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"These people have been trained in an authoritarian system. They are at the same time victims of an authoritarian system, but they also behave in an authoritarian way towards others and are incredibly self-righteous," says a Chinese politics professor who asked not to be named.

"We should be more tolerant and respect the right of people to disagree with us but these people do not understand such values."The term fenqinghas been used in each of the past three generations to describe very different kinds of rebel.

There are no indications that the contemporary fenqing are members of the sort of organised nationalist movement seen in places such as Russia, where Nashi, a pro-Kremlin youth group, has had a growing profile.Rather, "since the mid-1990s urban educated youth in China have become much more nationalistic rather than angry at the government", says David Zweig, director of the centre on China's transnational relations at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. "There is a strong sense that the west, led by the US, is trying to keep China down and stop it from taking its rightful place in the world."

It was the latest in a series of rare but increasingly ambitious organized movements in Chinese cities aimed at derailing government-backed industrial projects that the protesters said could damage the environment and people’s health. The protest Sunday, like its predecessors, was organized through Web sites, blogs and cellphone text messages, showing how some Chinese are using digital technology, despite government attempts to control the Internet, to spur on the kind of civic movements that officials strongly discourage.

No matter what China does, these students say, it cannot win in the arena of world opinion. “When we have a billion people, you said we were destroying the planet./ When we tried limiting our numbers, you said it is human rights abuse,” reads a poem posted on the Internet by “a silent, silent Chinese” and cited by some students as an accurate expression of their feelings. “When we were poor, you thought we were dogs./ When we loan you cash, you blame us for your debts./ When we build our industries, you called us polluters./ When we sell you goods, you blame us for global warming.”

What is occurring is the meltdown of the biggest pyramid game in human history.

The right course of action is for the US government to establish a Resolution Trust Corporation to take over failing financial institutions, including hedge funds and private equity firms, and leave the Fed to tackle inflation. But a Republican administration could not go to a Democratic Congress for money to capitalise such a corporation. It could not justify spending US$1 trillion to bail out those who deceived investors around the world and destroyed the finest financial institutions in America for their own gains. Instead, the Fed will be called on to save the financial system, boost the economy and suppress inflation at the same time.

德拉乌特尔总裁首先向深受伤害的中国夫妇、他们的旅行团团友和为此事件感到伤害的全体中国人民表达最正式、最诚恳的道歉。此前，他还致信这对中国夫妇，进行了书面道歉。中国驻法国大使馆对这一公开道歉表示认可，对商场进行的整改计划也表示满意。

我倒不是说要给六名在修建奥运工程中遇难的工人也追认烈士，但在官方的公告中，起码应该有他们的名字和遇难时间。 　　奥运当前，不要怕放大，越怕越会被放大得可怕，奥运会势必越来越习惯新闻的公开和透明。既然不给外国新闻媒体任何限制，那就别想限制他们不断会报出或问出不少在我们的官员看来属于“负面”的新闻。又比如英国《金融时报》报道北京市民方寿威状告奥组委侵权一事——有关“ONE WORLD ONE DREAM”口号——就令奥组委不得不马上公开回应。方寿威声称，有证据表明自己通过电子邮件应征，而奥组委则宣称应征邮件查无此人亦无此口号。官司的症结看来在互联网，而官司的意义在于维护个人权益和知识产权，方寿威不可能打赢，但他挑起了一起有意义的官司。

那些给奥运捣乱的非政府组织为什么那么猖狂？他们就是利用了那些政客、民间人士不了解情况。比如在英国，一些非政府组织为了游说，就采取组织研讨会的方式，中国也可以在有关国家借助研讨会这种形式，把持正反意见、以及看法模糊的人都邀请过来，为自己创造一个在国际社会的舞台，为自己创造一个动员那些支持北京奥运的力量的机会。

 面对境外各种势力借北京奥运兴风作浪，中国该如何应对？作为长期观察中国政治发展的学者，诺丁汉大学中国政治研究所所长郑永年教授在英国有时也会遇到这样的骚扰，这也激发了他对“去奥运政治化”的思考。就此问题，2月16日他接受了《国际先驱导报》记者的越洋电话专访。

这里是北京理工大学，就在昨天，中国传媒大学一对情侣也这样坠下了。而今天的北京理工，也有这样的一个人，但报纸没有说，新闻也不怎么报道，北京理工大学好像很擅长封杀这些消息。或者有人跳楼不是什么新鲜事，但离我这么近，第一次感到死亡很靠近，很靠近。

他的离开，给他的校内带来巨大访问量，一个原因就是，那里有他的遗书。可惜校内网很快就把他的遗书删除了，我不明白，校内网有什么权利这么做。

我以前曾经思考过自杀的问题，结论就是我们不是他们，无法真正理解他们为什么要那样做。有人说，连死的勇气都有了，为什么没有勇气活下来。或者吧，而我觉得，活一下需要一辈子的勇气，而自杀，只需要一瞬间的勇气。

We are very excited to announce the release of The DigiActive Guide to Twitter for Activism.  Following the recent protests in Moldova, the value of Twitter as a tool for digital activism is more prominent than ever.  Yet in addition to bringing greater awareness to that tool, the hype surrounding Moldova revealed misunderstanding of the value of of Twitter for activism and, even though the realists responded strongly, there was not a stand-alone resource which clearly defined how Twitter could be used by activists.  We hope this guide will fill that void.

如今年轻的伊朗人正使用互联网，将抗议示威的新消息传播出去。世界各地似乎对他们掌握互联网的速度感到惊讶，但事实上，他们已经安静地实践了整整十年。

"大屠杀使共产党失去了很大一部分合法性。此后，共产党疯狂快速地建造高速公路和超级大城市，试图以此收买人民的欢心。它进行大屠杀是背叛本国人民，实行无所约束的物质主义是背叛自己的思想意识。党拒绝重新评价学生抗议活动并顽固地称之为'反革命暴乱'，这样它自己也就成了现代化道路上的障碍。它就象北京公园中练习倒行的退休人员一样，这样做也许能提高反应能力，但很容易撞上树木。

当年阻挡坦克的地方，今天12车道的长安街上，车辆川流不息。北京饭店新楼延伸到十字路口，对面的公安和国安部占据了一侧街道，这座巨型建筑显示出，中国是谁的天下。"