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bulelwa

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits when it comes to the ivory trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade i
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The word "ancient" means a long time. This suggests that the ivory trade has been in practice in East Africa for a long time.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits such as having quality when it comes to ivory. Carving means: fashioning an object.
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • But
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that in nineteen century marked a good sharp increase in the ivory trade in East Africa. It may suggest that people started to be involved in the ivory trade if they were not involved.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock One that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • ncreased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock one that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • neteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, ev
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa was the best than other places in Africa that were competing with them when it came to the ivory trade.
  • ntil the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in suf
  • Until the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet demand,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      key event. This event marked an increase in the amount of ivory being obtained to meet people who demanded it.
  • rade was lucrative,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Defination producing a great deal of profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en masse.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Paraphrased to understand it The nineteenth-century onslaught on the interior of East Africa's ivory valuables took the form of a two-way
  • den may do it in four months.' The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These are the places where most of the time ivory trade took place.
  • Cameron, arriving here in i874, speaks of the 'special ornaments' here of 'beautifully white and wonderfully polished hippopotamus ivory'. These ivory carvings at Ujiji were exceptional
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that ivory was used to make nice products that are aesthetic.
  • The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I am confused why is the article talking about the popular measurement of cloth instead of dealing with the ivory trade? .
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The d
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This idea is repeated, it allude that it was important to have soft ivory rather than hard because white ivory made more profit in sale.
  • vory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Har
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The reader gets the image of how hard ivory looks.
  • ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • is
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I get an image of how white ivory looks like
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 Small
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that there were different types of sizes tusks that were used for ivory. The small tusks allude that these rhinos or elephants were killed at a young age.
  • d. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives rarely. Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is animal abuse how can they use such This is animal abuse how can they use such dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct. How can they use dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qua
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These where two ways to calculate the worth of ivory.
  • ding. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth ce
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Nothing had a stable price like ivory in nineteenth, which means other products had increase and decrease over the price these times.
  • enya to trade for ivory. The original plans for an East African railway were based on the assumption that the haulage of ivory would be a valuable source of revenue.3
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa first planned that Ivory will be their source of income.
  • '. The shooting of cow elephants was prohibited, and all ivory below io lb. weight (raised to 30 lb. in I905) was liable to confiscation. Demarcation of reserves also followed.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is good because if they give elephants a chance to grow they will be able to reproduce and maintain the population. Order to prevent elephants from being extinct.
  • a.40 Instances of infringement of the game laws and trading in illicit ivory continued to come before the courts throughout the earlier twentieth cen
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that in the late 19th century not much illegal ivory trade were reported.
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Why is that so? was it because no one cared to calculate or there a many numbers of exports?
  • Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is is sad ,many animals killed for their horns.
  • SUMMARY The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and E
  • bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from the J store it talks about ivory in the nineteenth century. There is a link below that proves I was able to get it on the UJ database. I could not annotate my PDF straight from the J store due to technical difficulties not because I do not know how to annotate from the J store. My tutor said I should add a link to my source. This is my link below https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/179483.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Afb9e9b59532f72e2bb9a12ae108a610a&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=
bulelwa

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 1 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ISSN: 0225-5189 (Print) 2158-9100 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcjd20
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This serves as proof that this document was donwloaded from UJ database.
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • central
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      I am not interested in this region because Digo research allows me to explore East Africa.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • central Africa Ruth
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tr
  • The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows that during the 19th century in East Africa ,ivory was powerful it had an influence on how much other things valued.
  • By the late 19th century, guns had been widely adopted as the elephant in Late hunter's tool of choice, though older methods were still used as well.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This marks a change in how elephants were poached, my Jstore article states that poachers used an axe to extract ivory from elephants, it was in the 19th century we see the use of guns, which id s a fast process to kill elephants.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa arose
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade route
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      a new idea that builds from J store. In J store ivory was sold in markets, in this source we are introduced to ivory being traded in local markets.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows that ivory influenced politics.
  • bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from Taylor and Francis. It talks about the participation of East African societies during the late nineteenth century. Furthermore, it shows how ivory was an economic and political activity in East Africa during the nineteenth century. It also shows how the ivory trade led to a decline in the number of elephants in East Africa. This is the PDF version, I experienced technical difficulties when trying to annotate it from the original database. But inside this PDF I annotated evidence to show this document was downloaded from the UJ database.
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
sekhele

