th and early 19th centuries was a period of rapid expansion of the slave trade
    • tshehla222227980
       
      What impact did this have at Zanzibar? -This increased their gross domestic product. -Commercially, slavery/ slave trade markets yielded the region [Zanzibar] more profit.
  • Unguja (Zanzibar) was a perfect place and port for traders voyaging between the African Great Lakes, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Indian southern region.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Briefly, the reason Zanzibar was the perfect place and port was because it was located in a geographical area where boats may access it for exports such as slaves which consequently increased Zanzibar's wealth due to being the trade focus of the region.
  • The streets in Zanzibar were full of slaves, accounting for more than two-thirds of the population. People were taken from a vast area, extending south of Lake Nyasa (now Malawi), west of Lake Tanganyika (now DR Congo), and north of Lake Victoria (now Uganda), to the Stone Town open slave markets. Today, this area includes countries such as Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, Ruanda, Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, and  Mozambique. However, people from Zanzibar were free and not slaves.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Also, i feel like the people from Zanzibar were at the mercy of the traders because the trade market was in their region hence they were not the first priority of enslavement. This is just an arguable point, someone might say otherwise.
  • The captives were from different cultures and language groups, and usually, the whole families were taken to slavery. Some of them were skilled craftsmen and women, musicians, ironworkers, and farmers. They lived in settled communities and engaged in hunting, fishing, and gathering firewood.  
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This is really an important point, this exudes that they people were being exploited. Their skills, hard labor was taken without they concern. Forcefully migrating them to foreign countries were they are forced into hard labor without being paid. Therefore, it may be said that the Zanzibar market costed the Eastern Africa its skills and labor that could have being used to develop that portion of Africa.
  • Many of them also had armed guards
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Harsh measures were implemented to force the natives into slavery. They had to be suppressed under traumatic experiences such as usage of guns to force them to journey to the Zanzibar market where they would be traded like they were property.,
  • They travelled for days, sometimes for weeks, with minimum food and water. Some people died of exhaustion, disease or malnourishment.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      These are some, if not the least, challenges that the slaves had to endure during the journey to the slave market. Having to endure the extreme temperatures also.
  • Many of them did not survive the journey to Zanzibar island.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      It may be assumes that a majority of them did not survive the journey because of the traumatic experience that their body could not absorb all at once.
  • After captives arrived in Zanzibar, the slave traders imprisoned them in underground chambers. It was a test. If they lived for more than three days, they would be sold on the market at Mkunazini, in Stone Town.
    • tshehla222227980
       
      Not only was their journey tough, however, extreme measures such as those mentioned in the article were put forth to test the natives' survival. This are some of the painful experiences that reading about slavery unfolds.
  • The slaves were stripped completely naked and cleaned
    • tshehla222227980
       
      This suggest that their dignity was stripped of and their originality was washed away so they they may be sold as slaves. This to me means more that just stripping them naked and being washed away, it was so much symbolic that literal.
  • But there is something more. The slaves were tied to a tree and whipped with stinging branches. It was a demonstration of their strength. Those who didn’t cry or scream during the whipping got a higher price at the market. Terrible isn’t itâ€Ĥ?
    • tshehla222227980
       
      I am actually sad that I got to read this, but personally, I feel like my skin is a map that illustrates were I come from as a descendant of the slaves who were traded. This is a very emotional and a traumatic experience.
sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
nmapumulo

