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Jukka Peltokoski

Osuustoiminnalla voidaan luoda yhteistä vaurautta tulevaisuudessa | Taloussan... - 0 views

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    Tapani Köpän mukaan Suomessa osuustoiminnallinen ajattelu on painunut marginaaleihin. Pertti Linkola kirjoitti viime viikon sunnuntaina Helsingin Sanomien mielipidepalstalla. Pertti Linkolan mukaan Suomessa voitaisiin ottaa mallia Tanskasta, jossa tuulivoimaa on rakennettu osuustoimintaperiaatteella. Energiatuotannon lisäksi laajaa hyvinvointia tuottavaa osuuskuntatoimintaa voitaisiin nähdä hyvinvointisektorilla. Tampereen seudun osuustoimintakeskuksen toiminnanjohtaja Immonen näkee, että osuuskunnat toimisivat julkisia palveluita täydentävänä toimijoina. Hänen mielestään suomalaisen hyvinvointivaltion palvelutuotanto ei jatkossa taivu niin monimuotoiseen tarjontaan kuin olisi kysyntää. Kauhukuva on, että hoivapalvelun tuottaminen on globaalin pääomasijoittajan käsissä. Siellä ei tiedetä, minkälaisia palveluita paikallisesti tarvitaan. Palvelujen tuottaminen on bisnestä, jossa pyritään voiton maksimointiin. Silloin palvelun laatu ja taso eivät ole sitä, mitä ne voisivat olla, Niina Immonen sanoo. Osuuskunta on myös oiva muoto yhteiskunnalliseen yrittämiseen, joka tähtää yhteiskunnallisten ja ympäristöongelmien ratkaisemiseen liiketoiminnan keinoin.
Jukka Peltokoski

Worker-Owned Cooperatives: Direct Democracy in Action - 3 views

  • Flashpoints—those unexpected events that movements gather around, when everything is accelerated, exciting, and energizing—fizzle.
  • The cooperative movement is experiencing a string of these moments now, and is burgeoning with renewed activity. I see this first­hand as a co­-owner of the Toolbox for Education and Social Action (TESA), a worker­-owned cooperative
  • It’s our philosophy that cooperatives enable direct democracy and local control over the economy. As participants in the co­op movement, we help to turn flashpoints into lasting social change.
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  • The organization is structured as a worker co­op, and operates by consensus with a membership comprised of representatives from other worker co­ops.
  • Even though only 1% of the cooperatives in the United States are worker owned, their organizing success has recently made them a focal point in the struggle for economic justice. Indeed, Occupy Wall Street participants launched a worker-run co-op print shop in Brooklyn called OccuCopy.
  • Guided by cooperative principle number six, which promotes cooperation amongst cooperatives, partnerships between co­ops were easily realized. They multiplied and soon turned to regional alliances, which snowballed into national networks.
  • Inspired by the Mondragon cooperative network, the Valley Alliance of Worker Cooperatives (VAWC) came together in Western Massachusetts in 2005. The group first met at the U.S. Federation of Worker Cooperatives Eastern Conference on Workplace Democracy, and they are a direct result of national networks crystallizing at the regional level. What sets VAWC apart is a strategy of co­op-led development. The organization helps start­up or transitioning co­ops get their footing; they provide technical assistance to their membership in the form of skill­sharing and professional guidance.
  • VAWC recently launched an inter­cooperative loan fund. Through the fund, members tithe 5% of profits to help one another and to invest in new co­op ventures.
  • information and resources according to the membership’s needs, such as meeting facilitation, or research into health plans
  • VAWC enjoys an exceptionally cooperative cultural context in the Pioneer Valley, where there is a strong desire for economic democracy, and a history of collective management.
  • As many look for ways out of the capitalist morass of boom­-bust cycles, worker cooperatives have taken center stage. Cooperatives are democratic enterprises where both ownership and decision­-making power are democratically shared. As a result, they keep money and power in the hands of the community.
  • A stunningly large network—nearly one out of every five U.S. worker co­ops are part of NoBAWC —most member co­ops are in Oakland, San Francisco, and Berkeley. Like other membership organizations, NoBAWC grew out of a need to collaborate and share best practices amongst like­-minded organizations.
  • The members now share resources and incentivize collaboration by offering each other reduced rates on their goods and services.
  • As the first and primary national hub, the United States Federation of Worker Cooperatives (USFWC) brings together the full array of players within this movement. After many years of organizing, they were incorporated in 2004 to provide support to their membership, as well as educational outreach to the public. A small organization with a two­-person staff, USFWC’s extensive work to promote cooperation puts them in the center of a dynamic movement.
  • regular conferences and events
  • A similarly rich cooperative culture exists across the country, in the San Francisco Bay Area, where the Network of Bay Area Worker Cooperatives, or NoBAWC (pronounced "no boss"), is a hub for the region, literally centralized within 30 minutes of each member organization.
  • USFWC capably handles a membership representing over 1,300 workers
  • the Democracy At Work Network (DAWN), a peer adviser system
  • The co­op movement is gaining steam, drawing from new energies and a renewed interest in the model. All movements have these periods of acceleration, times when opportunity comes knocking at every turn. Typically, such are the times when reflection is most needed, because new dynamics can dramatically change the situation.
  • David Morgan is a worker-owner at the Toolbox for Education and Social Action, a worker-owned cooperative created to democratize education and the economy while furthering the cooperative movement. The Toolbox designs curriculum and next-generation resources for learning, such as Co-opoly: The Game of Cooperatives."
Jukka Peltokoski

