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Journalist Charles Sennott recently returned from Tahrir Square, where he was filming a documentary on the revolution for PBS's Frontline. He describes how various groups of the youth came together to support a common cause. The Muslim Brotherhood had a very strategic role in the revolution. They hesitated to join in the beginning, and then the youth in their group pushed for greater involvement. The Brotherhood brought a lot of organization to the revolution. They positioned themselves as a central force of the revolution rather than a leading player in the uprising. They did not want Mubarak to pin the revolution on them. And it was not their revolution--it was a revolution of all Egyptians. Although the Muslim Brotherhood is aiming toward more of a social movement toward Islamic incorporation into the structure of society, they also want to establish themselves on the political playing field.

This article highlights the Egyptian Revolution and its ties to social media. We have discussed Khaled Said in class and this article talks about the image of his dead beaten body appearing on Facebook and how it inspired Wael Ghonim, born in Egypt, living in Dubai, and many others to become activists in the revolution.

This article talks about how poetry is similar to the revolution because of the way it has transformed the people; the revolution has changed common moments and common people into inspiring times the way poetry changes common words into something extraordinary. It talks about how both poetry and revolution have been able to seek justice and tear down symbols of powers. For these revolution, poetry has been able to keep the needs and wants of the people alive and real.

This article focuses on social media and revolutions, particularly in Egypt, and how women played a part in these revolutions through the platform of media. One interesting perspective that this article offered, was how women were viewed in media both before and after the revolution.

This article focuses on social media and revolutions, particularly in Egypt, and how women played a part in these revolutions through the platform of media. One interesting perspective that this article offered, was how women were viewed in media both before and after the revolution.

This author gives an analysis of where the Egyptian youth failed and succeeded in their revolution. He applauds their original motivation: overthrowing the oppressive regime and seeking political freedom. However, he criticizes the movement for not having organized goals with practical implications. Their focus was so set on overthrowing Mubarak that they did not have a plan once that was achieved. As a result, the youth allowed the military to become politicized and enforce their political ideas. The author claims this move set a dangerous precedent for the future and took away the attention of the military from places it was needed. The author claims that by endorsing the army to act militarily against the first civilian elected president of the country, the youth is undermining their original goals. He goes on to explain his suggestions for the Egyptian youth to get back on track and follow through in the remaining phases of the revolution.

This article gives a description of the state of Egypt's once thriving Tahrir Square, just two years after the revolution. The mood of Tahrir Square has changed dramatically and is now solemn rather than buzzing with enthusiasm. The young activists interviewed in the article expressed their regret for the revolution or how it turned out. The youth population is still struggling for economic revival after two years of revolution. Mass unemployment is hitting the large youth population the hardest, which is still a source of anger. The majority of this population does not have adequate skills for the available job market.

There was a huge increase in number of internet usage in Egypt. The internet was a main pathway to join the revolution, but it also causes passive activism and most won't leave their houses to revolt.

This article talks about the details of the women's rights movement since 1952. After the revolution in 2011, women's rights has yet to become a topic of importance. 

"The Poetry of Revolution" discusses the ideas behind the street chants shouted out by the Egyptian people in their times of revolution. It focuses on the history of Egypt's uprisings and how they have changed before. This article was written a few days after the initial January 25th uprisings and attempts to explain how the chants take on a greater meaning to the protesters. Because they are given words to yell and shout, they are able to bind together and announce the same goals. Colla discusses how if the people did not have these chants, they would be too afraid to stand for their revolutions.

In this article Andy Young discusses the multiple ways poetry has shaped and formed itself in Egypt because of revolutions. Young brings up multiple poems that became the voice of the people in the 1952 revolutions and again in the 2011 revolutions.

Jasmine Revolution, popular uprising in Tunisia that protested against corruption, poverty, and political repression and forced Pres. Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali to step down in January 2011. The success of the uprising, which came to be known in the media as the "Jasmine Revolution," inspired a wave of similar protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa.

jasmine revolution

This article/video is from pbs.org, talking about the revolution that happened 5 years ago at Tahrir Square. Women were apart of the revolution, by participating and leading protests. They were able to safely join men to protest, but changed later on. Female protestors were being sexually assaulted. Because of these assaults, laws are now being implemented in Egypt.

A tendency to frame revolutions abroad in terms of our own "knowable" symbols of revolution? Think "Facebook revolutions" and the Guy Fawkes mask.

Egypt's 2011 uprising was often referred to as a youth revolution, but two years after longtime President Hosni Mubarak was forced out of office, many in the younger generation say that they are not represented by the Brotherhood or any other oppositional forces. The demands of the revolution the youth led have not been met. Conditions are worsening. The youth are increasingly disillusioned with the idea of political hope and feel like leaving the country may be their best option for fulfillment. The youth feel their is a large disparity between their ideas and demands and the political desires of the older generation who is favored for their wisdom, experience, and resources. Although the youth have popular support, they lack the resources to successfully run a political race and are therefore left out of the process of change. This means it is left up to the older generation of politicians to appease their demands, if only to prevent more protests.

The article from June of 2013 addresses the issues women face in Egypt and the causes of those issues. The article reflects on the need for women to identify the roots of their injustices and seek opportunities to prevent further restrictions on their rights. The article concludes by recognizing the means that will work best for encouraging women to pursue their rights, such as sing audiovisual media campaigning as well as well as developing "their sense of empowerment to make choices."

This article mentions setbacks in the progress to women rights. These include setbacks by the government and societal norms within the culture.

Re-examining a revolution that is needed in order to create a better environment for women. The Muslim Brotherhood coming into power damaged women's rights.

This article discusses the issue of censorship. By talking with Egyptian novelist Khaled al-Berry, presented is the idea of a strong hope for less censorship because the January 25th revolutions had opened up a future of possibilities and challenges for Egyptian literature. While in previous years there had been no actual direct political censorship, publishers would attempt both religious and moral censorship as a means to protect people. While the article does discuss that there will always be censorship, they also look forward to a culture that values art and reading that will change the perspective of the culture.

This article describes the position and demands of the Socialist Popular Alliance Party of Egypt. The relationship of the youth protesters with the Egyptian Left was solidified when the Left provided the youth with the political power to make their revolution successful. The Socialist Popular Alliance demands a new constitution and a new government structure that is based on democracy, human rights, and freedoms. Their political position and ideal social structure are very similar to typical American ideals, especially those of the American left political parties. However, the Public Alliance seems very angered over Mubarak's previous friendly relations with Israel. This population feels as though they were forced to abandon the Arab people and support Israel instead of Palestine. This is interesting because Egypt's relations with Israel has garnered tremendous political and economic support from the United States. Having an Arab ally has been an advantageous point of negotiation for Israel and the US. With the Popular Alliance in severe opposition to this position of Israeli sympathy, it is a surprise that they seem to embrace "Americanized" ideas. In addition, it is worth noting that the youth finds a great identity with the Arab culture, although not so much with a specific religion.

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

This article focuses on the graffiti on the streets of Cairo and how the graffiti has started to stand for more than just an expression of tagging, but rather art and a way of the revolution. The artists use graffiti as a way to communicate to others that they are seeing the injustices that are going on. This street art also binds together the artists of this city and their ideologies.

In this article, the Smithsonian presents Egypt's murals more than just art but as a part of the revolution.

This article was a great introductory to what graffiti art has become in Egypt, what it stands for and the meaning behind the paint. It explains that around 2011 individual people and other artistic groups began documenting the wrong doings, brutality and cruelty of the Egyptian regime. The author interviewed artist Ahmed Naguib, and he said, " people singing revolutionary slogans come and go, but the graffiti remains and keeps our spirits alive."