102313498_Vilhanov.pdf - 2 views

Keabetswe Sekhele Moganedi 221075889

shared by sekhele on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The third phase of the misionary movement in Africa, which started from the end of the eighteenth and continued throughout the nineteenth century, in twentieth-century Africa led to the dramatic expansion of Christianity called “the fourth great age of Christian expansion”. In their attempt to spread the Christian faith, win converts and transform African societies, Christian missions of all denominations opened schools and disseminated education. Scientifically very important was their pioneer work in African languages. By producing grammars, dictionaries, textbooks and translations of religious texts missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages. Christian missionary enterprise was no doubt of prime importance in the Westernization of Africa. Africans were, however, not passive recipients of new influences and culture patterns. The adoption of Christianity and the process of cultural exchange were shaped by African choices, needs and efforts to Africanize Africa’s Christian experience by securing the roots of Christianity in the African context.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The third phase of the missionary movement in Africa from the late 18th to 19th century led to the fourth great age of Christian expansion in 20th-century Africa. Christian missions opened schools, disseminated education, and pioneered work in African languages. The adoption of Christianity in Africa was shaped by African choices and efforts to Africanize the Christian experience.
  • Before 1800 the chief contact of sub-Saharan Africa with Europe was through the traffic in slaves for the New World. Increasing Western commercial penetration from the end of the eighteenth century and ultimate political dominance in Africa coincided with a massive Christian missionary enterprise.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Before 1800, Europe's primary interaction with sub-Saharan Africa was through the slave trade, but later on, Western commercial expansion and political control in Africa coincided with a significant Christian missionary effort.
  • Catholic missions
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission refers to the efforts of the Catholic Church to spread its teachings and convert people to the Catholic faith. This involves sending missionaries to areas where Catholicism is not yet established, building churches and other religious institutions, and providing education and other services to the local community. Catholic missions have been established all over the world, with a particular focus on regions where Christianity is not the dominant religion. The mission aims to spread the message of Jesus Christ and share the love and compassion of God with all people.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • The Catholic mission movement in Africa which had started in the late fifteenth century and was given new direction by the foundation in 1622 in Rome of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide by Pope Gregory XV, nearly collapsed under the impact of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars in the late eighteenth century, when many religious houses and congregations in Europe were closed down. It recovered in the first decades of the nineteenth century and revived the work of evangelization in Africa.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Catholic mission movement began in Africa during the late 15th century, but it faced significant challenges during the late 18th century due to the French revolution and Napoleonic wars, which led to the closure of religious institutions in Europe. However, the movement recovered and resumed its evangelization work in Africa during the early 19th century. Pope Gregory XV played a crucial role in revitalizing the movement by establishing the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide in Rome in 1622.
  • The vast African continent was always present in Lavigerie’s thoughts. From 1867 until his death in November 1892 the immense African interior remained the principal object of Cardinal Lavigerie’s zeal and from the very beginning he planned an apostolate south of the Sahara. Cardinal Lavigerie, as Professor of Early Church History at the Sorbonne, knew well that Christianity had had a very long history in Africa due to the existence of the ancient Churches in Egypt, the Roman Africa, Nubia and Ethiopia.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The passage describes Cardinal Lavigerie's lifelong passion for Africa. He dedicated himself to missionary work in the African interior from 1867 until his death in 1892. He planned to bring Christianity south of the Sahara. As a Professor of Early Church History, he was aware of the long history of Christianity in Africa, specifically in ancient Egypt, Roman Africa, Nubia, and Ethiopia.
  • The missionary movement which was far from successful during this early period as far as Christian conversion was concerned, met with huge success in another field. In most regions of sub-Saharan Africa outside the reach of Islam, Africans were introduced to written literature through Christian propaganda, the very first books in their own African language were produced to advance the Christian cause. Missions of all denominations disseminated education in their attempt to win converts and to train African catechists. ‘Transforming Africa by the Africans”, was the formula advocated by Cardinal Lavigerie in his instructions to the White Fathers. “The missionaries must therefore be mainly initiators, but the lasting work must be accomplished by the Africans themselves, once they have become Christians and apostles. And it must be clearly noted here that we say: become Christians and not become French or Europeans.”1 1 Missionaries were therefore asked to adapt themselves to the Africans, to strip themselves, as much as possible, of the cultural elements peculiar to them, of their language in the first place. It was believed that without effective and active communication it was impossible to pursue the conversion of the Africans.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      During the early period of the missionary movement, converting Africans to Christianity was largely unsuccessful, but they had success in introducing written literature in African languages through Christian propaganda. Missions of various denominations aimed to educate and train African catechists, promoting the idea of "Transforming Africa by the Africans." Missionaries were asked to adapt to the African culture and communicate effectively, believing that without active communication, conversion was impossible.
  • This concern for African languages developed by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries laid the foundations for literature in African languages reduced into written form. Christianization went with reading and writing, with the rise of African literatures.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      Catholic and Protestant missionaries' efforts to promote African languages by reducing them to written form led to the development of African literature. The Christianization process encouraged reading and writing, contributing to the growth of African literatures.
  • The schools they established were often boarding schools because missionaries believed that in an atmosphere of the boarding school far removed from the traditional cultural influences of their homes, new converts would more easily give up all or most of their traditions. The school system promoted Western values and desires. Missionary schoolmasters provided a total culture pattern, including church attendance, Christian morality, table manners, etc. All this led to the segregation and alienation of converts from their families and their societies.
    • sekhele
      sekhele on 22 Apr 23
       
      The schools made it easy for the Christian missionaries to expand the idea of Christianity.
nonjabulorsxabar

CRL Resources on 19th-Century Christian Missionary Work in Africa | CRL - 4 views

www.crl.edu/6696

Nonjabulo xaba 222145034'' History 2A

shared by nonjabulorsxabar on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • Safiyya Shakeel
      Safiyya Shakeel on 25 Apr 23
       
      This newspaper article provides more information regarding the London Missionary Society before 1890 and shares additional information of Christian missionaries during that period. There are multiple articles that are relevant to Christian Missionaries in Africa before 1890 and each article shares a different perspective of the spread of Christianity back then, however the common factor is that the mission to spread the word of God was not as easy as it seemed.
  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Early in the 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those areas, missionary work was started in central and southern Africa. The earliest travelers to central and southern Africa were missionaries. David Livingstone was one of the first Europeans to cross the continent when the London Missionary Society despatched him to South Africa in 1840. International coordination played a significant role in missionary and colonial initiatives when Europeans started to occupy central and southern Africa around the turn of the century.
  • Missionary work in central and southern Africa began in the early 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those regions. Missionaries were among the earliest explorers of central and southern Africa. The London Missionary Society sent David Livingstone to South Africa in 1840, where he became one of the first Europeans to traverse the continent. When Europeans began to colonize central and southern Africa toward the end of the century, international coordination featured prominently in both missionary and colonial projects.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Early in the 19th century, before Europeans had colonized those areas, missionary work was started in central and southern Africa. The earliest travelers to central and southern Africa were missionaries. David Livingstone was one of the first Europeans to cross the continent when the London Missionary Society despatched him to South Africa in 1840. International coordination played a significant role in missionary and colonial initiatives when Europeans started to occupy central and southern Africa around the turn of the century.
nmapumulo

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 18 views

www.tandfonline.com/...02255189.1998.9669768

Nobuhle Mapumulo History 2A

shared by nmapumulo on 19 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This paper identifies problematic elements in the literature on the ivory trade during the late 19th century and proposes an alternate approach that draws on insights from economic anthropology and history.
  • his focus provides a different perspective on participation in the ivory trade. What follows is an outline of the issues that could be addressed by a broader social history of the ivory trade in late 19th-century East-Central Africa and, based on my research on the Eastern Congo, some of the transformations associated Trade and with the ivory trade in this period
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      ivory in congo, where the ivory task was formed
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      the problematic elemente on the ivory trade
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Whatever effect these changes had on how men organized themselves socially and politically in relation to the hunt, it and the related activities of caravan trading and porterage had a distinct effect simply through the number of men they drew out of the pool of labour available for work in the community (Alpers, 1992, p. 356). Trade, which caused this problem, also supplied its solution: more slave labour purchased with the wealth generated by trade. This labour was not only applied to subsistence and domestic main- tenance left: 133.5
  • time
  • Led by Henry M. Stanley, this expedition crossed Africa, Canadian Journal from the Congo River via Lake Albert and Lake Victoria to Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • siyabonga_14
      siyabonga_14 on 26 Apr 23
       