Owning is the New Sharing | Open Co-op Commons - 1 views

  • “I’m working to find a steady economic base,” he said. “I don’t really want to put it into the hands of the VCs.” Venture capitalists, that is — the go-to source of quick and easy money for clever tech entrepreneurs like him. He’d get cash, but they’d get the reins.
  • new company,Swarm, the world’s first experiment in what he was calling “cryptoequity.”
  • Swarm would be a crowdfunding platform, using its own virtual currency rather than dollars; rather than just a thank-you or a kickback, it would reward backers with a genuine stake in the projects they support.
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  • Entrepreneurs could sidestep the VCs by turning to a “swarm” of small investors — and maybe supplant the entire VC system. By the end of the summer, he’d raised more than a million dollars in cryptocurrency. The legality of the model is uncertain,
  • High hopes for a liberating Internet have devolved into the dominance of a few mega-companies and the NSA’s watchful algorithms. Platforms entice users to draw their communities into an apparently free and open commons, only to gradually enclose it by tweaking terms of service, diluting privacy, or charging fees for essential features.
  • Facebook started flocking to Ello
  • The line between workers and customers has never been so blurry. Online platforms depend on their users
  • looking for ways to build platforms of their own.
  • VC-backed sharing economy companies like Airbnb and Uber have caused trouble for legacy industries, but gone is the illusion that they are doing it with actual sharing.
  • OuiShare, which connects sharing-economy entrepreneurs around the world
  • it’s becoming clear that ownership matters as much as ever.
  • Loomio is now being used by governments, organizations, and schools; a significant portion of the current usage comes from Spain’s ascendant political party, Podemos.
  • new kinds of ownership the new norm. There are cooperatives, networks of freelancers, cryptocurrencies, and countless hacks in between.
  • aspire toward an economy, and an Internet, that is more fully ours.
  • Jeremy Rifkin, a futurist to CEOs and governments, contends that the Internet-of-things and 3-D printers are ushering in a “zero marginal cost society” in which the “collaborative commons” will be more competitive than extractive corporations.
  • People are recognizing that doing business differently will require changing who gets to own what.
  • form of ownership
  • Cooperative intelligence
  • Occupy’s kind of direct democracy and made it available to the world in the form of an app — Loomio
  • It’s a worker-owned cooperative that produces open-source software to help people practice consensus — though they prefer the term “collaboration” — about decisions that affect their lives.
  • Rather than giving up on ownership, people are looking for a different way of practicing it.
  • Enspiral, an “open value network” of freelancers and social enterprises devoted to mutual support and the common good.
  • The worker cooperative is an old model that’s attracting new interest among the swelling precariat masses
  • Co-ops help ensure that the people who contribute to and depend on an enterprise keep control and keep profits
  • multi-stakeholder cooperative — one in which not just workers or consumers are voting members, but several such groups at once
  • “It’s more about hacking an existing legal status and making these hacks work.”
  • Sensorica pays workers for their contributions to the product. Unlike Sovolve, they participate in the company democratically. Everything from revenues to internal criticism is out in the open, wiki-style, for insiders and outsiders alike to see.
  • Only one device has been sold
  • Bitcoin
  • makes possible decentralized autonomous organizations, or DAOs,
  • The most ambitious successor to Bitcoin, Ethereum,
  • to develop decentralized social networks,
  • even an entirely new Internet
  • Swarm’s competition makes it hard not to notice the inequalities built into the models vying to disrupt the status quo. Bitcoin’s micro-economy holds the dubious distinction of being more unequal than the global economy as a whole. On a sharing platform, who owns, and who just rents? In an economy of cooperatives, who gets to be a member, and who gets left out?
  • Sooner or later, transforming a system of gross inequality and concentrated wealth will require more than isolated experiments at the fringes — it will require capturing that wealth and redirecting its flows. This recognition has been built into some of the most significant efforts under the banner of the so-called “new economy” movement. They’re often offline, but that makes them no less innovative.
  • connecting them to large anchor institutions in their communities; hospitals and universities with deep pockets can help a new enterprise become viable much more quickly than it can on its own
  • Government is an important source of support, too. Perhaps more than some go-it-aloners in tech culture might like to admit, a new economy will need new public policies
  • The early followers Francis of Assisi at first sought to do away with property altogether
  • There are many ways to own. Simply giving up on ownership, however, will mean that those who actually do own the tools that we rely on to share will control them.
  • changing what owning means altogether.
  •  
    Omistaminen on uusi yhteinen.
Jukka Peltokoski

