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The security logic seems to suggest that one cannot be sure that a researcher working on Islamic endowments in the 15th century isn’t really a spy — he might be looking for maps of Siwa, Halayib and Shalatin, the Yaghbub Oasis, or Tiran and Sanafir. Since we have border disputes with all our neighbors, not only can you not copy maps related to any border issue, you can’t conduct research on any topic vaguely connected to borders.

The security logic doesn’t stop at maps and borders. It casts suspicion on every topic. An Egyptian colleague working on Mamluk history was denied a research permit. An American colleague was denied a permit for a project on the history of private presses in the 19th century. A student of mine studies the history of the Labor Corps during World War I; his permit was also rejected

The official’s response (I paraphrase) was:Here’s someone studying the history of irrigation, and we have a dispute with Ethiopia over the Nile waters. We have no doubt that this student is honest and isn’t a spy, but how can we be sure that his thesis won’t fall into malicious hands, that it won’t contain information that could harm us — for example, info about Ethiopia’s right to the Nile waters? Such details could damage our negotiating position. Of course, we know employees at the National Archives are sincere patriots, and the same is true of most professors and students doing research there, but we have considerations that no one understands but us.

Katatni confirmed that the FJP appreciates the role of the press and the media as a watchdog to state and government institutions, while keeping in mind the best interests of Egypt and Egyptians who offered huge sacrifices in order to attain their freedom.   He pointed out that rumours circulated by some media outlets during the last few days alleging that the party will close down papers or restrict publications are false. "Such actions are not reflective of the FJP's policies which acknowledge the freedom of press in particular, and basic freedom in all its forms", he stated

all this high-level politicking has completely obfuscated Morsi’s assault on freedom of expression, with the closing of a (repulsive and incendiary, but still) TV channel, the investigation of a newspaper on charges of insulting him, and the appointment of Brotherhood sympathisers to chief editorial positions in state-owned newspapers.

There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement.

There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement. This development is an exception to the changes that took place yesterday because all the other editors were above 65 and thus had to go. All the editors under 65 remained, except Shukrallah who is 55.

There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement. This development is an exception to the changes that took place yesterday because all the other editors were above 65 and thus had to go. All the editors under 65 remained, except Shukrallah who is 55.

We've heard these pleas before. The BBC reports regularly from inside Syria, as do several American papers, and although coverage of the Syrian war is not wall-to-wall on American networks, it gets regular, consistent attention. So where is the public outrage about a war so chaotic and dangerous that even the UN has stopped keeping track of the death toll? Have we all become numb to the pain of others?

The world inevitably tires of complex, long conflicts where there are no clear answers about how to end the violence. This cartoon in the New Yorker is a harsh but perhaps accurate look at how the collective conscience deals with the relentless stream of bad news from Syria.

Spare a thought for the North Koreans, too. A UN report out last week, too horrific even to read, compares the abuses committee by the government to Nazi Germany. I have yet to see much outrage or calls for action

In an atmosphere of extreme polarisation, the country's state and many independent news organisations are now solidly backing the interim president Adly Mansour, who was installed by the army last week. TV channels sympathetic to Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood have been shut down.

Following the fall of Hosni Mubarak in February 2011, Egyptian state media first moved to support the military and then, after his election last June, to back Morsi. Al Ahram's current editor, Mamdouh al-Wali, was appointed as part of a process known as the "Brotherhoodisation" of key institutions. He has not been seen at the paper since the president's removal.

"The story of the state-owned media is really shameful," said Hani Shukrullah, who was sacked as editor of al-Ahram online this year. "You have the same administration and the same people who before 2011 were defending Mubarak and describing revolutionaries as depraved troublemakers moving to support the military and the revolution and then moving to the Brotherhood once Morsi came to power. Now they are moving back again.

commentary in the Arab and Israeli media showed little optimism for the future of negotiations

Opposition to settlement building is widespread in opinion columns, with a prominent exception in Michael Freund's "Rev Up the Bulldozers," published on Arutz Sheva, a right-wing news site. Mr Freund, expressing a view widely held by settlement supporters, argues that:...settlements are not the obstacle to peace. They never have been. The true obstacle to peace remains what it has always been: the Palestinian refusal to accept a permanent and sovereign Jewish presence in the land of Israel. In the right-of-the-centre Jerusalem Post, however, David Newman argues that as the settlements grow, evacuating them as part of a two-state solution becomes increasingly difficult, writing that "every additional house, family and road make a peace agreement less plausible." He continues, condemning Netanyahu's decision:Israel is the stronger side in this ongoing conflict and, as such, is the one able to make the critical concessions and lead the way. They should be seen as concessions from a position of strength and not, as the right wing argues, a sign of surrender. [...] Back to square one. No settlement freeze, no significant peace talks. All of us, Israelis and Palestinians alike, will suffer the consequences.

To read full translations and further commentary, please go to Meedan.net

State TV even promised to be more truthful in its reporting.

Hisham Qassam, who publishes several independent Egyptian papers, said state media could even fade away if a new government cuts off funding. "It's a slow demise, it could take over a year," he said. "But it's over, it's finished."

Kuwait’s Ministry of Information is studying an amendment to the nation’s media law that would penalise content that could prompt sectarian strife