      We can see from this document together with other documents i have posted that the trade of Ivory took part mostly in Zanzibar and parts of Congo. This shows that these were the hotspots of the Ivory trade.
  • Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zanzibar is part of East Africa and the date corresponds with my research time frame.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa.
  • Trade and Transformation: Tarticipation in the lvory Trade in Late 19th-Century East
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • he first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. Tusks had and have important functions for elephants. They are used in feeding, in marking territory, as both offensive and defensive weapons, and as markers of status (Shoshani, 1992, p. 48). The questions for further study arising here relate to the ways in which hunting by humans affected elephant populations. To what extent were their physical reproduction and collective behaviour affected as they were reduced in numbers left: 263.997px; top: 561.245px; fon
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and left: 217.561px; top: 925.436px; font-size: 18.5417px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      the trade in ivory was not going to be a success without the elephants, in fact, it would not have lasted for a long time if elephants stopped reproducing and became extinct. Elephants played a significant in making areas that were covered in wood to be covered in grass allowing for human beings to harvest and live in those areas,the poaching led to a disturbance in the system of ecology
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was viewed as an item that made one rich and powerful, it was associated with royalty thus the term regalia was used. They viewed it as an item that can remove one from one disadvantaged social class to a wealthy class.
  • mhlengixaba on 26 Apr 23
     
    This article identifies problematic elements in the ivory trade during the late 19th century. African and external, participated in the ivory trade. This participation grew out of differing beliefs about the power of trade to bring about economic, social and political change. Late 19th century British debates about trade with Africa had no direct counterpart in the African communities involved in the ivory trade, the changing nature and meaning of trade and trade goods produced a variety of contending political, social and economic options. the interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th century thinking about the trade and its effects on Africa. the first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. elephants played an important ecological role in the transformation of wooded areas into grassland, affecting a wide variety of species. it was also important to the hunters. it contributed to their livelihood, largely through exchange value, but in some parties of East central Africa it was also employed in terms of hunters or their families.
dlangudlangu

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation: Reassessing ... - 1 views

Anakho Dlangudlangu 221107980

shared by dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This theory centres on a cattle trade that came to replace the ivory trade from the late 18th century onwards, and was based on the demand for fresh meat by whaler
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • although Hedges acknowledged the high value of copper and brass to Nguni society, he neglected the importance of brass jewellery as an indicator of political authority, while emphasising its importance in terms of its exchange value for cattle
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • sporadic
  • he traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formatio
  • Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • Hedges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh mea
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      ivory has been traded for many centuries and at the beggining it was a popular or consistent trade
  • t was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756.
  • Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      there was a high demand of brass in the african societies and there was also a high demand for ivory in Europeans
  • he demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 154
  • During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered
  • And although they paid lower prices and were officially absent for three years after the French destroyed their fort in 1796, the ivory trade remained significant in terms of supplying imported goods to the northern Nguni
  • It was the abundant and constant supply of brass that determined the volume of ivory delivered to Europeans along the Maputo river, and I suggest that it was this factor, the ample supply of brass, that was the first in a sequence of events that led to state formation among the Nguni.
  • The average weight of Austrian exports alone, other than the continuing country trade, amounted to an average of 75,000 lb per annum. 36 This figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade. This number assumes a conservative average of 39 lb of ivory per elephant, based on the ivory provided to the Dutch over the period 1 November 1731–8 January 1732. 37 The heaviest tusks that the Dutch traded weighed 80 lb, and if the Austrians traded exclusively in heavier tusks, hunters needed to kill at least one elephant a day to meet the demand. 38
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Australian demand for ivory was higher than the Dutch demand for ivory and that meant that many elephants were killed each and every day to meet the demand. also the demand fro brass and cloth among the african societies was high which can also explain the high killings of elephants for their tusks
  • Hedges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom
  • Elephant hunting in Africa was almost always done in large groups and needed great skill and planning. 40 Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe
  • The basis of this assumption is the reach of the intermediary kingdom of Mabudu, which stretched to this river – and it was here that brass, a trade item almost as popular as beads, was in high demand
  • the Dutch traded copper bangles for ivory during the early stages of their trading post
  • 1 Further south, in Terra Natal, copper and, later, brass played a significant role in designating rank within the small chiefdoms of the early Nguni-speaking people. 52 Early observers noted the importance of dress and ornaments to distinguish rank. In a hierarchical society such as that of the Nguni, objects such as beads and metal jewellery, along with dressed skins, created a visual reminder of the status and prestige of the elite
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      brass was used for many things in the African societies and represented power. This explains why it was mostly the chiefs who were trading ivory in exchange for brass
  • Chiefs wore flat neck rings, while men and women of high rank wore neck rings made up out of one or more brass rings. Chiefs’ wives had solid brass balls threaded on to a string and worn around their necks, and small cast-brass buttons or studs decorated their skin garments
  • Traders like Chandler had easy access to brass because, by the late 17th century, British copper and brass dominated markets worldwide because of regulatory and technological developments
  • The significance of brass lay in its power to enhance chiefly prestige, signifying chiefs’ status as effective political leaders, with the
  • resources to attract and maintain a following. Brass, as copper, symbolised power, illustrated by Livingstone’s anecdote: ‘[w]hen [the chief] had finished his long oration he rose up, and in going off was obliged by such large bundles of copper rings on his ankles to adopt quite a straddling walk.
  • Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 3
  • Whalers created a significant trade in replenishing food supplies rather than dealing in ivory – which seems to point to the ‘sharp decline’ in the ivory trade, a factor that Hedges posits as the reason for the rise of a cattle trade to replace the ivory trade. 73 But, as we shall see later, he overestimated both the decline in the ivory trade and the volume of the cattle trade
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 26 Apr 23
       