Transnational Republics of Commoning | David Bollier - 0 views

  • The nation-state as now constituted, in its close alliance with capital and markets, is largely incapable of transcending its core commitments to economic growth, consumerism, and the rights of capital and corporations -- arguably the core structural drivers of climate change.
  • Because the piece -- "Transnational Republics of Commoning:  Reinventing Governance Through Emergent Networking" -- is nearly 14,000 words long, I am separating it into three parts.  You can download the full essay as a pdf file here.
  • In moments of crisis, when the structures of conventional governance are suddenly exposed as weak or ineffectual, it is clear that there is no substitute for ordinary people acting together. 
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  • collectively our choices and agency are the ultimate guarantors of any values we may wish to secure
  • They can create their own cultural spaces to deliberate, collaborate and share resources without market and state structures that are often cumbersome, expensive, anti-social or predatory. 
  • A key political challenge of our time is to figure out new ways to preserve and extend the democratic capacities of ordinary people and rein in unaccountable market/state power, otherwise known as neoliberalism. 
  • Neoliberal economics and policy insist upon debt-driven economic growth, extractivist uses of the Earth, consumerism and nationalism
  • the creative use of new digital technologies on open network platforms could inaugurate liberating new forms of “open source governance.”
  • The superstructures of law and governance can achieve only so much without the consent of the governed.
  • Benkler
  • Rifkin
  • Tapscott
  • Mason
  • Bauwens
  • potentially transformative Commons Sector
  • the innovations now unfolding in various tech spaces suggest the outlines of new post-capitalist institutions
  • new types of group deliberation and governance software platforms such as Loomio and Co-budget; digital platforms that enable better management of ecological resources; and “blockchain ledger” technology, which is enabling new forms of network-native self-organization, collective action and “smart contracts”
  • online guilds
  • commons
  • open design and manufacturing communities
  • citizen-science
  • a process of commoning
  • to create functioning commons
  • The collaborative communities now emerging on digital platforms do not worry so much about resource-depletion or free riders – problems that affect the management of water, fisheries and land – as how to intelligently curate information from the multitudes and design effective self-governance structures for virtual collaboration.   
  • The point of the commons paradigm, despite its many different flavors, is this:  It provides “protected” space in which to re-imagine production and governance. 
  • “digital divide”
  • more accessible and transparent than conventional state democracy and more solidly grounded through bottom-up participation and ethical accountability
  • Digital networks are becoming deeply entangled with all aspects of life
  • our lives with digital technologies are profoundly affecting how we regard property, political life, and economic life
  • Facebook, Google, Uber, Airbnb and other corporate “gig economy” players
  • Unlike these capital-driven enterprises, the collaborations that I am describing are fundamentally non-market and socially mindful in character. They are less defined by technology per se than by the new social forms and political /cultural attitudes that they engender. 
