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aneziwemkhungo

THE RISE OF A ZULU EMPIRE.pdf - 2 views

shared by aneziwemkhungo on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Shaka then raised the stick in his hand and after striking with it right and left and springing out from amidst the chiefs, the whole mass broke from thei
  • W h e n S h a k a d e f e a t e d h i s m a j o r r i v a l , t h e N d w a n d w e c h i e f Z w i d e , s o m e o f t h e v a n q u i s h e d N d w a n d w e s fl e d t o t h e n o r t h a n d w e s t . O n e o f t h e s e t r i b e s e s t a b l i s h e d i t s r u l e i n w h a t i s n o w M o z a m b i q u e a n d e x t o r t e d t r i b u t e f r o m t h e P o r t u g u e s e t r a d i n g s t a t i o n s o n t h e Z a m b e z i R i v e r
  • As the tribes moved, they often split. A chief had several wives of varying status, and he placed important ones in different parts of his territory and at­ tached followers to them
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • Dingiswayo promptly killed his brother and seized the Mtetwa chief­ tainship
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  • According to stories told some 16 years later to the English traders who visited Shaka, Dingiswayo declared that the constant fighting among the tribes was against the wish of the Creator, and that he intended to conquer them all
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  • Shaka himself had had no children. He said that a son would kill him for the throne.
  • He forbade his men to marry or have sexual relations with women until he gave them permission to do so in middle age, and he quartered all his men in great barracks, as in any modern army.
  • Shaka became a conqueror because he was born into a system where changes in the ratio of population to land, and perhaps increased trade with Europeans through intermediary lands, were pro­ ducing a drive toward the emergence of an overlord of the region.
  •  
    The Zulu empire rose in the 19th century under the leadership of its founder shaka. This article highlights how he introduced new military tactics, including the use of short stabbing spears and large cowhide shields, and created a strict military discipline within his army. Even after Shaka's death, the Zulu empire continued to flourish under the rule of Cetshwayo kaMpande in 1879, but the Boers eventually defeated the Zulu army in the Ulundi battle resulting in a British invasion in 1879. Even though the empire was turned into a Natal colony but the Zulu culture continued to survive.
aneziwemkhungo

THE RISE OF A ZULU EMPIRE.pdf - 0 views

shared by aneziwemkhungo on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But his rise to power was probably also the result of tides that had been running in the life of the African peoples for two centuries: the rising population in the interior of Africa, the emigration from the interior that was crowding the pas­ ture lands of Natal, and the increasing contacts with European settlers and traders. Shaka's abrupt, brief and bloody appearance in history thus provides sig­ nificant inSights into the all too Iittle­ known history of the "Dark Continent."
  • Shaka had built this disciplined na­ tion and army in less than 10 years after he became chief of a small tribe of about 2,000 people
  • W h e n S h a k a d e f e a t e d h i s m a j o r r i v a l , t h e N d w a n d w e c h i e f Z w i d e , s o m e o f t h e v a n q u i s h e d N d w a n d w e s fl e d t o t h e n o r t h a n d w e s t . O n e o f t h e s e t r i b e s e s t a b l i s h e d i t s r u l e i n w h a t i s n o w M o z a m b i q u e a n d e x t o r t e d t r i b u t e f r o m t h e P o r t u g u e s e t r a d i n g s t a t i o n s o n t h e Z a m b e z i R i v e r .
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • The castaways, like many modern students of African history, were in­ clined to regard the natives as "savages" who would attack and rob strangers un­ less frightened away. This was surely not the case; the tribes were well-organ­ ized societies with elaborate codes of law and ethics. A careful survey of the records has convinced me that the na­ tives did not slaughter and steal only when they felt they were stronger than the shipwrecked party, and trade and parley only when they were afraid; the situation was much more complicated. The natives had a great need for iron, copper and other metals: many of their javelins were made of wood hardened by fire, and in some tribes women cul­ tivated with sticks rather than with iron hoes. They
  • Seven fairly complete journals kept by castaways show that the parties were attacked either in years of widespread drought or after the invasion of locusts, when food was short among the natives; or when they were wrecked just before the harvest and the natives were in want as they waited for the new crops
  • 1,he journals and the native traditions make it clear that Natal was occu­ pied by a great number of small inde­ pendent tribes organized around kinship groups
  • Even in bad years, however, castaways who dropped out of the march from weakness were often succored by the very people who had been harassing them. Men from later shipwrecks occasionally met these cast­ aways; often they had been given cattle, wives and land, and had assumed im­ portant places among their saviors.
  • As the tribes moved, they often split. A chief had several wives of varying status, and he placed important ones in different parts of his territory and at­ tached followers to them
  • Without doubt economic forces were at work along with personal ambition in this process of political fission
  • Dingiswayo promptly killed his brother and seized the Mtetwa chief­ tainship. According to stories told some 16 years later to the English traders who visited Shaka, Dingiswayo declared that the constant fighting among the tribes was against the wish of the Creator, and that he intended to conquer them al
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keitumetse02