      during the Whalers time ivory demand and trade declined as Whalers were mostly interested in food supply. trading brass and cloth for food, vegetables and meat. in this time cattle trading kept on increasing
  • Whalers supplied goods – brass, cloth and beads – generously in exchange for food. 7
  • He hypothesises that the whalers needed great quantities of meat, which, in turn, required large numbers of cattle on the hoof to be imported to Delagoa Bay. Y et the number of whalers was not as large as Hedges supposed, and the relatively small number of men was there for a limited time
  • But by the mid 18th century, the provision of meat and vegetables, particularly onions, increasingly became the domain of the Tembe chief. 90 The growing fresh-food sector of the market enabled the Tembe chief to increase his authority over his territory, evident in the appointment of the ‘King of the Water’ from at least 1784
  • Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network.
  • the sharp decline of the ivory trade by 1814, compared to the period of 1802– 1803, was not concurrent with the presence of large numbers of whalers at Delagoa Bay. There was a reduction in whaling activity globally from the beginning of the 19th century
  • The comparative decline in the ivory trade from 1781, when the Portuguese re-established their authority over trade, diminished the flow of brass into the interior. As a sumptuous item, brass demanded stricter control over its redistribution, forming the pressing motive for the conflict among the northern Ngun
molapisanekagiso

40060682.pdf - 1 views

Molapisane kagiso 222108177

shared by molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
  • Africans. Partly through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • The Comaroffs' approach offers a good starting point from which to investigate what everyday practice meant, ideologically, with respect to firearms - carrying them, caring for them, storing them, not to mention hunting and fighting with them. It happens that skills with guns and the perceived and real links to political power weapons and skills conferred were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • e much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber m
  • weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber musket could kill an elephant at short range with a well-placed shot, but the larger muskets fired a heavier, more destructive ball, and were made specifically for hunting elephants and other big-game animals.18
  • port complete guns from Britain.19 Hunting guns occupied a special niche in colonial southern African culture. They came to be known affectionately as sanna, a word derived from the Dutch snaphaan (snaphaunce, an early type of flintlock) and were also called roer, a Dutch word for gun derived perhaps from the sound of a gunshot. Their
  • saddle. At first, 44-inch barrels were popular because hunters liked to stop the horse, lean over the saddle, and rest the stock on the ground while loading. But a gun with such a long barrel can be awkward to manipulate on horseback, which is why cavalrymen preferred carbines and pistols. Later, as it became clear that shorter guns could be sufficiently powerful, mounted hunters also came to prefer them. In southern Africa the trigger mechanism was also adapted to riding: many African muskets required a heavy pull on the trigger to prevent accidental discharge during a fall from a horse.22 22. Lategan, 524-25. Tylden
  • Even so, by the 1880s rural settlement was proceeding apace, and game animals were growing scarce. Young Boer men relied less on their guns to earn a living and therefore practiced less. The old percussion-lock muskets and rifles gradually lost their appeal. Though they remained less expensive to own and easier to repair, they also required more skill to use effectively than modern breechloaders. With a large-bore muzzle loader, every shot could be adjusted to the circumstances, but every shot had to count: guns had to be fired at close range, and it took so long to reload that a missed shot could result in the shooter being gored or trampled by the qu
  • molapisanekagiso on 26 Apr 23
     
    This source is from jstor, the source contains African shooting skills that African people had and the type of guns western people used to train the African people with eighteenth and nineteenth century.
matimbababsy

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Matimba Babani HISTORY 2A

shared by matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
  • It is mentioned in the first accounts of geographers and travellers, and they give it more prominence than the slave-trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade is an ancient one.
  • ...14 more annotations...
  • It may have been the search for ivory which brought the first ships around Cape Guardafui, and then southwards along the East African coast.
  • uring the Portuguese domination of the coast
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      This statement here shows and proves how prominent and fast growing the ivory trade was compared to the slave trade in Eastern Africa.
  • Reference to the export of ivory from the East African coast continues throughout the early and later middle ages
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      This here highlights the start of the ivory trade in east Africa.
  • Masudi, writing in the early 10th century says that elephants were extremely common in the land ofZinj, and that it was from this country that large elephant tusks were obtained:' Most of the ivory is carried to Oman whence it is sent to India and China'. Marco Polo refers to the East African coast and states: 'they have elephants in plenty and drive a brisk trade in tusks'. 2
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      This statement here proves or shows how the ivory was obtained and traded in Eastern Africa.
  • By the second century A.D. the coast, as far as 10° S., was 'subject under some ancient right to the sovereignty of the power which held the primacy in Arabia', and Arab merchants were exporting ivory from it in great quantit
  • from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, ivory continued to be an important export;
  • it receives more mention in Portuguese records than does the slave trade.
  • In the sixteenth century 30,000 lb. of ivory passed through the port of Sofala yearly.
    • matimbababsy
      matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
       
      More evidence on how vastly the ivory trade was growing.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-east Asia. But in addition to the markets of the East, East African ivory was much sought after in Europe for the large ivory carving centres which had grown up in southern Germany and in the Low Countries during the Middle Ages, and which supplied large numbers of religious reliquaries and artistic novelties for Christian Europe.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place
  • An
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • retained this position right up until the end of the century.
  • The ivory trade was lucrative, and the Masai, despite their vaunted aloofness, were eager to share in it, and strove to drive the Waboni tribe from the southern bank of the Sabaki River, so that they could gain access to the port of Malindi with their ivory
  • matimbababsy on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a journal article derived from Cambridge through JSTOR and annotated as pdf.
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
diegothestallion