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 18 views

  • This paper identifies problematic elements in the literature on the ivory trade during the late 19th century and proposes an alternate approach that draws on insights from economic anthropology and history.
  • his focus provides a different perspective on participation in the ivory trade. What follows is an outline of the issues that could be addressed by a broader social history of the ivory trade in late 19th-century East-Central Africa and, based on my research on the Eastern Congo, some of the transformations associated Trade and with the ivory trade in this period
    • ntsebengntela
       
      ivory in congo, where the ivory task was formed
    • ntsebengntela
       
      the problematic elemente on the ivory trade
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Whatever effect these changes had on how men organized themselves socially and politically in relation to the hunt, it and the related activities of caravan trading and porterage had a distinct effect simply through the number of men they drew out of the pool of labour available for work in the community (Alpers, 1992, p. 356). Trade, which caused this problem, also supplied its solution: more slave labour purchased with the wealth generated by trade. This labour was not only applied to subsistence and domestic main- tenance left: 133.5
  • time
  • Led by Henry M. Stanley, this expedition crossed Africa, Canadian Journal from the Congo River via Lake Albert and Lake Victoria to Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • siyabonga_14
       
      We can see from this document together with other documents i have posted that the trade of Ivory took part mostly in Zanzibar and parts of Congo. This shows that these were the hotspots of the Ivory trade.
  • Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • bulelwa
       
      Zanzibar is part of East Africa and the date corresponds with my research time frame.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa
    • bulelwa
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa.
  • Trade and Transformation: Tarticipation in the lvory Trade in Late 19th-Century East
    • bulelwa
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • he first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. Tusks had and have important functions for elephants. They are used in feeding, in marking territory, as both offensive and defensive weapons, and as markers of status (Shoshani, 1992, p. 48). The questions for further study arising here relate to the ways in which hunting by humans affected elephant populations. To what extent were their physical reproduction and collective behaviour affected as they were reduced in numbers left: 263.997px; top: 561.245px; fon
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and left: 217.561px; top: 925.436px; font-size: 18.5417px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX
    • mphomaganya
       
      the trade in ivory was not going to be a success without the elephants, in fact, it would not have lasted for a long time if elephants stopped reproducing and became extinct. Elephants played a significant in making areas that were covered in wood to be covered in grass allowing for human beings to harvest and live in those areas,the poaching led to a disturbance in the system of ecology
    • mphomaganya
       
      Ivory was viewed as an item that made one rich and powerful, it was associated with royalty thus the term regalia was used. They viewed it as an item that can remove one from one disadvantaged social class to a wealthy class.
  •  
    This article identifies problematic elements in the ivory trade during the late 19th century. African and external, participated in the ivory trade. This participation grew out of differing beliefs about the power of trade to bring about economic, social and political change. Late 19th century British debates about trade with Africa had no direct counterpart in the African communities involved in the ivory trade, the changing nature and meaning of trade and trade goods produced a variety of contending political, social and economic options. the interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th century thinking about the trade and its effects on Africa. the first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. elephants played an important ecological role in the transformation of wooded areas into grassland, affecting a wide variety of species. it was also important to the hunters. it contributed to their livelihood, largely through exchange value, but in some parties of East central Africa it was also employed in terms of hunters or their families.
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
Zimasa Mabude

AONHGE365691663.pdf - 2 views

shared by Zimasa Mabude on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      I think this means a Turkish vice ruler who happens to rule in Egypt.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This basically means a Muslim Sovereign.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      So he has his own agenda?
  • ...20 more annotations...
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      So he is saying that if they want to stop slavery, they should also not exclude the Egyptian territory.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      North Africa
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      so this means they haven't yet explored the east African side
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      sounds like he is giving his opinion on how they are going about constructing trade roads and whether or not the way they are doing it is the best way to do it
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      subsist means to support
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      He is basically giving his opinion on the whole slave trade scheme.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      He is basically giving his opinion on the whole slave trade scheme.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      This was a British judge and diplomat.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      The Earl of Derby during this time was Edward Henry Stanley, the 15th Earl of Derby
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      The Earl of Derby during this time was Edward Henry Stanley, the 15th Earl of Derby
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      the Earl of Derby during this time was Edward Henry Stanley, the 15th Earl of Derby
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      He was a Scottish physician and companion to explorer David Livingstone and the British administrator in Zanzibar at that time.
    • Zimasa Mabude
       
