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amoore2017

political and civic engagement in political campaign - 0 views

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    A national mail survey of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 (n = 876) was conducted immediately before the U.S. presidential election (October 2012) to investigate socialization agents that may correlate with political and civic engagement. The relative importance of potential correlates of engagement including demographics, parents, peers, schools, religion, traditional media, social networks, and digital communication were evaluated. Regression analysis revealed that civically engaged youth identify with a religion, participate in civic education activities at school and extracurricular activities, take action (e.g., boycotting or buycotting), develop attitudes about citizenship, and engage in online/social media political activities. Politically engaged youth come from higher income households, discuss news and politics, take action, and are very prone to engage in online/social media political activities. While a wider range of activities appear to be related to civic engagement, those who are politically engaged appear to have a strong interest in online media usage. Implications are discussed.
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    A national mail survey of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 (n = 876) was conducted immediately before the U.S. presidential election (October 2012) to investigate socialization agents that may correlate with political and civic engagement. The relative importance of potential correlates of engagement including demographics, parents, peers, schools, religion, traditional media, social networks, and digital communication were evaluated. Regression analysis revealed that civically engaged youth identify with a religion, participate in civic education activities at school and extracurricular activities, take action (e.g., boycotting or buycotting), develop attitudes about citizenship, and engage in online/social media political activities. Politically engaged youth come from higher income households, discuss news and politics, take action, and are very prone to engage in online/social media political activities. While a wider range of activities appear to be related to civic engagement, those who are politically engaged appear to have a strong interest in online media usage. Implications are discussed.
najiamarie

BMC Public Health | Full text | The effect of an unstructured, moderate to vigorous, be... - 0 views

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    Physical inactivity has been deemed a significant, contributing factor to childhood overweight and obesity. In recent years, many school systems removed recess and/or physical education from their curriculum due to growing pressure to increase academic scores. With the vast majority of children’s time spent in school, alternative strategies to re-introduce physical activity back into schools are necessary. A creative yet underutilized solution to engage children in physical activity may be in before-school programs. The objective of the proposed study is to examine the effect of an unstructured, moderate to vigorous, before-school physical activity program on academic performance, classroom behavior, emotions, and other health related measures.
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    Physical inactivity has been deemed a significant, contributing factor to childhood overweight and obesity. In recent years, many school systems removed recess and/or physical education from their curriculum due to growing pressure to increase academic scores. With the vast majority of children’s time spent in school, alternative strategies to re-introduce physical activity back into schools are necessary. A creative yet underutilized solution to engage children in physical activity may be in before-school programs. The objective of the proposed study is to examine the effect of an unstructured, moderate to vigorous, before-school physical activity program on academic performance, classroom behavior, emotions, and other health related measures.
briggsas

Clicktivism: A Systematic Heuristic - Halupka - 2014 - Policy & Internet - Wiley On... - 0 views

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    political participation;clicktivism;heuristic;online engagement;slacktivism;e-activism;online activism
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    political participation;clicktivism;heuristic;online engagement;slacktivism;e-activism;online activism
briggsas

Summer of Unrest: Activism or Slacktivism?: The Future of Digital Politics - Tom Chatfi... - 3 views

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    The student protests during the closing months of 2010 were organised online via Facebook, Twitter, university forums, Google Maps and other networks. They came in the wake of a surge of activity on the web that confonted the traditional media channels when Wikileaks and Anonymous disrupted them, creating a New World Order of breaking news. The fluid organisation of the protests showed that the internet and social media were key tools for organising dissent. Then in the Spring 2011, a wave of uprisings broke over North Africa with Tunisia, Egypt and Libya swept up in revolts also galvanised online. Tom Chatfield explores how the internet is re-shaping society and affecting identity in a period of acute political turbulence. BRAIN SHOTS is the pre-eminent source for high quality, short-form digital non-fiction. The Summer of Unrest series brings together stellar writers to explore the issues surrounding the austerity measures in the UK, uprisings in the Middle East and the nature of the protest movements springing up all over the world.
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    The student protests during the closing months of 2010 were organised online via Facebook, Twitter, university forums, Google Maps and other networks. They came in the wake of a surge of activity on the web that confonted the traditional media channels when Wikileaks and Anonymous disrupted them, creating a New World Order of breaking news. The fluid organisation of the protests showed that the internet and social media were key tools for organising dissent. Then in the Spring 2011, a wave of uprisings broke over North Africa with Tunisia, Egypt and Libya swept up in revolts also galvanised online. Tom Chatfield explores how the internet is re-shaping society and affecting identity in a period of acute political turbulence. BRAIN SHOTS is the pre-eminent source for high quality, short-form digital non-fiction. The Summer of Unrest series brings together stellar writers to explore the issues surrounding the austerity measures in the UK, uprisings in the Middle East and the nature of the protest movements springing up all over the world.
courtmulligan12