  • to move people beyond the producer/consumer dyad and formalistic notions of citizenship, and enable people to enact a more personal, DIY vision of self-provisioning and governance. 
  • The state, having cast its lot with capital accumulation and growth, is losing its credibility and competence in addressing larger needs. 
  • With the rise of market-centrism and rational choice economics, government was devalued and allowed a role only in cases of ‘market failure.’ 
  • standard economics today largely ignores the fundamental, affirmative role that government plays in facilitating functional, trustworthy markets.
  • popular distrust of government has soared.  And why not?  Government has lost its actual capacities to serve many non-market social and ecological needs. 
  • Given this void and the barriers to democratic action, many citizens who might otherwise engage with legitimate state policymaking have shifted their energies into “transnational, polycentric networks of governance in which power is dispersed,”
  • the solidarity economy, Transition Towns, peer production, the commons
  • Thus the impasse we face today:  The neoliberal market/state agenda is inflicting grievous harm on the planet, social well-being and democracy – yet the market/state remains largely unresponsive to popular demands for change.
  • The (Still-Emerging) Promise of Open Source Governance
  • commons based on open tech platforms will play a central role in transforming our politics and polity
  • Electronic networks are now a defining infrastructure shaping the conduct of political life, governance, commerce and culture.
  • many legacy institutions and social practices continue to exist.  But they have no choice but to evolve
  • online commons are lightweight social systems that, with the right software and norms, can run quite efficiently on trust, reciprocity and modest governance structures
  • that enable users to mutualize the benefits of their own online sharing
  • Rifkin notes that the extreme productivity of digital technologies is lowering the marginal costs of production for many goods and services to near zero.  This is undercutting the premises of conventional markets, which are based on private owners using proprietary means to extract profits from nature, communities and consumers.
  • We are glimpsing at the outlines of a new economic system based on sharing and the collaborative commons. It is the first new paradigm-shifting system since the introduction of capitalism and communism. 
  • The “collaborative commons” that Rifkin describes is a hybrid capitalist/commons economy that is able to exploit the efficiencies and higher quality produced on open networks. 
  • “prosumers”
  • are able to create their own goods and services
  • But when some good or service is offered for at no cost, it really means that the user is the product:  our personal data, attention, social attitudes lifestyle behavior, and even our digital identities, are the commodity that platform owners are seeking to “own.”  
  • To combat corporate exploitation of open platforms, many efforts are now afoot to establish digital commons as viable alternatives.  The new models are sometimes called “platform co-operativism.
  • Digital commons are materializing in part because it is easier and more socially satisfying to participate in a commons
  • the most valuable networks are those that facilitate group affiliations to pursue shared goals – or what I would call commons
  • Open source tools and principles could unleash this value – but it would subvert the business model.
  • “hacktivists,” makers, software programmers and social media innovators who are consciously attempting to build tech platforms that can meet needs in post-capitalist ways, often via commons
Jukka Peltokoski