      The Earl of Derby at that time, which was just a diplomat and historian and a noble title to hold at that time, was Edward Henry Stanley and he was the 15th Earl of Derby.
andiswamntungwa

The administration of the abolition laws, African responses, and post‐proclam... - 1 views

  • ated. I agree with Dumett and Johnson that abolition laws were erratically administered, 7
  • I reject the suggestion that the initial surge in the use of the courts occurred in the Protectorate." In the Protectorate it was limited to centres of missionary activity. I take issue with the existing literature which argues that slaves usually used the courts in the Colony in their quest for freedom. Even in the Colony, the courts failed to assist freed slaves in adjusting to freedom. This explains their return to forms of bondage and dependency, and not, as others have maintained, the benignity of slavery or the generosity of holders.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Kwabena Opare-Akurang does not agree with the suggestion that the purpose of the courts was a special form of government, which one country recognizes the supremacy of the other. It They were only limited to gospel propagating centers. He is against what the literature says, that slaves could use the courts in the colony to seek freedom. He further argues that the courts failed to offer assistance to slaves that were already free, assistance that was going to help them acclimatize to the idea of freedom. This resulted in them returning back to the state of being slaves and being dependent on the holders. But this did not apply to all the slaves as some were able to regain the ability of being kind and tolerant towards the holders.
  • In the Gold Coast, there was a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and experience throughout the colonial period. 43 As the political structures of the colonial state developed, the onus of implementing the abolition ordinance devolved on the DCs. The DCs court was solely responsible for adjudicating cases of slavery from the late 1870s. 44 It
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Throughout the colonial era, the Gold Coast suffered from a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and expertise. The responsibility for carrying out the abolition decree passed to the DCs as the colonial state's political structures grew. Slavery cases were only heard by the DCs court beginning in the late 1870s.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • The operation of the abolition ordinance was stagnant and erratic until the late 1920s, when pressure from foreign anti-slavery societies led to revisions, making it more viable as an instrument of legal status abolition. First, there was the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928 that strengthened the previous Ordinance. 27 Second, the 'Reafflrmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance, 1930' clearly stated that 'slavery in any form whatsoever was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The abolition ordinance operated in a stagnant and unpredictable manner until the late 1920s, when pressure from overseas anti-slavery organisations resulted in amendments that made it more effective as a tool for legal status abolition.First, the preceding Ordinance was tightened by the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928.Second, the Reaffirmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance of 1930 made it abundantly plain that "slavery in any form was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist."
  • The Ordinance was to apply to the Gold Coast Colony and the 'Protected Territories'. It also stated that henceforth slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be automatically free. 20 Thus Strahan's policy sought modification of servile institutions rather than their elimination. 21
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The Gold Coast Colony and the "Protected Territories" were to be covered by the Ordinance. Furthermore, it stipulated that going forward, slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be granted automatic freedom. Therefore, Strahan's program favored altering servile institutions rather than eliminating them.
  • During the first decade of the twentieth century, the number of European and African administrators increased, and the work of the DCs became purely administrative, devoid of the legal work that had encumbered it in the past. By 1905, there were Detective Branches at Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi, all coastal towns. Accra had the highest number of detectives with the most superior ranks. This is perhaps reflected on the statistics for crime for 1905, which recorded four slave-dealing cases in Accra and one at Cape Coast." Reinforced by additional personnel, provincial courts began to assume responsibility for administering the abolition ordinance. However, this did not bring any marked change in their administration