Holmes and Smith: Intergroup dynamics of extra-legal police aggression - 1 views

  • extra-legally, as informal means of coercive control over those perceived as threats to police authority or personal safety
  • Nowhere is that possibility more apparent than in the treatment of racial and ethnic minorities in disadvantaged locales
  • most commonly (although not exclusively) in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods
  • ...69 more annotations...
  • Some explanations of the behavior identify individual differences among police officers or organizational differences among police departments as primary causal factors, approaches that generally lack empirical support
  • situational
  • exigencies, such as the race and demeanor of citizens, may determine the use of extra-legal police aggression.
  • conflicts of interest
  • tereotyping
  • egregation and discrimination
  • hypothesis that the police employ formal legal authority less vigorously in disadvantaged areas, Kane (2002) argued that, in the socially disorganized neighborhoods where lax enforcement occurs, various forms of police misconduct may become normalized by officers who encounter conflict with citizens and challenges to their legitimacy
  • social psychology of intergroup relations to develop a theory of the underlying causes and ecological variations in the use of various types of extra-legal police aggression.
  • Profanity and racial slurs, racially motivated stops and searches, and excessive physical force would generally constitute violations.
  • uch as police brutality and excessive force, are often used to describe the phenomena under consideration, but these concepts generally refer only to physical force
  • extra-legal police aggression is preferable for several related reasons.
  • ggression
  • any form of behavior that is intended to injure someone physically or psychologically.”
  • Both unconscious and conscious processes may trigger extra-legal aggression by the police.
  • he concept of aggression captures the critical point that the behaviors in question specifically aim to injure citizens.
  • Profanity, racial slurs, and gratuitous verbal threats degrade, humiliate and frighten citizens
  • An investigation conducted in six cities by the NAACP (1995) reported that verbal abuse and harassment are the most common forms of extra-legal police aggression and are standard operating procedure in minority communities.
  • erbal abuses as well as obscene gestures and spitting
  • An emerging focus of research on policing minorities is racial profiling, the practice of stopping and searching citizens on the pretext of suspicious or illegal activity but actually on the basis of racial identity alone.
  • A study of police stops in New York City showed that Blacks and Hispanics were stopped at higher rates than Whites in all areas, but those encountered in neighborhoods with relatively small Black populations were stopped relatively more frequently
  • intrusive searches subsequent to police stops, which likely occur more frequently in areas of concentrated disadvantage
  • The most extreme forms of extra-legal police aggression involve the use of excessive physical force, that which occurs “under color of authority, without lawful necessity”
  • Race appears to be an important correlate of its use.
  • cities of 150,000 or more population, percent Black and percent Hispanic
  • were related positively to criminal complaints against police officers
  • nvestigated by the FBI and reported to the Civil Rights Division of the DOJ from 1985 to 1990, found that
  • some research findings suggest a link between race and neighborhood characteristics.
  • percent
  • Black population and extreme Black segregation were related positively to sustained complaints of excessive force
  • Percent Hispanic was also related positively to sustained complaints, but Hispanic segregation was not.
  • Most studies include a small number of jurisdictions, rely on weak research designs with respect to causal generalizations, and/or use imprecise dependent measures.
  • minority suspects encountered in disadvantaged neighborhoods are at greatest risk of victimization at the hands of police
  • For example, Stewart et al. (2009) maintain that the police may discriminate against Black youth to defend the interests of White neighborhoods
  • Certainly the use of questionable practices by the police, such as stops and searches on the basis of racial profiling, may serve the interests of Whites in maintaining the boundaries of the “racial-spatial divide”
  • These findings support the proposition of a greater incidence and severity of extra-legal aggression in disadvantaged minority neighborhoods, but also suggest that lesser forms, such as unnecessary stops, may be used to handle “suspicious” Black citizens outside their neighborhoods.
  • Relevant dimensions of intergroup relations include complementary processes involving group conflict, emotions, and cognitions.
  • These social–psychological dynamics have been identified as primary contributors to aggressive behavioral responses.
  • he various models of intergroup relations and aggression suggest that distal background conditions of neighborhoods and proximate psychological responses elicited in situational encounters with citizens determine the specific targets (race) and general locations (place) of extra-legal police aggression.