Imperial Strategy and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 - 3 views

  • IMPERIALSTRATEGY
  • but a second battle on that same day at a smallmission station named Rorke’s Drift made these events more remarkable st
  • 120 men decided to stand and fight rather than flee the advancingimpithat had justwiped out their comrades.
    • gumedehp
       
      the British due their capability the British warrior split into half to fight powerful against the Zulu warriors, the Zulu's was lacking of the new techniques. that leads them to be defeated by British European.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • British Empire provides an example of greedycapitalists dispossessing indigenous peoples in their search for new markets andraw materials,1yet w
    • gumedehp
       
      the British were so cruel and desperate because of their desperation of the minerals like gold. the acted greedy to get what they want by invading other kingdoms to take over.
  • That an army of this size had slipped pastBritish reconnaissance on the open veldt of South Africa to mount such a successfulattack was remarkable in itself,
    • gumedehp
       
      during their first war of isandlwana the Zulus defeated British. The two war happened on a same day.
  • On22 January1879,
    • gumedehp
       
      after the British invaded Zululand in South Africa, it has led to a formation of a war called isandlwana or Impi yasesandlwana,it was between the British and the Zulu,s.
  • O’CONNOROn22
  • January1879
  • after the British invaded Zululand in South Africa, it has led to a formation of a war called isandlwana or Impi yasesandlwana,it was between the British and the Zulu,s.
  • he British due their capability the British warrior split into half to fight powerful against the Zulu warriors, the Zulu's was lacking of the new techniques. that leads
  • IMPERIALSTRATEGY AND THEANGLO–ZULUWAR OF1879DAMIANP. O’CONNOROn22 January1879, the British army suffered its worst colonial defeat of thenineteenth century when 1,500 men armed with the most modern weapons thenavailable were wiped out at the battle of Isandlwana by a Zulu army––animpi––of25,000 warriors armed only with spears. That an army of this size had slipped pastBritish reconnaissance on the open veldt of South Africa to mount such a successfulattack was remarkable in itself, but a second battle on that same day at a smallmission station named Rorke’s Drift made these events more remarkable still. Here,120 men decided to stand and fight rather than flee the advancingimpithat had justwiped out their comrades. At bayonet point, they fought a last-round defenseagainst 4,000 Zulu warriors which earned them a victory and eleven VictoriaCrosses––the highest number of the highest award for bravery ever bestowed on asingle day in British military history. In 1964, this remarkable battle was immor-talized in Cy Enderfield’s classic filmZuluwhich, among other things, providedMichael Caine with his first screen role and generated an interest in the Anglo–ZuluWar of 1879 which has scarcely abated today. Indeed, the historiography on theevents of this war is now remarkably complete; we know more about the militaryevents of this war than perhaps any other. Still open to question, however, is whythose famous Redcoats were fighting Zulus at all, and the search for an answer tothis question has led to some conclusions that were not at all obvious.It has often been posited that the British Empire provides an example of greedycapitalists dispossessing indigenous peoples in their search for new markets andraw materials,1yet whenever one looks into the particular circumstances of anepisode of expansion, it is very difficult to isolate a viable economic motive. This isDamian P. O’Connor is a doctoral research student at the University of East Anglia, UnitedKingdom.1. See for example, A. Duminy and C. Ballard, eds.,The Anglo-Zulu War: New Perspectives(Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1981); R. L. Cope,Ploughshare of War: TheOrigins of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879(Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1999);</spa
lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo&nbsp;had started to purchase guns before&nbsp;the war. The Zulus now&nbsp;had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But&nbsp;their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle&nbsp;armed only with shields and spears.&nbsp;However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat.&nbsp;The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo&nbsp;had started to purchase guns before&nbsp;the war. The Zulus now&nbsp;had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But&nbsp;their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle&nbsp;armed only with shields and spears.&nbsp;However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo&nbsp;had started to purchase guns before&nbsp;the war. The Zulus now&nbsp;had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But&nbsp;their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle&nbsp;armed only with shields and spears.&nbsp;However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  •  
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  •  
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
kwanelealicia