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The number of European and African administrators expanded throughout the first decade of the 20th century, and the work of the DCs changed from being mostly legal in nature to being entirely administrative. Detective Branches existed in the coastal cities of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi by 1905. The most detectives with the highest ranks were located in Accra. The criminal statistics for 1905, which listed four slave-dealing instances in Accra and one in Cape Coast, may reflect this."With the help of more staff, provincial courts started taking up administration of the abolition ordinance. However, this had no discernible impact on how they conducted business.
  • hus British resources were stretched to the limit in the Gold Coast. Shortage of colonial officials limited the geographical extent of British administration and led to a policy of conciliation towards the Protectorate states, thereby facilitating slavery there. 56 It was also the chief reason that enforcement of abolition laws was confined to the Colony until the early decades of the twentieth century. 57 Until the 1880s, the colonial government tacitly supported the Basel Mission in its struggle to emancipate slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa. 58 Colonial policy was to 'maintain political peace in the country at any price'. 59 There was a similar British policy in the Praso and Voltaic regions. 60 This made it possible for slave-dealers to continue to bring slaves into the Gold Coast from the interior ports of trade well into the early twentieth century." Allowing slavery to thrive in the Protectorate permitted it to survive in the Colony.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      In the Gold Coast, all available British resources were used to the fullest extent. Lack of colonial administrators constrained the British administration's geographic reach and resulted in a policy of accommodation with the Protectorate States, which encouraged slavery there. This was also the main reason that up until the early decades of the 20th century, the Colony was the only place where abolition laws were actually enforced. Up until the 1880s, the Basel Mission's fight to free slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa had implicit assistance from the colonial authorities. The goal of colonial policy in 1958 was to "maintain political peace in the nation at all costs."59In the Praso and Voltaic regions, the British government followed a similar program. This allowed slave traders to continue transporting captives from inland ports of commerce into the Gold Coast long into the early 20th century.
  • One major gap in the historiography is how Africans responded to the ordinance and its impact on the effectiveness of the abolition. Indeed, Africans responded ingeniously to the operation of the abolition ordinance. Slave-holders and dealers adopted innovative measures to counter the abolition ordinance, hence making it difficult for colonial officials to detect enslaved persons. 98 Most cases of enslavement were brought to the attention of colonial officials through African informers or by the slaves themselv
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      How Africans reacted to the Ordinance and its effect on the success of the abolition is one significant area where the historiography is lacking. Africans did, in fact, cleverly adapt to the abolition ordinance's operation. Innovative tactics were used by slaveholders and dealers to thwart the abolition legislation, making it challenging for colonial officials to find slaves. The majority of enslavement incidents were reported to colonial authorities by either the slaves themselves or by African informants.
  • Communal religious practices and sanctions also served the interests of slave dealers and holders. 107 Slaves were made to swear oaths and 'drink fetish', ritually binding them to stay and refrain from reporting their servile status to colonial officials. For example, in 1875 a holder took a freed slave to 'King Tackie for the purpose of administering fetish oath so as to declare that she will no longer go back to the government'. 108 This bound the slave to the holder, as slaves feared that a breach of the oath or the 'fetish' would be catastrophic. Again, how prevalent this was is difficult to gauge. However, the 'fetish' and oathing sanctions have been powerful agencies of social and political control throughout Ghanaian history.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The interests of slave traders and owners were furthered by communal religious punishments and practices. Slaves were ritually forced to stay and keep from disclosing their servile position to colonial authority by making them take oaths and engage in a "drink fetish." For instance, in 1875, a holding took a liberated slave to "King Tackie to administer fetish oath so as to declare that she will not go back to the government. "A breach of the oath or the "fetish" would be disastrous, therefore this bonded the slave to the possessor. Again, it's hard to say how common this was. However, throughout Ghana's history, "fetish" and "oathing" sanctions have been effective social and political control mechanisms.
diegothestallion