  • 1) social, emotional, and cognitive preconditions to aggressive behavior, (2) activation of aggressive responses by a target perceived as threatening, and (3) social and individual mediators/moderators of aggressive behavior.
  • Group conflict
  • Several conflict theories hold that complex societies contain various interest groups and that conflict is an inevitable social process with predictable consequences for social organization and behavior.
  • ntergroup conflict arises as a collective reaction to real or perceived threats to group interests. T
  • The conflict theory of law maintains that the deployment of coercive crime mechanisms expressly seeks to regulate threats to the interests of the powerful
  • For example, police use of lesser forms of extra-legal aggression may accommodate the interests of Whites in affluent neighborhoods who can marshal political influence to dictate police practices
  • The police may more freely employ more severe forms of extra-legal aggression in areas of minority disadvantage, as there is less risk and more salient personal interests at stake
  • Realistic group conflict theory calls attention to the reality that the police constitute a distinct social group that possesses unique interests that do not always correspond to the interests of the dominant group of the larger society
  • maintains that the existence of such outgroup threats create hostility toward the source of threat, ingroup solidarity, ingroup identity, tightened ingroup boundaries, punishment of ingroup defectors and deviants, and increased ethnocentrism.
  • African Americans and Hispanics, who constitute the largest and most threatening outgroups in American society
  • hese disadvantaged neighborhoods pose a host of challenging circumstances—social isolation, poverty, crime, drugs, weapon availability, violence, and social disorder/incivilities
  • Much urban police work takes place in such locales.
  • Subcultural conflicts of group interests between police and minority citizens exist in these neighborhoods and create normative rifts that often place them at odds with one another.
  • he mutual perceptions of distrust and threat held by police and minorities in disadvantaged neighborhoods may generate group dynamics that reinforce ingroup solidarity and intergroup conflict that would not occur in more affluent locales.
  • Such intergroup conflict may elicit various less severe forms of extra-legal aggression by the police, which are seen as instrumental to maintaining authority and avoiding danger.
  • Conflict theories offer important insights into the background tensions that precipitate acts of extra-legal police aggression; however, other social psychological dynamics also must be considered.
  • Primary emotions such as fear and happiness comprise the foundation of the complex human emotional repertoire upon which inter- and intra-group relationships are formed—human behavior is deeply rooted in myriad emotional processes
  • Entering areas of concentrated minority disadvantage may routinely activate emotional responses among the police.
  • Police officers may become unconsciously and consciously conditioned to associate such areas, as well as certain types of people, with criminality and danger
  • While humans may become consciously aware of feeling afraid when faced with an aversive stimulus, unconscious mechanisms for acquiring, storing, and retrieving emotional memories may activate both a behavioral response to and the cognitive awareness of the emotion.
  • While emotions comprise internal states of individuals that may affect behavior, they are also social phenomena shaped by society and culture
  • Police use of extra-legal aggression in disadvantaged locales may, in part, reflect subcultural norms about the appropriate targets of anger and the relative power of police over disadvantaged citizens.
  • the challenging conditions of disadvantaged minority locales clearly provide a structural context in which apprehension, fear, and anger are always relatively close to the surface, ready to take hold of a police officer's conduct.
  • pro-social emotional bonds develop among officers who work these areas, amplifying the ethnocentrism that segregates the occupational subculture of policing from outsiders
  • Heightened fear and anger toward citizens, along with emotional bonds to fellow officers, prime the police officer for aggressive responses in the face of perceived threats, whether real or imagined.
  • Cognitions of ingroups and outgroups are analytically separable, and two distinct but closely related research traditions have developed
  • akes place in tasks involving reward allocations in very minimal groups that lack normal features such as face-to-face interaction, norms, and intergroup relationships.
  • he mere perception of group membership may be sufficient to produce biased judgments and discrimination
  • self-categorization theory maintains that intergroup dynamics involving social identity occur whenever group memberships are salient and group comparisons are made
  • Large perceived differences between groups give rise to the process of self-stereotyping, whereby individuals perceive themselves more as undifferentiated, interchangeable parts of a group and less as unique persons characterized primarily by individual attributes.
  • Perceived ingroup similarity enhances elements of group cohesiveness—mutual attraction, esteem, empathy, cooperation, and ethnocentrism—among members of the ingroup and triggers discrimination against outgroups.
Ikam Ali