Orange Free State* - Countries - Office of the Historian - 1 views

  • Orange Free State
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Orange Free State was an independent Boer sovereign republic under British suzerainty in Southern Africa during the second half of the 19th century, which ceased to exist after it was defeated and surrendered to the British Empire at the end of the Second Boer War in 1902. It is one of the three historical precursors to the present-day Free State province.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Southern African Boer nation known as the Orange Free State. Early in the nineteenth century, Dutch immigrants known as Boers inhabited the region. The Orange Free State, positioned between the Orange and Vaal Rivers, was granted independence by the Bloemfontein Convention in 1854. A republic based on the U.S. constitution, the Orange Free State only allowed white men to vote.
  • The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers. The Orange Free State was a republic modeled upon the U.S. constitution, but restricted franchise to white males.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • In 1867 diamonds were discovered in the Orange Free State and by 1870 there were sufficient reserves of diamonds to stimulate a “rush” of several thousand fortune hunters. Other important Orange Free State exports that gained a wider world market during the 1860s were ostrich feathers and ivory, obtained by hunting the region’s elephants
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Diamonds were found in the Orange Free State in 1867, and by 1870 there were enough diamond deposits to cause a rush of a few thousand would-be millionaires. Ostrich feathers and ivory, which were harvested from the area's elephants, were other significant Orange Free State products that expanded their global market during the 1860s.
  • The expanding commercial trade prompted the United States to complete its first international agreement with the Orange Free State, the Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition of 1871, and also recognize the young republic.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      I think that this is an important peace of information because the author explains how the Agreement of Goodwill and Economics and Extradition of 1871, which the United States concluded with the Orange Free State as part of its first international deal, and the nascent republic's recognition were both motivated by the growth of economic trade.
  • The 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which ended the Boer War, annexed the Orange Free State to the British Empire.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Here the author tells us that the Orange Free State was incorporated into the British Empire as part of the 1902 Peace of Vereeniging, which put an end to the Boer War.
  • The first known act of recognition between the United States and the Republic of the Orange Free State occurred in 1871 when plenipotentiaries for the two states signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition on December 22, 1871.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      When appointed officials representing the two nations approved the Agreement of Amity and Trade and The act of extradition on December 22, 1871, it was the first documented instance of an acknowledgment among the United States of America and the nation of the Republic of the Orange Free State.
  • 1776-1909
  • Consular Presence
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Consular presence is an official appointed by a sovereign state to protect its commercial interests and aid its citizens in a foreign city.
  • The first U.S. Consul assigned to the Orange Free State was Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as U.S. Consular Agent to Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891. U.S. consular agents remained posted at Bloemfontein after its incorporation into the British Empire until the post was closed by agency order on November 30, 1928.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Ernst Richard Landgraf, who was appointed as the United States' first consular agent at Bloemfontein on December 16, 1891, served as the nation's first consul in the Orange Free State. After Bloemfontein joined the British Empire, U.S. consular officials remained stationed there until the post was disbanded on November 30, 1928, under agency directive.
  • William M. Malloy
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Author.
  • Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols, and Agreements Between The United States of American and Other Powers
  • Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1910).
  • Full diplomatic relations between the United States and the Orange Free State were never established. In 1899, the Orange Free State declared war upon the British and fought alongside its sister Boer republic, the South African Republic, during the Boer War (1899-1902). The British occupied the capital of Bloemfontein in 1900.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The United States never established formal diplomatic ties with the Orange Free State. During the Boer War (1899-1902), which took place between the Boer Republics of South Africa and the Orange Free State, the latter declared war on the former in 1899. In 1900, Bloemfontein became the new British colony's capital.
  • Diplomatic Relations
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Diplomatic relations is the arrangement between two countries by which each has representatives in the other country.
  • The United States and the Orange Free State never established diplomatic relations.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Why did they not establish any diplomatic relations? I mean exchanges on the surplus of another country could be beneficial to the other's deficit, and the other way around.
  • On December 22, 1871, the United States signed a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition with the Orange Free State in Bloemfonten, Orange Free State. The convention was negotiated and signed by U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who served at the time as American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and the government secretary of the Orange Free State, Friedrich Kaufman Höhne. This convention was denounced on January 4, 1895 by the Government of Orange Free State.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      So basically a Convention of Friendship and Commerce and Extradition between the United States and the Orange Free State was signed on December 22, 1871, at Bloemfontein, Orange Free State. U.S. Special Agent Willard W. Edgcomb, who was then the American Consul at the Cape of Good Hope, and Friedrich Kaufman Höhne, the Orange Free State's government secretary, worked out the terms of the convention and signed it. On January 4, 1895, this convention was condemned by the Orange Free State government.
  • Colonization
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Colonization is ​the act of taking control of an area or a country that is not your own, especially using force, and sending people from your own country to live there.
  • The Orange Free State ceased to exist as an independent, sovereign state in 1902 as a result of the process of colonization that carved up much of the African continent into areas of European empire. There were several states like the Orange Free State, with which the United States had treaties or sometimes even diplomatic relations, that were incorporated into another state’s overseas empire.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Due to the colonization process, which divided much of the African continent into regions under the control of the European empire, the Orange Free State ceased to exist as a free, sovereign state in 1902. It included a number of states, such as the Orange Free State, that were absorbed into the overseas empire of another state with which the United States had treaties or occasionally even diplomatic relations.
zethembiso