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 3 views

shared by diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
  • Ivory ornaments sometimes served as a mark of the expertise and prowess of these hunters, the best documented example of this being Kamba ivory armlets (ngotho). The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century. At the same time, their meaning and uses changed (Kasfir, 1992, 'Trade and p. 323-4). Ivory objects could also be used to create and mark kinship and crmnsforrnation: political ties.
    • diegothestallion
       
      examples of Ivory Ornaments is jewelry and piano keys that were created from tusks and teeth of animals such as elephants.
  • First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground
    • diegothestallion
       
      Ivory was used for ritual and as sign of power such as motifs used by kings as the property of the royal house, For example the king of Benin kingdom that wears ivory tusk as kings mark.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual
  • Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and more significantly it provided new avenues to power and wealth for those lower in the political hierarchies or outside them altogethe
  • Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.
  • As mentioned earlier, ivory could be translated into value both in the sphere of subsistence production and reproduction, and in the sphere of production for trade. In both, it generated a concatenation of status, coercive power and wealth.
    • diegothestallion
       
      In simple terms ivory was traded for capital which provided platform for different areas to be connected and other people using force to make other people to work unwillingly like slaves. People who are wealthy used their power to dominate others, such as Tippu Tip who included the words like enslaving local people as way of ivory trade and interior development in communities were he referred as barbaric .
  • For example, the Maasai, who were important intermediaries in the ivory trade, did not hunt elephants themselves but gained access to ivory through groups of Dorobo and Okiek, sometimes using ties such as marriage and sometimes forcing these hunters to turn over both elephant ivory and hippopotamus teeth for minimal compensation (Wright, 1985, p. 546; Kasfir, 1992, p. 322-3).
  • In both the Eastern Congo and Southern Sudan, coercion was an essential feature of the ivory trade in the late 19th century and a notable part of the accom- panying reconfiguration of political and economic structures there.
    • diegothestallion
       
      Coercion means the threat or force For example when individual is forced to work in plantations against his or her will
  • This trade system was also shaped by terms of trade that ran steadily in favour of African ivory exporters during the 19th century, since ivory prices rose while those of manufactured goods such as cloth dropped.
    • diegothestallion
       
      Ivory trade started dominating trading systems and this favored African continent because ivories came from Africa and the higher the demand of ivory resulted in an increase in ivory prices compared to other items like clothes and salt.
  • This allowed for substantial accu- mulation on the part of intermediaries in the trade; it also allowed these inter- mediaries to continue to profit even as their operating costs grew with the increased distance of the ivory frontier from the coast (Sheriff, 1986 and 1987).
  • First, through training and example, local people were to be weaned off their "barbarous" practices and introduced to more "civilized" ones, though Page notes the Swahili ambivalence about admitting assimilated Canadian yournal "savages" to positions of equality (1974a, p. 76). This transformation would oj~evelopmenr remove, or at least reduce the primary markers of native "barbarism" - Studies paganism, cannibalism and nakedness
    • diegothestallion
       
      Local people were supposed to change the way they used to live because according to Tippu Tips they were living a barbarous life compared to his. this transformation will completely change how the local people engaged with their environment because the ideas of ivory trade and development of interior needed to be achieved.
  • The second area of transformation involved bringing peace and order to areas where local people would otherwise be fighting each other (Page, 1974b, p. 114).
    • diegothestallion
       
      The second transformation, was to bring solution to communities were people did not get along, as way of enhancing the transformation. This would make the process easy allowing ivory trade to take place and the possibility of creating routes that lead to the interior, so that ivory market can be established in regions like Manyema. This will result in distance ivory trade.
  • In spite of the rhetoric of peace and order, the destruction at the leading edge of Swahili expansion in the Eastern Congo - which involved raids on villages, removal of people and property, confiscation or destruction of food crops, and the spread of small pox - was only slowly followed by the estab- lishment of a new order.
  • The third area of transformation involved reorienting communities in the region to produce surpluses of a variety of agricultural products. This included the introduction of new crops such as rice, maize, citrus fruits and various vegetables.
    • diegothestallion
       
      The third transformation according to Tippu is to introduce agriculture to communities so that they can produce more surplus to be traded because Tippu highlighted that agriculture changed to plantation were slaves worked. This shows that intensive ivory trade resulted in other local people being enslaved to work plantations or to slaughter elephant for ivory to be traded.
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao.
    • diegothestallion
       