Political activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or political participation by other... - 1 views

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    Political activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or political participation by other means?
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    Political activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or political participation by other means?
britt311

Environmental Activism, Social Networks and the Internet - 5 views

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    The diversity of the Internet/ Social media and its contributions toward environmental activism
briggsas

Activism Vs. Slacktivism | December 2011 | Communications of the ACM - 1 views

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    Today's activists are highly plugged into social media, mobile apps, and other digital tools. But does this make a difference where it matters most?
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    Today's activists are highly plugged into social media, mobile apps, and other digital tools. But does this make a difference where it matters most?
Austin Timberlake

Activism in the Internet Age.full.pdf - 1 views

shared by Austin Timberlake on 22 Oct 14 - No Cached
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    Activism in the Internet Age
williamsk5

#IfTheyGunnedMeDown and What Hashtag Activism Does Right - TIME - 0 views

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    Social media protests have their limits, but one thing they're very, very good at is grassroots media criticism.
kharris216

New Media & Society - 0 views

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    This study examines how information and communication technologies - mobile phone, social networking websites, blogging, instant messaging, and photo sharing - are related to the diversity of people's social networks. We find that a limited set of technologies directly afford diversity, but many indirectly contribute to diversity by supporting participation in traditional settings such as neighborhoods, voluntary groups, religious institutions, and public spaces. Only one internet activity, social networking websites, was related to lower levels of participation in a traditional setting: neighborhoods. However, when direct effects were included, the total influence of social networking services on diversity was positive. We argue that a focus on affordances of new media for networked individualism fails to recognize the continued importance of place for the organization of personal networks: networks, that as a result of the persistent and pervasive nature of some new technologies, may be more diverse than at any time in recent history
britt311

Social Media for Environmental Action - 3 views

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    Social media and the movement of activism towards the maintenance of the environment.
britt311

Environmental Activism and the Internet [eScholarship] - 3 views

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    The impact of the Internet and other forms of technologies can make an impact and support organizations who work on maintaing the environment.
chavisja

Calling Students to Serve the Homeless - 0 views

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    Americans' participation in community and civic activities has declined over the last several decades. This article describes a project in which social work faculty, practitioners, and students cooperated to develop and implement a local, college-based community service project to house the homeless.
williamsk5

The Limits of Hashtag Activism | Celia Buckman - 0 views

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    Will retweeting a post like "I believe animal abuse is wrong, RT if you agree" actually make the tweet's readers go out and volunteer at their local shelter, or get more animal rights legislation in Congress passed? Probably not....
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    Will retweeting a post like "I believe animal abuse is wrong, RT if you agree" actually make the tweet's readers go out and volunteer at their local shelter, or get more animal rights legislation in Congress passed? Probably not....
howardkm3

Curbing Police Brutality: What Works? A Reanalysis of Citizen Complaints at the Organiz... - 2 views

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    This project reanalyzes the data collected by Pate and Fridell (1993) on citizen complaints against police use of excessive force. The current report includes two empirical studies on the citizen complaints about police brutality in two mutually excluding areas: the police use of excessive physical force and the police use of all other non-physical forces, such as abuse of authority and verbal abuse. It attempts to establish the baseline correlation of citizen complaint rates with various police organizational factors, and to identify the causal effect of police brutality. Using Tobit regression technique, the research tested a series of hypotheses deduced from theories advanced by Wilson (1968) and Lundman (1980) with a number of control variables. It is found that organizational behavior and organizational characteristics are important covariates of the citizen complaints against police use of excessive physical force and police abuse of power. The police administration can influence its officer's behavior by strengthening the in-service training, paying attention to the education achievements of its officers, and actively provide best training for qualified new police in the force.
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