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Matt Forster

United States Events 1992-Present - 14 views

What was the Abu Grahib scandal and how did it affect Bush's presidency? (Matt)

recent events 1990s 2000s

Kay Bradley

I've Protested for Racial Justice. Do I Have to Post on Social Media? - The New York Times - 0 views

  • forms of moral argument that are motivated by the vanity of self-presentation
  • People engaged in moral grandstanding, they believe, will tend to “pile on,” repeating a widely shared criticism
  • “trump up,” depicting an innocent act as a major offense
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • ramp up,” making ever stronger and more polarizing claims in order to outdo the moral claims of others.
  • For Kant, it was of great importance that we not only do the right thing but do it for the right reason. The notion of virtue signaling, which was coined as a term of reproach, has precisely this Kantian valence.
  • But virtue signaling isn’t necessarily a vice. Let’s grant that it can have unfortunate aspects
  • When it comes to uncontested moral values, we can prize the unadvertised, anonymous good deed.
  • Yet the moral revolutions I’ve researched involve what political scientists have called “norm cascades,”
  • In moments of moral change, people shift from merely recognizing a wrong to wanting to do something about it. And what drives that shift is, in part, a sense that those who don’t contribute to change aren’t just not doing something good; they’re forfeiting their entitlement to the respect of those around them
  • In the words of another philosopher, Neil Levy: “Signaling is a central function of public moral discourse, with an important role to play in enabling cooperation.” That’s why bumper stickers and slogans posted on walls, whether digital or physical, can be meaningful.
  • The malign effects of grandstanding are real, but typically happen when an important instrument for moral progress is put in service of bad goals rather than good ones
  • “Piling on” can mean that people have collectively decided to renounce a previously tolerated evil: It mattered that a great many law-enforcement officials and even some police-union representatives piled on against the callous killing of George Floyd
  • and the social dimension of position-taking plays a critical role here.
  • Not participating becomes dishonorable.
  • To move a majority of people to live and act in new ways, you have to get them to feel that
  • doing the right thing is now required for social respect
Kay Bradley

Search Results for "100 amazing facts" - The Root - 0 views

  •  
    African American History blog posts by Scholar Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
Kay Bradley

Maps Open Source - NYPL Digital Collections - 0 views

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    Mostly of new York; can be overlaid with current maps using tool described on this blog post: http://openglam.org/2014/03/31/nypl-releases-20-000-historical-maps-as-public-domain/
Emma Hurlbert

Clinton's Post Cold War Policy and Why It Didn't Work - 1 views

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/us-foreign-policy-postcold-war-world-defeats-clinton-as-president-prepares-to-travel-to-europe-for-dday-ceremony-independent-writers-assess-his-track-record-...

foreign policy Clinton post cold war

started by Emma Hurlbert on 09 Sep 11 no follow-up yet
Chelsea Wirth

Article 1- Congress as a Whole 17,18,20,21 - 17 views

17. Once a bill has passed through the House and Senate, it goes to the president where he signs it to make it official. However, if he doesn't agree with the law, he can exercise his power of Veto...

started by Chelsea Wirth on 11 Nov 10 no follow-up yet
Kay Bradley

Rooted in Reconstruction: The First Wave of Black Congressmen | The Nation - 0 views