Captain Malcom Letter No.2.pdf - 0 views

  •  
    This letter was written on 12 October 1881 by Captain Malcom to the Earl of Northbrook. There was a previous letter received from Sir Alexander Milne on the 10th which was stating that the king wanted Malcom's suggestions about how were they going to defeat the slave trade in the Red Sea. Malcom assumed that the East Indian squadron with the experience their officers had and with the help the Sultan of Zanzibar gave was quite able to cope with it. Malcom requested to refer Blue Book No.1,1879, slave Trade, Egypt,p.9, enclosure to letter No.17, touching on the trade at some ports in the Gulf of Aden and Red Sea, also to p.22, inclosure to letter 32. Malcom said that all those reports were written by him.
luyandalindelwa

Imperial Strategy and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.pdf - 0 views

shared by luyandalindelwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • On 22 January 1879, the British army suffered its worst colonial defeat of the nineteenth century when 1,500 men armed with the most modern weapons then available were wiped out at the battle of Isandlwana by a Zulu army—an impi—of 25,000 warriors armed only with spears. That an army of this size had slipped past British reconnaissance on the open veldt of South Africa to mount such a successful attack was remarkable in itself, but a second battle on that same day at a small mission station named Rorke's Drift made the
  • On 22 January 1879, the British army suffered its worst colonial defeat of the nineteenth century when 1,500 men armed with the most modern weapons then available were wiped out at the battle of Isandlwana by a Zulu army—an impi—of 25,000 warriors armed only with spears. That an army of this size had slipped past British reconnaissance on the open veldt of South Africa to mount such a successful attack was remarkable in itself, but a second battle on that same day at a small mission station named Rorke's Drift made the
    • luyandalindelwa
       