Tero Toivanen: Vertaismullistus mylvähtää - 0 views

  • elgialainen Michel Bauwens luotsaa kansainvälistä tutkimusyhteisöä P2P Foundationia, joka kokoaa yhteen teoreettista keskustelua ja vertaistuotannon käytännön kokeiluja. Hänelle vertaistuotanto tarkoittaa kumouksellista tuotantovoimaa, joka haastaa k
  • Koska vapaat yhteiset resurssit pienentävät tuotantokustannuksia merkittävästi, vertaistuotanto näyttäisi myös syrjäyttävän immateriaalioikeuksin suojatut ratkaisut.
  • Vertaistuotanto tapahtuu nyt kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan raameissa, mutta Bauwensin mukaan siinä on potentiaalia enempäänkin: yksityisomaisuuteen perustuvan kapitalismin jälkeen seuraava askel on yhteiseen perustuva vertaistalouden yhteiskunta.
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  • e pakottaa kapitalismin kehittymään kohti tilaa, jossa nousee esille entisajan kommunismille tyypillisiä vaatimuksia, kuten perinteisestä palkk
  • Uuden ja vanhan järjestyksen välille syntyy jännitteitä. Bauwensin mukaan eräs keskeinen jännite muodostuu tietotyöläisten, ”kognitariaatin”, ja yritysryppäitä hallitsevan ”netarkisen” luokan välille.
  • Netarkia menestyy kontrolloimalla vertaistuotantoa ja puristamalla voittoa ihmisten vuorovaikutuksen eri muodoista.
  • Bauwens luottaa kuitenkin tietoiseen strategiaan vertaistuotannon edistämiseksi. Keskeistä on digitaalisen ja materiaalisen maailman vertaistoimijoiden yhteen saattaminen.
  • Bauwensin mukaan yhdessä toimivat vertaistuottajat, eli ”kommonerit”, ja osuuskunnat sekä yhteiskunnalliset yritykset kykenisivat kilpailemaan suuryrityksiä vastaan nopeudessa, innovaatiokyvyssä ja tuotantokustannuksissa.
  • Commonsit eli yhteiset resurssit eivät ole julkista tai yksityistä omistusta. Yhteisiä voivat olla esimerkiksi vapaat ohjelmistot, avoin data, yhteiset luonnonresurssit, osuuskunnat, yhteisviljelmät, kylätalot, talkoot, vallatut tilat tai katutaide.
  • Yhteisten resurssien alustaa ylläpitää ja suojaa usein jokin yhteisö. Yhteisö ei kontrolloi työvoimaa, kuten perinteisillä yrityksillä on taipumus. Tuotantoon osallistuvat niin yhteisten vahvistamiseen sitoutuneet vapaaehtoiset eli kommonerit kuin firmojen työntekijätkin.
  • Bauwensin visio1. Vertaistuotannossa arvon luomisen ytimessä ovat erilaiset yhteiset, joihin syntyvät innovaatiot tallentuvat. Ne ovat kaikkien jaettavissa ja kehitettävissä. Kuuluisin esimerkki on Wikipedia. 2. Voittoa tavoittelemattomat yhteisöt suojaavat yhteisiä resursseja yksityistämiseltä. Wikipediaa suojaa Wikimedia Foundation. 3. Yhteisen päälle rakentuu energinen talous. Siinä toimii yhteiskunnallisia yrityksiä, joiden juridiset rakenteet sitovat ne yhteiseen perustuvien yhteisöjen tavoitteisiin ja arvoihin. Toiminnan periaatteena tulee voiton tavoittelun sijaan olla sosiaalinen ja ekologinen kestävyys. 4. Sosiaalista tuotantoa ja ihmisten hyvinvointia vahvistamaan tarvitaan ”kumppanuusvaltio”, joka järjestää julkisia palveluja ja esimerkiksi universaalin perustulon.5. Poliittinen tuki vertaistuotannolle saadaan piraattien, vihreiden, vasemmiston ja edistyksellisten liberaalien koalitiosta. Näistä syntyy edistyksellinen enemmistö, joka järjestää yhdessä kommonerien kanssa yhteiseen perustuvan yhteiskunnan.
Jukka Peltokoski

OM:n Jauhiainen: Uusi osuuskuntalaki tulee käsittelyyn syksyllä | Taloussanomat - 0 views