The Ivory Trade and Political Power in Nineteenth-Century East Africa | SpringerLink - 11 views

link.springer.com/...978-3-030-42595-1_9

222058834 History 2A

shared by diegothestallion on 06 Mar 23 - No Cached
  • The Ivory Trade and Political Power in Nineteenth-Century East Africa | SpringerLink
  • Elephants from the East African interior were the innocent victims of their region’s increased connections to oceanic commerce during the nineteenth century. Americans, Europeans, and South and East Asians all demanded East African ivory in increasing quantities over the time-period, and elephants were killed to fuel their demand.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      The more ivory was demanded ,the higher elephant were killed to meet the required demanded ivories and to expand the ivory trade further.
  • This was part of a process through which ivory ceased being an object reserved for elites and became consumed by a wider stratum of society in the form of, for example, billiard balls, piano keys, and bangles.Footnote 1 Ivory’s increased commodification divorced elephants from most pre-existing cultural or symbolic associations that East Africans had of them, especially around prominent trade routes.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      This sentence provide examples of product that were produced using ivory, Namely Piano Keys and billiard ball. This are product produced using soft ivory that was found in East Africa
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Elephants from the East African interior were the innocent victims of their region’s increased connections to oceanic commerce during the nineteenth century. Americans, Europeans, and South and East Asians all demanded East African ivory in increasing quantities over the time-period, and elephants were killed to fuel their demand.
  • elephants were hunted throughout East Africa since before the nineteenth century and elephants continued to survive in sheltered locales throughout the region, including in regions where ivory traders were long-known to frequen
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      THIS SHOWS THAT EAST AFRICAN ECONOMY DEPEND MOSTLY IN IVORY TRADE BECAUSE ELEPHANT HUNTING DID NOT START IN 19TH CENTUARY BUT IT WAS TAKING PLACE BEFORE THAT, BUT DID NOT INTENSIFY COMPARED TO 19th CENTUARY.
  • South Asia was a major market for East African ivory by sometime in the seventh or eighth centuries and it was imported into China during the Song dynasty (960–1279).
  • Firstly, elephant hunters used and displayed ivory throughout the period, even though the demographic who comprised the primary elephant hunters shifted. During the first half of the nineteenth century, most East African elephant hunters were members of secret societies or part of age-grade systems that brought boys into manhood.
  • Elephant hunters also displayed and used ivory and other elephant products to distinguish themselves from other members of the population. Burton, for example, noted that Gogo ivory hunters’ wore ‘disks and armlets of fine ivory’ in 1858.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 26 Apr 23
       
      THIS IS WHERE IVORY WAS USED AS A RITUAL TO SYMBOLISE THEIR BELIEVE OR TO BE ABLE TO IDENTIFY EACH OTHER IN IVORY MARKET OR IN OTHER COMMUNITIES.
  • The patterns of ivory consumption in nineteenth-century East Africa indicate that it became a product that was increasingly tied to chiefly status. Control of its distribution and trade were the functions of chiefs.
  • The importance of the ivory trade to political power in East Africa’s coastal and island regions has been interpreted though alternate dynamics to its importance in the interior. On the coast, access to and control of the ivory trade is often linked to understandings of the power dynamics between Omani and Rima populations.
  • In the interior, meanwhile, it has been seen to shape the relationships between pre-existing chiefs, rising militarised chiefs, and coastal traders.
  • The global ivory trade was increasingly integral to the construction of political power in nineteenth-century East Africa. In the interior of this region, chiefs, state-builders, warlords, and prominent traders sought control of ivory and its trade to buttress their political authority, symbolically, economically, and militarily.
  • This divergence was tied to East Africa being a global supplier rather than a consumer of ivory. Within East Africa itself, though, few members of the general populace sold ivory directly to the global market.
  • ujhistprof on 07 Mar 23
     
    Hi Micaela Will you edit your tag as follows: "Michaela Pillay" - use the inverted commas to make your name one tag. Thanks, Natasha
dlangudlangu

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Anakho Dlangudlangu 221107980

shared by dlangudlangu on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ican coast. By the second century A.D. the coast, as far as 10? S., was 'subject under some ancient right to the sovereignty of the power which held the primacy in Arabia', and Arab merchants were exporting ivory from it in
  • hroughout the early and later middle ages. Al Masudi, writing in the early Ioth century says that elephants were extremely common in the land of Zinj, and that it was from this country that large elephant tusks were obtained: 'Most of the ivory is carried to Oman whence it is sent to India and Chin
  • rtuguese domination of the coast from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, ivory continued to be an important export; it receives more mention in Portuguese records than does the slave trade. In the sixteenth century 30,000 lb. of ivory passed through the port of Sofala
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • ughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 25 Apr 23
       
      the trade of ivory was bigger than the slave trade in the nineteenth century.
  • ucrative,
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 25 Apr 23
       
      Producing a great deal of wealth or profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I83
  • Arab traders returning from the interior brought back tales of great riches in ivory to be had almost for the taking. European travellers added to and embroidered
  • Katomba's people arrived from Babisa where they sold all their copper at two rings for a tusk, then found that abundance of ivory still remained, door posts, and house pillars had been made of ivory which was now rotten. The people of Babisa kill elephants now and bring tusks by the dozen till traders get so many that they carried them in relays.8
  • e to the
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 25 Apr 23
       
      the commercial transport of goods
  • The British East Africa Company purchased ivory in Buganda at the rate of 35 lb. of ivory for two kegs of powd
  • Other trade articles included scissors, looking-glasses, picture books, jointed jumping dolls, rings, daggers, naval and cavalry sabres, and cooking pot
  • ever as good as that from the dry, upland regions of the interior. Soft ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 S
  • hand in preference to his left, so an elephant works with a particular tusk'. One tusk is usually more worn and lighter than the other; and it is frequently broken owing to its use as a lever to tear up small trees, he
  • e. Ivory also fell into the ruler's hands in the form of tribute from subject states.15 The arrival of Basoga and Bakedi chiefs bearing rich presents of ivory was a common occurrence at Mutesa's court, as the first missionaries in Uganda obse
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • nsion and development, and this required more capital than the Arab possessed. The first Europeans to arrive on the East African coast had found the ivory trade largely in the hands of the Indian merchants at Zan
  • emarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the
    • dlangudlangu
      dlangudlangu on 25 Apr 23
       
      ivory traders were not only trading ivory but were also trading slaves, gum copal and other plants
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth
  • uld be exchanged for more ivory, which was brought daily into the camp. The rate of exchange, a cow for a tusk of ivory, offered a very profitable transaction, since the cows cost nothing. Baker speaks of expeditions capturing as many as 2,000 ca
  • Ivory from Bunyoro had very little outlet until almost the end of the century; ivory traders from the north did not penetrate this far south, and Bunyoro's trade south and eastwards was strictly controlled by Buganda.
  • The last region to be exploited for its ivory was northern Kenya. The formidable reputation of the Masai had kept this area free from interlopers. The few Arab caravans which had dared to enter Masailand in i882-83 were wiped out. However, the uneventful trip of Joseph Thomson through Masailand in 1884 and the expeditions of Carl Peters and Count Teleki in 1888-89 did much to debunk the rep
ntandoelinda