      Damian P. O'Connor's view is that the British army suffered its worst defeat in the 19th century when they were wiped out by Zulu warriors at Isandlwana.
  • Thus the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879: an unauthorized aggression conducted for reasons of geopolitical strategy by a man who considered himself to have the interests of the empire at heart and who dis
    • luyandalindelwa
       
      In short Damian argues that the Anglo-Zulu War was unauthorized aggression for geopolitical strategy.
mokoena03

Imperial Strategy and the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.pdf - 0 views

shared by mokoena03 on 28 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • O’CONNOR On 22 January 1879, the British army suffered its worst colonial defeat of the nineteenth century when 1,500 men armed with the most modern weapons then available were wiped out at the battle of Isandlwana by a Zulu army––an impi––of 25,000 warriors armed only with spears.
    • mokoena03
       
      The 22 January 1879 is a significant date because it was a massacre where men died. At the battle of Isandlwana.
  • t bayonet point, they fought a last-round defense against 4,000 Zulu warriors which earned them a victory and eleven Victoria Crosses––the highest number of the highest award for bravery ever bestowed on a single day in British military history.
    • mokoena03
       
      The British army then fought against 4000 Zulu warriors. This was a remarkable British military history
  • It has often been posited that the British Empire provides an example of greedy capitalists dispossessing indigenous peoples in their search for new markets and raw materials, 1 yet whenever one looks into the particular circumstances of an episode of expansion, it is very difficult to isolate a viable economic motive.
    • mokoena03
       
      The British Empire was a greedy empire that wanted to take away the resources, and belongings of the indigenous people and own everything. They did this during their search for new markets and raw material
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • expanded her control over wide areas of Southern Africa during the nineteenth century against the opposition of indigenous peoples and the original Dutch settlers, the Boers, while at the same time repudiating any desire for an increase in territory or responsibility
    • mokoena03
       
      Britain expanded it's control on most areas in South Africa
  • This article will argue that the roots of this war lay in the strategic importance of the Cape route to India and the particular strategic situation of the British Empire in 1879.
    • mokoena03
       
      The roots of the Anglo-Zulu War lay in the strategic importance of the Cape route to India
  • Cetshwayo, however, was not a passive victim in the process that led to war. Rather , he was a shrewd leader who unfortunately suffered from an overwhelming ignorance of the extent of British power
    • mokoena03
       
      King Cetshwayo was a leader who was suffering from ignorance of the extent of the British empire
  • Frere, however, making Cape Town secure was only part of the answer to external threats, and he argued that there were a number of opportunities for European powers to intervene in Southern Africa if they so wished.
    • mokoena03
       
      Frere believed that they were many possibilities for European powers to intervene in South Africa.
  • ly , Cetshwayo had looked to the British as a potential ally against Boer land claims in the Disputed Territory along the Transvaal-Zululand border. Now he was in direct dispute with them.
    • mokoena03
       
      At first King Cetshwayo did not see the Europeans as enemies or rivalries. However, that changed because of everything that has been happening, and now that he was aware of the European's plans he was thus in direct dispute with them.
  • Frere’s context was, therefore, that of a leading strategic thinker sent out to prepare a vulnerable point in the empire for a widely expected war with Russia that would include as a feature the possibility of a cruiser attack or commando raid on the ports of South Africa.
    • mokoena03
       
      The war had key role players or people who played important roles in the war, Like Frere, King Cetshwayo, and others. Frere was a British leading strategic thinker, who was sent out to prepare vulnerable points in the empire.
  • The king has changed his tone. He says that he is tired of talking and now intends to fight and that he can easily eat up the whole lot of whitemen [sic] like pieces of meat and then not have enough... that as soon as Secucuni heard that fighting had begun, he would attack us also.
    • mokoena03
       
      The Zulu King Cetshwayo got tired of playing nice, he then decided to go to war.
  • the Anglo–Zulu War of 1879: an unauthorized aggression conducted for reasons of geopolitical strategy by a man who considered himself to have the interests of the empire at heart and who distrusted the good faith of politicians. It was emphatically not, as has often been claimed in historiography,
    • mokoena03
       