  • Well over a century ago, during the turbulent era of Reconstruction, they were preceded by another three: Hiram Revels and Blanche Bruce, both senators from Mississippi, and P.B.S. Pinchback, briefly the governor of Louisiana.
  • It also underscores how remarkable, if temporary, a transformation in American life was wrought by Reconstruction. Revels, Bruce and Pinchback were only the tip of a large iceberg--an estimated 2,000 black men served in some kind of elective office during that era.
  • For many decades, historians viewed Reconstruction as the lowest point in the American experience, a time of corruption and misgovernment presided over by unscrupulous carpetbaggers from the North, ignorant former slaves and traitorous scalawags (white Southerners who supported the new governments in the South). Mythologies about black officeholders formed a central pillar of this outlook. Their alleged incompetence and venality illustrated the larger "crime" of Reconstruction--placing power in the hands of a race incapable of participating in American democracy. D.W. Griffith's 1915 film Birth of a Nation included a scene in which South Carolina's black legislators downed alcohol and propped their bare feet on their desks while enacting laws. Claude Bowers, in The Tragic Era, a bestseller of the 1920s that did much to form popular consciousness about Reconstruction, offered a similar portrait. To Griffith and Bowers, the incapacity of black officials justified the violence of the Ku Klux Klan and the eventual disenfranchisement of Southern black voters.
  • ...54 more annotations...
  • Capitol Men
  • Dray's
  • It does not really offer an assessment of Reconstruction's successes and failings
  • Twelve years earlier, Smalls had piloted the Planter, on which he worked as a slave crewman, out of Charleston harbor and delivered it to the Union navy, a deed that made him a national hero. In 1864, while the ship was undergoing repairs in Philadelphia, a conductor evicted Smalls from a streetcar when he refused to give up his seat to a white passenger. Ninety years before a similar incident involving Rosa Parks sparked the Montgomery bus boycott, Smalls's ordeal inspired a movement of black and white reformers to persuade the Pennsylvania legislature to ban discrimination in public transportation.
  • Stephens offered a long argument based on states' rights as to why the bill was unconstitutional.
  • The subject of their exchange was a civil rights bill banning racial discrimination in places of public accommodation.
  • Elliott launched into a learned and impassioned address explaining why the recently enacted Fourteenth Amendment justified the measure (which was signed into law by President Grant the following year), then reminded Congress of an infamous speech Stephens had delivered on the eve of the Civil War: "It is scarcely twelve years since that gentleman shocked the civilized world by announcing the birth of a government which rested on human slavery as its cornerstone." Elliott already had proved that he refused to be intimidated by whites: in 1869 he whipped a white man in the streets of Columbia for writing inappropriate notes to his wife. A black man assaulting a white man in defense of his wife's good name was not a common occurrence in nineteenth-century South Carolina.
  • Robert Elliott
  • Many of the black Congressmen spoke of the abuse they suffered while traveling to the Capitol. Joseph Rainey
  • Robert Elliott was refused service at a restaurant in a railroad station
  • In the House, one Virginia Democrat announced that he was addressing only "the white men," the "gentlemen," not his black colleagues
  • Congressmen Dray profiles came from diverse origins and differed in their approach to public policies. Some had been free before the Civil War, others enslaved
  • Some favored government action to distribute land to former slaves; others insisted that in a market society the only way to acquire land was to purchase it. Some ran for office as representatives of their race, others as exemplars of the ideal that, with the end of slavery and the advent of legal equality, race no longer mattered. Reconstruction's black Congressmen did not see themselves simply as spokesmen for the black community
  • was one of the more conservative black leaders; yet in the Senate he spoke out for more humane treatment of Native Americans and opposed legislation banning immigration from China
  • Blanche Bruce
  • sixteen black members of Congress
  • had enjoyed opportunities and advantages unknown to most African-Americans
  • Revels
  • had been born free in North Carolina
  • Bruce
  • was the slave son of his owner and was educated by the same tutor who taught his white half-siblings.
  • Some Congressmen had enjoyed unique privileges as slaves.
  • enjamin Turner's
  • wner allowed him to learn to read and write and to run a hotel and livery stable in Selma
  • Others, however, had experienced slavery in all its brutality.
  • Jeremiah Haralson
  • John Hyman
  • None of these men fit the old stereotype of Reconstruction officials as ignorant, incompetent and corrupt.
  • All were literate, most were seasoned political organizers by the time of their election and nearly all were honest.
  • Governor Pinchback
  • ne who does fit the image of venality wa
  • of Louisiana, whose career combined staunch advocacy of civil rights with a sharp eye for opportunities to line his pockets