  • Laki tulee eduskunnan käsiteltäväksi syksyllä, ja sen tarkoituksena on helpottaa osuuskuntatoimintaa.
  • Lainsäädäntöneuvos Jyrki Jauhiainen oikeusministeriöstä kertoo, että lakiuudistuksen takana on yksinkertaistaa osuuskuntalakia ja helpottaa osuuskuntamuotista yritystoimintaa. Nykyinen osuuskuntalaki on vuodelta 2001, ja sen pohjana on käytetty vuoden 1954 osuuskuntalakia ja vuoden 1978 osakeyhtiölakia. Nyt osakeyhtiölaki on uudistunut, ja osuuskuntalaki halutaan muuttaa vastaamaan soveltuvin osin osakeyhtiölakia.
  • Kun lait yhtenäistetään, esimerkiksi osakeyhtiölainsäädännön tunteva kirjanpitäjä, tilintarkastaja tai asianajaja voi neuvoa osuuskuntaa aiempaa helpommin.
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  • – Ylipäätään osuuskuntien yrityskohtaisille tarpeille ja perustajien, jäsenten ja rahoittajien omalle harkinnalle on tarkoitus antaa enemmän arvoa uudessa laissa, Jauhiainen sanoo. – Esimerkiksi hoivapuolella ja it-alalla hyvänä parannusehdotuksena on pidetty suurimman sallitun erisuuruisen äänivallan käytön laajentamista.
  • Jos lakiesitys menee läpi, tulevaisuudessa osuuskunnan voi perustaa myös yksittäinen henkilö.
  • Lakiesitykseen voi tutustua oikeusministeriön internet-sivuilla.
Jukka Peltokoski

Yhteiskunnallinen yrittäjyys on Suomessa vielä | Taloussanomat - 0 views

  • Yhteiskunnallisia ongelmia ratkovista firmoista on syntynyt suoranainen trendi maailmalla. Suomessa yhteiskunnalliset yritykset ovat kuitenkin harvinaisia.
  • Juridiselta muodoltaan yhteiskunnalliset yritykset voivat olla mitä tahansa osakeyhtiön ja osuuskunnan välillä. Toisin kuin esimerkiksi Britanniassa, Suomessa yhteiskunnallisia yrityksiä ei luokitella erikseen, eivätkä ne saa erityistukia.
  • Britanniassa yhteiskunnalliset yritykset ovat vakiintuneet omaksi sektorikseen 12 vuodess
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  • Iso-Britanniassa oli pari vuotta sitten 60 000 yhteiskunnallista yritystä. Niissä työskenteli 800 000 henkilöä, ja yritysten bruttotalousvaikutus oli 27 miljardia euroa
  • Suomessa on potentiaalisesti noin 12 000 yhteiskunnallista yritystä.
  • Sekä Britanniassa että Suomessa kiistellään edelleen yhteiskunnallisen yrityksen määritelmästä.
  • Sitran ja TEM:n määritelmissä yhteiskunnallisen yrityksen ominaispiirteenä pidetään arvopohjaisuuden lisäksi sitä, että vähintään puolet liikevoitosta kanavoidaan takaisin yrityksen toiminnan kehittämiseen tai suoraan toiminnan kohteeseen.
  • Suomen Yrittäjille ja yrittäjyyden professoreille koko käsite tuntuu olevan jonkinlainen punainen vaate.
  • Sitra esitti viime vuonna 50 miljoonan euron suuruista rahastoa suomalaisten yhteiskunnallisten yritysten kasvun turvaamiseksi. Stenman kertoo, että nykyisessä taloustilanteessa hanke on laitettu ainakin joksikin aikaa telakalle.
  • Yhteiskunnallisesta yrittäjyydestä on toivottu julkisen sektorin taloudellisen taakan helpottajaa erityisesti sosiaali- ja terveyspalveluissa. Monet yhteiskunnallisista yrityksistä keskittyvätkin esimerkiksi hoivapalveluihin.
  • Euroopan unionin komissio ja TEM ovat nähneet uudenlaisessa yrittäjyydessä uusia kasvu- ja työllisyysmahdollisuuksia
  • yhteiskunnallinen yrittäjyys houkuttaa sellaisiakin ihmisiä ryhtymään yrittäjiksi, jotka eivät muutoin olisi kiinnostuneita yrityksen pyörittämisestä.
  • Stenmanin mukaan suomalaisissa kauppakorkeakouluissa ei tällä hetkellä edes kerrota, että yhteiskunnallisen yrittäjyyden liiketoimintamalli on ylipäätään olemassa.
Jukka Peltokoski