      People got rich because of ivory trade and hunters were given respect because they were the one who will provide more horns after slaughtering elephant horn while hunting and this made the to be wealthy by ivory trade.
  • Among the Nyamwezi, the carriage of ivory was important in the development of a body of professional porters with particular skills and a work culture that set norms for long-distance caravan transport in the 19th century (Rockel, 1996).
  • For porters on the road, ivory could also provide a means for independent enterprise: porters might use their wages or resources provided by their lineage to acquire and trade small amounts of ivory or other goods in addition to the loads for which they were contracted
    • diegothestallion
       
      this shows that people were involved in ivory trade as way of being independent because by trading ivory they could earn something in return such as status and respect from other local people.
  • ivory was the basis of several kinds of transactions at the coast. It was used to discharge the debts of those who traded in the interior and was the basis for the further extension of credit, often in the form of trade goods. It was also the basis for the authority of senior merchants like Tippu Tip, who used it to acquire guns and trade goods, which he would then lend out with interest to "responsible Arabs, in order to start them [in the Journal O,~eve~,,pment business], and also in order to retain authority over them" (Ward, 1891, p. 63)
zenethian

The Battle of Isandlwana and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 | Sky HISTORY TV Channel/NEWSPA... - 3 views

  • he battle that followed this remarkable discovery was a disaster. It hadn’t meant to be this way. When the High Commissioner for Southern Africa, Sir Henry Bartle Frere, came up with the flawed idea of annexing the British-friendly kingdom of Zululand into a greater South African Confederation by force of arms, he presumed Zulus armed with spears, clubs and shields would be no match for the mighty British Army.
    • mawandemvulana
       
      This article describes the Battle of Isandlwana. This battle was a victory for the Zulu army but very disastrous for the British. This was due to the fact the British had undermined the Zulu army's capabilities and only thought of them as people fighting with sticks. It was embarrassing for the British government as they had not even ordered the attack.
  • Lord Chelmsford massively underestimated how many men he would need to take into Cetshwayo’s territory. So confident was Chelmsford of an easy victory that he took with him a mere 7,800 troops.
    • mawandemvulana
       
      This is an example of the British undermining the Zulu army, as it is shown that they only brought as little as 7,800 troops.
  • In reality, the small numbers of Zulu warriors Chelmsford’s scouts had spotted and reported back to the general were a ruse devised by Cetshwayo’s commanders to draw out Chelmsford and then attack his forces from behind with the bulk of the main Zulu army. The ruse worked, and the overconfident aristocrat marched 2,800 soldiers away from the camp, splitting his forces in two.
    • mawandemvulana
       
      This shows the intelligence of the Zulu army's military strategy.
  • ...37 more annotations...
  • Isandlwa
    • zenethian
       
      Isandlwana was where the Zulus won one famous battle.
  • The Battle of
  • Rorke’s Drift i
  • The scouts stopped dead in their tracks when they saw what the valley contained. Sitting on the ground in total silence were 20,000 Zulu warriors. It was an astonishing sight.
  • Frere issued the order to attack the lands ruled over by King Cetshwayo,
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • The ultimate goal was the capture of Ulundi - Cetshwayo’s capital.
    • zenethian
       
      The British wanted to capture Ulundi.
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • When Cetshwayo failed to agree to Frere’s ultimatum to disband his army, Frere grasped his chance to invade.
  • Chelmsford left just 1,300 troops guarding the camp as he took a sizable number of his men off to attack what he thought was the main Zulu army.
  • While Chelmsford was off chasing an imaginary Zulu army, the real one moved to the valley of Ngwebeni.
    • zenethian
       
      The unravelling of the Zulu attack.
  • Pulleine was an administrator, not a soldier, and it was his inexperience that contributed to the disaster that was about to unfold.
    • zenethian
       
      The British believed that this was one of the causes for their loss at Isandlwana.
  • He chose not to do so, leaving a much less experienced man in charge.
    • zenethian
       