Full article: The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation... - 4 views

www.tandfonline.com/...03057070.2016.1200869

Ntando Elizabeth Linda 221152738 History 2A

shared by ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The characteristic feature of trade during most of the 18th century was its sporadic nature, maintained ever since the establishment of the Portuguese ivory trade in the 16th century. This situation changed during the English and Austrian periods of trade, when ivory was supplied on a far more regular basis because of the involvement of the country trade – a coastal trade in Asia, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and, occasionally, the east coast of Africa, conducted by privately owned merchant vessels.Footnote1515 For discussion of the Bombay country trade, see A. Bulley, Bombay Country Ships 1790–1833 (Richmond, Curzon Press, 2000).View all notes The country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts.Footnote1616 Ibid., p. vii.View all notes This practice permitted legitimate private transactions, which generated an income in silver, a strength that the Company exploited. As country ships came to dominate English maritime trade, their business became invaluable to the Company that used the ready cash to pay for its annual tea order from China. And because the EEIC formally permitted their servants to conduct private trade, merchants became stakeholders in the company as a whole.Footnote1717 Ibid.View all notes Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.Footnote1818 Ibid., p. 3.View all notes It was under these favourable circumstances that Edward Chandler and his experienced crew made their way to Delagoa Bay with an official licence to exploit the ivory market from 1756. The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      With the rise of ivory trade in the 18th century, came exploitation for Africa as the EEIC benefitted more and extracted everything in Africa causing the animals with ivory to become extinct. The limited interference by Europeans was not displayed enough yet the ivory supply attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • The demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay was nothing new and was the reason for the Portuguese trade initiative in 1545. The Dutch, throughout their stay (1721–1730), did everything in their power to stimulate and expand the trade, and yet the supply stayed relatively low and dwindled to nothing when the desired trade goods ran out. The type of trade goods on offer decided the source and volume of the ivory supply. During the Dutch era, ivory traders from the north-west interior in search of dark blue glass beads approached the coast to trade, but because these beads were always in short supply, the ivory trade faltered. Judging by the Austrian inventories, the ivory supply came predominantly from the Nkomati and Maputo rivers.
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      Before the 18th century, there was a significant decrease in the selling of the ivory, The Dutch attempted to change the situation but did not succeed. At that time, not a lot of people did not know the value of the ivory and did not know how it could be used hence there was a decline in the sales of ivory.
  • By the late 18th century, then, Delagoa Bay had become primarily a refreshment station. It remained so well into the 19th century.Footnote8383 BdJ.L.M.L. Zimba, ‘Overseas Trade, Regional Politics and Gender Roles: Southern Mozambique, c.1720 to c.1830’, PhD thesis, University of Michigan, 1999, Chapter 3, pp. 161–73.View all notes The Tembe had provisioned ships from the 16th century through to the 18th century, and were naturally the group to maintain and expand this dominance over the food trade when whalers started to frequent the Bay.Footnote8484 Chewins, ‘Trade at Delagoa Bay’, p. 127.View all notes The Mfumo, situated on the northern shore, were known for a lack of cultivation (owing to the sandy soil found there), and their reliance on meat, even the ‘gedroogte spiere van hun vijande’, for sustenance.Footnote8585 CA C406 f. 117, ‘the dried flesh of their enemies’, a cynical observation of a disillusioned employee of the VOC, visiting the trading post in 1721.View all notes Cultivation on the northern bank, apart from the Dutch effort to establish a Company garden, was an activity that the Mfumo consistently avoided throughout the 18th century.Footnote8686 The Dutch pointed out the lack of non-cultivation in 1720, see CA C406 f. 117; the observation is repeated in White, Journal of a Voyage, p. 52.View all notes The Tembe side of Delagoa Bay was well suited to agriculture, having dark fertile soil and a higher rainfall than the opposite bank
    • ntandoelinda
      ntandoelinda on 25 Apr 23
       
      The trade in ivory connects to the history of KwaZulu-Natal as it was one of the routes used to deliver the ivory from all the points. The refreshment station was made to accommodate the people who are shipping the ivory from point a to point b.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

A.M.221125122

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  • andiswa2023 on 26 Apr 23
     
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
bulelwa

Ivory trade eradicated elephants from eastern Africa - Futurity - 4 views

www.futurity.org/ivory-elephants-1276882-2

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • trade
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, seems like it will explore how the ivory trade impacted elephants from East Africa in a negative manner. In essence, it will explore how the ivory trade destroyed the existence if elephants of elephants in East Africa
  • eradicated
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The word eradicated means to destroy or put to an end completely.
  • Archaeologists
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The study aimed to learn about the past history of humans and animals.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • 19th century.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is an important date because it links to the time frame that is asked in the Digo assessment.
  • Eastern Africa has been a major source of elephant ivory for millennia, with a sharp increase in trade witnessed during the 19th century fueled by escalating demand from Europe and North America.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is the author's main idea. The author tires to insinuate that elephants' existence in East Africa was threatened by the high request for ivory from Europe and North America.
  • Isotope analysis
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Definition is the identification of isotopic signature, abundance of certain stable isotopes of chemical elements within organic and inorganic compounds.
  • Desirable objects such as cutlery-handles, piano keys, and billiard balls drove the extension of global trade networks and the industrialization of the ivory-working industry
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is another idea that proves that the Elephant population was put to an end during the 19th century because their horns were used to make objects such as cutlery, piano keys, and many more.
  • on historic East African ivory and skeletal remains provided information about diet and therefore elephants’ likely habitat, which allowed scientists to figure out where ivory originally came from and to map elephant geography in the region
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that it was through, Isotope analysis that made a scientist could see the origin of elephants that were used for the ivory trade.
  • vory samples traded after 1890 matched elephants living in forested interior regions of East Africa.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This provides information that elephants that were used to perform ivory came from East Africa which is why their ivory samples match with living elephants in East Africa.
  • The findings, published in PLOS ONE,  support previous evidence suggesting that an increase in hunting resulted in the eradication of elephants from along the coast of southern Kenya and northern Tanzania by the mid-19th century, driving trade inland.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is another main idea, that suggests that the increase in hunting resulted in elephants being put to an end in places that are found in the East African region for instance Tanzania.
  • Today, elephants live in national parks and game reserves in these same landscapes, but are more restricted in terms of their movement than they would have been in the 19th century.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that in the 19th century, elephants were freed to move freely without guidance it was because of the rise of the ivory trade in East Africa that affected their movement.
  • bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
     