      The Anglo Zulu War was Thus a
zenethian

Painting. The Defense of Rorke's Drift (Zulu War, 22--23 January 1879). on JSTOR - 4 views

  •  
    Painting. The Defense of Rorke's Drift (Zulu War, 22--23 January 1879). DATE: 1879 CREATOR: DUGAN W. H. (XIX century), artist DESCRIPTION: (Black warriors attacking British position.) Biography: DENEUVILLE Alphonse - Saint-Omer (FRANCE) 31 May 1835--19 May 1885 Paris (FRANCE). Inscriptions: Signed and dated.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
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  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  •  
    Non-academic source
molapisanekagiso

40060682.pdf - 1 views

  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
  • In colonial southern Africa there were plenty of guns and plenty of skilled shooters, or so it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
  • Africans. Partly through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • l. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
  • The Comaroffs' approach offers a good starting point from which to investigate what everyday practice meant, ideologically, with respect to firearms - carrying them, caring for them, storing them, not to mention hunting and fighting with them. It happens that skills with guns and the perceived and real links to political power weapons and skills conferred were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • e much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber m
  • weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of musket. The earliest examples of the latter, dating from the eighteenth century, were made in the Netherlands for export to the Cape. Some were "four-bore," 1.052-caliber (26.72-millimeter) muskets that fired a four-ounce ball, and others were "eight-bore," .835-caliber (21.2 millimeter) muskets firing a two-ounce ball. They could be charged with as much as 14 drams (0.875 ounces) of powder, in contrast to the .75-caliber Brown Bess, which fired a 1.45-ounce ball using less powder. A .75-caliber musket could kill an elephant at short range with a well-placed shot, but the larger muskets fired a heavier, more destructive ball, and were made specifically for hunting elephants and other big-game animals.18
  • port complete guns from Britain.19 Hunting guns occupied a special niche in colonial southern African culture. They came to be known affectionately as sanna, a word derived from the Dutch snaphaan (snaphaunce, an early type of flintlock) and were also called roer, a Dutch word for gun derived perhaps from the sound of a gunshot. Their
  • saddle. At first, 44-inch barrels were popular because hunters liked to stop the horse, lean over the saddle, and rest the stock on the ground while loading. But a gun with such a long barrel can be awkward to manipulate on horseback, which is why cavalrymen preferred carbines and pistols. Later, as it became clear that shorter guns could be sufficiently powerful, mounted hunters also came to prefer them. In southern Africa the trigger mechanism was also adapted to riding: many African muskets required a heavy pull on the trigger to prevent accidental discharge during a fall from a horse.22 22. Lategan, 524-25. Tylden
  • Even so, by the 1880s rural settlement was proceeding apace, and game animals were growing scarce. Young Boer men relied less on their guns to earn a living and therefore practiced less. The old percussion-lock muskets and rifles gradually lost their appeal. Though they remained less expensive to own and easier to repair, they also required more skill to use effectively than modern breechloaders. With a large-bore muzzle loader, every shot could be adjusted to the circumstances, but every shot had to count: guns had to be fired at close range, and it took so long to reload that a missed shot could result in the shooter being gored or trampled by the qu
  •  
    This source is from jstor, the source contains African shooting skills that African people had and the type of guns western people used to train the African people with eighteenth and nineteenth century.
kmxakaza

Firearms in Nineteenth Century Bostwana - 2 views

shared by kmxakaza on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  •  
    This source takes a look at David Livingstone's influence on the Batswana kingdom under the ruler Sechele. It further looks at firearms used to protect livestock of the Batswana people. It lastly depicts the use of troops, firearms, and force in the war against the Batswana and the Boers, as the Boers wanted to claim most of the Batswana land. Page 20 to 22 of this document tells us of the use of firearms to protect the livestock of the Batswana people. Page 28-29 tell us of the Boers invading the Batswana land and the attempts they did to let Sechele surrender the land to them.
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
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  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
gumedehp