      This highlights the British remorse.
  • The plan was instantly changed from attacking Chelmsford’s rear to attacking the camp at Isandlwana.
    • zenethian
       
      An important victory for the Zulus at the Isandlwana mountain.
  • As the warriors began to arrive over the horizon, they started to muster into an ‘impi’ – the traditional Zulu formation of three infantry columns that together represented the chest and horns of a buffalo.
  • two mountain guns of the Royal Artillery.
    • zenethian
       
      Highlights just how unfair the situation was ,as the British possessed guns while the Zulu people made use of traditional weapons.
  • armed with spears and clubs,
    • zenethian
       
      This is what the Zulus made use of to fight the British army.
  • inflicting heavy casualties on the Zulu side, forcing many to retreat behind Isandlwana hill to shelter from the hail of shells and bullets.
  • Faced with certain death or escape, Durnford’s men began to leave the battlefield before they could be fully encircled and cut off by the impi.
    • zenethian
       
      This shows just how determined the Zulus were to protect themselves and fight the enemy: The British army.
  • the impi a
    • zenethian
       
      Impi-It is a Zulu word for war.
  • As Durnford’s men retreated back against
    • zenethian
       
      The British could not defend against such determined and large Zulu attack.
  • the impi
  • which was quickly overrun and butchered by Zulu warriors.
    • zenethian
       
      The Zulus exploited such faults by the British forces to their favor.
  • When the sun returned, not one tent was left standing in the camp and the area was now a killing round.
    • zenethian
       
      Highlights the then present battle.
  • Screams rang out across the camp as soldiers were stabbed and clubbed to death where they stood.
    • zenethian
       
      The Zulus attained a great victory against the British imperialists.
  • Durnford and a valiant band of native infantrymen and regulars of the 24th Foot had managed to keep the two horns of the impi from joining up by defending a wagon park on the edge of the camp.
  • however, and as their ammunition ran out, they resorted to hand-to-hand combat until they were overwhelmed.
    • zenethian
       
      In this regard the Zulus were unmatched.
  • As the Zulus left the battlefield in triumph, 4,000 of them split from the main army and headed for the mission station at Rorke’s Drift. There, 150 British and colonial troops fought off wave after wave of attacks for ten grueling hours before the Zulus finally retreated. Eleven Victoria Crosses were awarded following the station’s remarkable survival.
    • zenethian
       
      There was another battle at Rorkes Drift.
  • Durnford’s body was later found surrounded by his men, all stabbed and beaten to death.
    • zenethian
       
      The death of Durnford.
  • Those attempting to flee were cut down as they ran, while those lying wounded on the ground were stabbed and clubbed to death.
  • butchered B
    • zenethian
       
      The word "butchered" implies the use of spears and dangerous Zulu weapons used to physically destroy British troops,
  • As the enemy melted away, taking rifles, ammunition, artillery and supplies with them, the extent of the massacre became clear
    • zenethian
       
      It was ultimately a massacre.
  • As the remnants of the camp began to flee, no quarter was given to the remaining British and native soldiers.
  • sandlwana was a humiliating defeat for a British government that hadn’t even ordered the attack on Zululand in the first place. When news reached home both of the massacre and the valiant defence of Rorke’s Drift, the British public was baying for blood. The
  • And what of Cetshwayo, the courageous king who stood up to the might of the British Empire and won the day? He was captured following the Battle of Ulundi on the 4th of July 1879. He was exiled first to Cape Town, and then to London
    • zenethian
       
      The notorious king being exiled.
  • Cetshwayo returned to Zululand in 1883. He died on the 4th of February 1884 and is buried in a field near the Nkunzane River in what is today modern South Africa. He was the last king of an independent Zululand; a friend and unwilling foe of the empire on which the sun never set.
    • zenethian
       
      The Zulu king remains an immortal historical figure because of his persistent ,yet commendable efforts to get rid of the British.
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