    A blog that narrates the effects of the ivory trade in East Africa in 19th century.
Lesedi Mokoena

_Guns Race and Power in Colonial South Africa edited 222.pdf - 2 views

Lesedi Mokoena

shared by Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ubiquitous
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      present, appearing, or found everywhere.
  • colonial settlers
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      Settler colonies were places outside of Europe where huge numbers of European immigrants voluntarily settled, even though they were a minority among the native population. This allowed them to ensure their political control.1 Colonies were predominately settler colonies until the early 19th century; after that, settler colonies were a distinct type of colony. In classical antiquity, a "colony" was a compact settlement of emigrants from a polis or, in the case of the Romans, a group of retired soldiers. When one considers the definition of colony as it was used in classical antiquity, the phrase "settler colony" becomes a tautology. However, since genuine settlement became the exception rather than the rule in the 19th century, we still use this phrase. The concept of colonialism , which only emerged in the late 19th century, has connotations of "foreign rule".
  • guns also accentuated the insecurities of settlement
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      Settlers felt they needed to rely on guns for safety seeing as they knew they forcefully occupied land belonging to groups of people and that put them in potential danger.
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • David Livingstone
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      David Livingstone, (born March 19, 1813, Blantyre, Lanarkshire, Scotland-died May 1, 1873, Chitambo [now in Zambia]), Scottish missionary and explorer who exercised a formative influence on Western attitudes toward Africa. Livingstone took the decision to go into medicine in 1834 after hearing a need for skilled medical missionaries in China from British and American churches. He spent two years in Glasgow studying Greek, theology, and medicine to prepare while still working part-time in the mill. He was approved by the London Missionary Society in 1838. His hopes of traveling to China were dashed by the first of the Opium Wars (1839-42), but a meeting with Robert Moffat, a well-known Scottish missionary in southern Africa, persuaded him that Africa should be his area of focus. He received his missionary ordination on November 20, 1840. At the end of the year, he sailed for South Africa and arrived in Cape Town on March 14, 1841. Livingstone was constantly moving into the interior of Africa in order to strengthen his commitment to missions, indulge his passion for geographic exploration, engage in conflict with the Boers and Portuguese-whose treatment of the Africans he eventually came to detest-and establish for himself a remarkable reputation as a devout Christian, fearless explorer, and ardent opponent of slavery. But his devotion to Africa was so intense that he neglected his responsibilities as a spouse and a father.
  • Guns were a form of private property,
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      Only colonists were allowed tp own guns
  • reticent
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      not revealing one's thoughts or feelings readily.
  • guns also accentuated the insecurities of settlement 502 Book Reviews Stickynote once they spread
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      (The note for this highlight falls under the previous highlight...i could not highlight it at once).
  • Robert Moffat
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      (born December 21, 1795 in Ormiston, East Lothian, Scotland-died August 9, 1883 in Leigh, Kent, England), a Scottish Bible translator and missionary to Africa who was well-known for his work to raise the standard of living there. Additionally, he was the father-in-law of David Livingstone (1813-1973), a missionary and explorer. Moffat was sent to South Africa by the London Missionary Society in 1816 despite having minimal training. He resided at Kuruman, southeast of the Kalahari (desert), after spending seven years in a number of locales that were disrupted by fighting among Zulu clans. He spent 49 years there, establishing one of the most prestigious Protestant missionary settlements in Africa.
  • political discourse in South Africa in the nineteenth century
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      Humanitarians had been fighting vehemently against slavery by the time the Cape changed hands during the Napoleonic Wars, and in 1807 they were successful in convincing Britain to outlaw the practice. Soon after, British antislavery ships began patrolling Africa's western coast. In order to meet the rising demand in Europe, ivory became west-central Africa's most significant export. The main supply came from the renowned hunters Ovimbundu and Chokwe, who were located near the western port of Benguela. With their weapons, they waded into into south-central Africa and wiped off the elephant populations. They had entered Luvale and Lozi territory by 1850 and were making their way through the southern Congo's woods. The Ovambo peoples, who lived in more rural, agricultural areas, were enticed into the ivory trade as well. The Ovambo had initially been able to dodge the slave trade that plagued their more populated neighbors by selling in salt, copper, and iron from the Etosha Pan region to the north as well as providing hides and ivory to Portuguese traders. The introduction of weapons in the middle of the 19th century greatly increased the volume of the ivory trade, but by the 1880s, the elephant population was almost completely disappeared. By that time, traders from Walvis Bay, the Cape Colony, and Angola wanted livestock in addition to ivory. Ovambo leaders increased their dominance by raiding the pastoral Herero and Nama people in the vast, dry country to their south with the weapons they obtained through trade.
  • Portuguese
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      The earliest connections between South Africa and Europe were made by Portugal's exploration missions. The first Europeans to step foot on South African soil were the Portuguese. The Dutch founded the first permanent settlement in Europe on April 6, 1652.
  • assegai
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      An assegai is a pole weapon used for throwing, usually a light spear or javelin made up of a wooden handle and an iron tip. The Zulu produced at least 20 different types of spear. Perhaps the best known of these is the assegai, which was also used by several other Nguni groups in Southern Africa. The Assegai was a throwing spear (javelin) as can be seen from the narrow, leaf-shaped blade and long, slender tapering shaft.
  • flintlocks
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      flintlock, ignition system for firearms, developed in the early 16th century. It superseded the matchlock and wheel lock and was itself outmoded by the percussion lock in the first half of the 19th century. The best-developed form, the true flintlock, was invented in France in the early 17th century, probably by Marin le Bourgeoys. It had a frizzen (striker) and pan cover made in one piece. When the trigger was pulled, a spring action caused the frizzen to strike the flint, showering sparks onto the gunpowder in the priming pan; the ignited powder, in turn, fired the main charge in the bore, propelling the ball.
  • nexus
    • Lesedi Mokoena
      Lesedi Mokoena on 26 Apr 23
       