The-Battle-of-Isandlwana.pdf - 1 views

shared by gumedehp on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Chelmsford, based on his own military experience and history of wars in the region, completely miscalculated the capabilities of his army and that of the 35,000 strong Zulu army
    • gumedehp
       
      Based on his own military experience and the history of the area's conflicts, Chelmsford drastically underestimated the capabilities of both his army and the 35,000-strong Zulu force.
  • The Zulus were far too numerous and too fast. The British defensive setup was poorly suited to the terrain and enemy they faced, and they were quickly overwhelmed.
    • gumedehp
       
      The Zulus were far too numerous and too fast. The British defensive setup was poorly suited to the terrain and enemy they faced, and they were quickly overwhelmed.
  • The main force of the Zulus would meet enemies head on while left and right forces, the horns, would curve around and attack the enemy flanks. 16 On 22 January, the head of the beast was heading right at the central British column of 1,774 men encamped at the base of Isandlwana, a jagged rocky
    • gumedehp
       
      The Zulus' main force would engage foes head-on, while the horns, or left and right forces, would curve around and attack the foes' flanks. On January 22, the 1,774-man centre British column tented at the foot of the rough, rocky Isandlwana was directly in the path of the beast's head.
michaela24

Pre-colonial ivory trade earlier than thought | UCT News - 1 views

  • The first farmers arrived in KZN CE400, part of a southward expansion from East Africa. They brought with them iron smelting and iron working expertise and were the first societies in South Africa to live in villages.
  • settlements grew and agriculture increased during the Msuluzi phase
  • invested significant energy in obtaining ivory from across the region, suggesting that it was an important commodity at the time.
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • ivory found at KwaGandaganda, Ndondondwane and Wosi did not come just from local elephants, but from much further afield. Carbon, nitrogen and strontium isotope analysis, reflecting the elephants' diets, indicates that the animals lived in a wide range of environments.
  • This is approximately 200 years earlier than evidence of ivory trade from the Limpopo River Valley, which has long been known to have been part of a trans-Indian Ocean trade network exporting local products including ivory in exchange for glass beads, glazed ceramics and other luxury goods.
  • We suggest at least some of the ivory from the KwaZulu-Natal sites may also have been destined for trans-oceanic trade based on the large quantities of ivory on some KwaZulu-Natal sites and the new evidence reported here that ivory procurement was not merely local but was conducted over considerable distances,
  • sources of ivory.
  • hunted warthogs and hippos
  • ZooArchaeology by Mass Spectrometry (ZooMS) proved vital.
  • The tests determined that all the fragments of ivory shaped by humans were in fact elephant ivory – a surprise given that there were hippo remains on all three sites.
  • as a potent origin symbol, as a marker of royalty, authority, power and procreation.
  • considerable antiquity.
  • Ivory bangles or armlets were the largest, most frequent and standardised type of artefact manufactured from ivory and occur not only in KwaZulu-Natal but also later sites in the Limpopo Valley
  • These sites may have been politically and economically more important than others
  • KwaGandaganda, Wosi and Ndondondwane preserve the earliest evidence for large-scale ivory processing in Southern Africa,
  • suitable winds and ocean currents, and it has long been thought that vessels relying on trade winds to cross the Indian Ocean probably did not make landfall on the African mainland further south than the northern end of the Mozambique Channel;
wandile_masoka

Correspondence Respecting the Conference Relating to Slave Trade held at Brussels. - 1 views

  •  
    A primary source source from Gale collection. In this article or source different views are proposed by different authors as it is said that with reference to the last paragraph of your Lordship's despatch No.24, Africa of the 13th ultino stating that Her majesty's government would be prepared to consider any views which the Belgian government might wish to put foward respecting the question of limiting the invitations to the proposed conference at Brussels to the Christian Powers whose territories are affected by the courage of the Slave Trade. Her Majesty's government lost no time after the resolution of the House in communicating with the Government of Belgium, by whom the initiative will be taken in the invitation of the Powers to a conference in regard to the Slave Trade.
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