Co-operative Commonwealth: De-commodifying Land and Money Part 2 | Commons Transition - 0 views

  • Usury is little discussed today but it is crucial in policy terms.
  • in Germany, Christian Christiansen championed the founding of a number of rural savings and loan co-operatives that went by the acronym JAK, short for Jord Arbete Kapital (“Land Labour Capital”)
  • There were other models that flourished. Dr. Thomas Bowkett introduced a mutual organization in the 1840s to provide housing and smaller loans interest-free.(7) Twenty years later, Richard Starr made some adjustments to the system, and the “Starr-Bowkett” societies spread fast.
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  • in Brazil today. CoopHab is a major housing federation of co-operative savings societies.
  • During the industrial revolution English working people were excluded from bank lending though pawnbroking was rife. Mutual aid savings clubs developed interest-free lending systems for housing. The most successful were the Terminating Building Societies for buying land and building houses.
  • Sweden
  • Operationally, JAK is very similar to a credit union, except that members do not earn any interest on their savings or dividends on their shares.
  • The total cost of a JAK loan covers four things:(12)loan appraisal and set-up cost at a fee that is 2-3% of the approved loan value.an annual administration fee equal to 1% of the loan.an annual fee of approximately $30 to support the JAK educational system and volunteer services.(13)an equity deposit equal to a 6% of loan value to cover risk on any loan in the portfolio.
  • Members are strongly encouraged to pre-save in order to qualify for a loan.(15) Members also contract to continue saving while they are repaying their loans.
  • The Greenbacks would not be backed by gold, but by the farmers’ crops, which would be stored in sub-Treasury warehouses paid for by the government.
  • Swiss WiR
  • President Lincoln
  • free Greenback dollars
  • Lincoln
  • he had led the introduction of a paper money not backed by gold or silver, and had shown that the government could create, issue, and circulate by fiat the currency and credit needed to satisfy the spending power of the government and the buying power of consumers.
  • the privilege of creating and issuing money is not only the supreme prerogative of government, but it is the government’s greatest creative opportunity.
  • National Farmers Alliance and Co-operative Union, led by Charles Macune, developed the Sub-Treasury Plan.
  • JAK banking, CoopHab and Community Land Trusts work well but are below national policy radar. This is not entirely the case for co-operative commonwealth systems.
  • So this was not simply a co-operative currency. It was a new national currency under a co-operative and state partnership to expunge the debt peonage imposed by merchants and bankers.
  • Infuriated, farmers and workers created their own party in 1891 to carry forwardmonetary reform and a co-operative economy. The new Populist party won some local, state and Congressional elections before falling into decline after 1895.
  • A.C. Townley launched the Non-partisan League (NPL)
  • Bank of North Dakota
  • Henry Ford and Thomas Edison suggested a novel solution.
  • proposed that new money be created by issuing interest-free government bonds
  • Frederick Soddy
  • made the first case for an ecological economics free of debt
  • “100% money.”
  • 100% reserve requirement.
  • Clifford H Douglas
  • He argued that a clear-cut and labour-saving solution would be for Government to create new money, interest-free as “Social Credit.”
  • First all citizens would receive a National Dividend.
  • Second, Douglas proposed that publicly-owned producer banks be set up in each region of the UK to provide finance debt-free to industry and enterprises.
  • From 1929 monetary reform attracted a wide audience In the UK, Australia, New Zealand, the USA and Canada with growing grassroots calls ranging from public banking to universal basic income.(34) The New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt took inspiration from John Maynard Keynes.
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