      a central or focal point.
olwethusilindile

zulu Origins.pdf - 1 views

Olwethu Visasa 220117155

shared by olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Origins of the Zulu Kingdom
  • James Gump*
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the author of this journal article
  • the Xhosa u
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • 1820s and 1830s is described
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      most important event took place
  • on. John D. Omer-Cooper, in Zulu After math: A Nineteenth Century Revolution in Bantu Africa argues that the "wars and migrations of the Mfecane were the by products of a socio-political revolution towards larger communi ties and wider loyaltie
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why the author only mention wars and migration? What about hunger?
  • Omer-Cooper's Zulu Aftermath serves as a useful point of departure for an examination of the origins of the Zulu kingdom.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why only the Omer- Cooper's Zulu Aftermath ?
  • survived into modern times."3 Omer-Cooper includes among the mfecane's progeny the Basuto kingdom on the highveld forged during the difaqane and surviving to reach independence as Lesotho; the Swazi kingdom of the Dhlamini-Ngwane, founded in the 1840s and the basis for Swaziland; the Ngoni kingdoms in Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania; the Kololo kingdom on the upper Zambesi river; and the Ndebele kingdom, settling eventually in southern Zimbabwe
  • a. The battles and famines of the 1820s and 1830s are but a part of the history of Nguni state for
  • Zulu Kingdom
  • The Historian
  • The conventional emphasis on great men and the military institutions they orchestrated embraces at least two methodologi cal deficiencies. First, it is ahistorical—if one views the formation of the Zulu kingdom as a revolutionary outburst among the northern Nguni one may overlook subtle evolutionary processes of socioeconomic change; and second, it is myopic—the tendency to study Zulu state formation as a phase of military history betrays a cultural or ideological dimension that reveals a great deal about the "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summarized The conventional focus on great men and military institutions is ahistorical and myopic, overlooking subtle socioeconomic change and cultural/ideological dimensions of the Zulu kingdom.
  • Although Omer-Cooper does not view these societies this way, he perpetuates the bias by emphasizing the military "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
  • . He replaced this brief period of ritual seclusion with long term military service to the chiefdom and grouped these former circumcision sets on the criterion of similar age rather than the traditional territorial principle. With these redesigned age-sets, or amabutho, Dingiswayo forged a confederacy from among his Nguni neighb
  • Although the Zulu was one of the least significant of the chiefdoms absorbed during the course of Mthethwa expansion, its status changed markedly when Shaka usurped the Zulu chieftainship from his brother in 1816
  • In 1959, anthropologist Monica Wilson initiated a second line of investigation by suggesting that scholars examine the role of long-distance trade as a factor in Zulu state formation. As evidence, she cites the statement of Henry Frances Fynn, an early Natalian trader, that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay as one of his first acts as Mthethwa chieftain.15 Alan Smith, drawing upon the journals and letters of Portuguese traders and missionaries, has advanced Wilson's proposal by arguing that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The lucrative ivory trade with Europe during this period intensified in the second half of the eighteenth century and Smith demonstrates that a significant share of trade originated in Natal. Numerous accounts corroborate this view and indicate that trade routes extended as far south as the eastern Cape fro
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Long-distance trade was a major factor in Zulu state formation, as evidenced by Henry Frances Fynn's statement that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay. Alan Smith argued that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      were the (regiments ) defended against raiders provided protection for refugees
  • f ivory. During the course of the Mabudu-Tembe struggle two major Nguni chiefdoms, the Dhlamini-Ngwane and Ndwandwe, moved southwestward into northern Zulul
  • Two other studies advance the hypothesis that trade was a major elemënt in the rise of the Zulu kingdom. Henry Slater argues that the effect of mercantile capital (i.e., the European demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay) placed unbearable tensions on a feudal social structure. The ensuing conflict over control of the means of production for the market transformed a feudal mode of production into an absolutist one.18 David W. Hedges argues that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands between Delagoa Bay and northern Natal played an important role in Nguni state formation during the latter half of the eighteenth century. The conflict that ensued by the early nineteenth century did not result from an increase in ivory exports, as Smith suggests, but according to Hedges, from a change in the nature of the trade at Delagoa Bay. Hedges argues that the number of ships at Delagoa Bay decreased, and the export of cattle, a valuable commodity in Zululand, replaced that of
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Trade was a major factor in the rise of the Zulu kingdom, with Henry Slater arguing that mercantile capital placed tensions on feudal social structures and David W. Hedges arguing that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands played an important role in Nguni state formation.
  • socio-political change should be challenged for two reasons. First, the most substantial evidence linking Nguni expansion to Delagoa Bay is Fynn's brief allusion to Dingiswayo
  • Second, the precolonial Nguni economy pivoted around the production of cattle and crops. Even during the nineteenth century trade held, at best, a secondary role.
  • The most dramatic difference between this map and one he constructs for 1950 is that the latter reflects almost no forest or scrubfores
  • ry. The conflict that appears to have been widespread immediately prior to the emergence of Shaka, may have reflected the efforts of ruling lineages to extend their polities over the most favorable ecological zone
  • An analysis of Ndwandwe, Mthethwa and Qwabe expansion in the eighteenth century reflects three goals of each: 1) to dominate versatile pasturage; 2) to control fertile river valleys and coastal lowlands; and 3) to dominate defensible hill regions to protect precious economic assets, such as cattle and grain.26
  • g the northern Nguni . . . must also be understood as encompassing a major social transformation cen
  • The Historian Given the spotty oral and documentary evidence, it is doubtful that scholars will ever know "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chiefdoms rather suddenly collapsed."42 Yet it now seems clear that this collapse was not sudden, and it involved significant ideological, as well as socio-political change. At the same time scholars have also exaggerated the military features of the Zulu kingdom, thus missing the more complex character of Nguni amabutho. And finally, the extent of population loss on the highveld as a result of the Shakan wars remains unknown. Afrikaners may not have trekked into a demographic vacuum. Since dramatic depopulation is not a proven historical fact, it should not be treated as such. To do so, one risks contributing to the political mythology of apartheid.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the loss of stability in relation to supply or demand
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is a specified word , usually of another language
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
  • The Bloody Story of the Zulu War of 18
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      how truthful is this? the Nguni never run out of the place
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