  • Pinchback grew up and attended school in Cincinnati. In the 1850s he worked as a cabin boy on an Ohio River steamboat. He fell in with a group of riverboat gamblers and learned their trade. He turned up in New Orleans in 1862 and expertly navigated the byzantine world of Louisiana's Reconstruction politics. Pinchback was undoubtedly corrupt (he accumulated a small fortune while in office) but also an accomplished politician.
  • Reconstruction ended in 1877, when President Rutherford B. Hayes abandoned the idea of federal intervention to protect the rights of black citizens in the South, essentially leaving their fate in the hands of local whites.
  • black political power, while substantially diminished, did not vanish until around 1900, when the Southern states disenfranchised black voters. Six more African-Americans served in Congress before the end of the nineteenth century. Some of their Reconstruction predecessors remained active in politics
  • Robert Smalls
  • of Planter fame, served as customs collector at Beaufort until 1913, when he was removed as part of a purge of blacks from the federal bureaucracy by Woodrow Wilson, the first Southern-born president since Reconstruction.
  • Pinchback and Bruce moved to Washington, where they became leaders of the city's black elite and arbiters of federal patronage appointments for African-Americans. Bruce worked tirelessly but unsuccessfully to persuade Congress to reimburse blacks who had deposited money in the Freedman's Savings Bank, which failed during the Panic of 1873. Like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in our own time, the bank was a private corporation chartered by Congress that enjoyed the implicit but not statutory backing of the federal government. Its counterparts today are being bailed out with billions of taxpayer dollars, as they have been deemed too big to fail. The Freedman's Savings Bank was too black to rescue.
  • George White
  • The last black Congressman of the post-Reconstruction era wa
  • of North Carolina, whose term ended in 1901. From then until 1929, when
  • Oscar DePriest
  • took his seat representing Chicago, Congress remained lily-white. Not until 1972, with
  • Andrew Young's
  • election in Georgia and
  • Barbara Jordan's
  • in Texas, did black representation resume from states that had experienced Reconstruction. Today the Congressional Black Caucus numbers forty-two members, seventeen of them from the states of the old Confederacy.
  • Robert Smalls
  • One such episode involves
  • who in 1874 was elected to Congress from Beaufort County, South Carolina.
  • Alexander Stephens
  • Equally riveting is the 1874 confrontation between
  • he former vice president of the Confederacy, then representing Georgia in the House of Representatives, and another black South Carolinian,
  • Robert Brown Elliott (1842-1884) was an African American member of the United States House of Representatives from South Carolina. Robert Brown Elliott's early life is a mystery. Although he claimed to have been born in Liverpool, England to West Indian immigrants, and to have graduated from Eton College, biographers have been unable to corroborate these facts. He moved to South Carolina in 1867 and established a law practice. Elliott helped organize the local Republican Party and served in the state constitutional convention. In 1868 he was elected to the South Carolina House of Representatives. The next year he was appointed assistant adjutant-general; he was the first African American commanding general of the South Carolina National Guard. As part of his job, he helped form a state militia to fight the Ku Klux Klan. Elliott was elected as a Republican to the Forty-second and Forty-third United States Congress. He "delivered a celebrated speech" in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1875.[1] He resigned on November 1, 1874, to fight political corruption in South Carolina. He served again in the South Carolina House of Representatives, where he was elected as Speaker of the House. He ran unsuccessfully for South Carolina Attorney General in 1876. Reconstruction ended that year and he was forced out of office.[] He set up a private law practice in New Orleans.
  •  
    "Rooted in Reconstruction: The First Wave of Black Congressmen Eric Foner"
Kay Bradley

New Deal Findings: The Supreme Court - 0 views

Why did the Supreme Court invalidate the AAA and the NRA? How did FDR try to prevent this from happening in the second New Deal? Post your summaries under comments

started by Kay Bradley on 24 Mar 11 no follow-up yet
Alexander Luckmann

New Deal Findings: Critics of the New Deal, including socialists - 3 views

According to hueylong.com, "Long was revered by the masses as a champion of the common man and demonized by the powerful as a dangerous demagogue." This shows a surprisingly uncritical perspective...

Kay Bradley

New Deal Findings: Second New Deal Programs (1936-1942) - 2 views

FDR was re-elected in 1936; he revamped New Deal programs in his second term a) to respond to critics from right and left and b) to try to make New Deal programs capable of withstanding Supreme Cou...

started by Kay Bradley on 24 Mar 11 no follow-up yet
Alex Sommer

New Deal Findings: First New Deal Programs (1933-1936) - 2 views

-Summarized with the 3R's of FDR's program: relief, recovery, reform -FDR led the Democratic party and voiced liberal, pro-union policies -Republicans mostly opposed legislation passed during the N...

Alexander Luckmann

New Deal Findings: Art and Theater - 7 views

WPA was a major artistic program. - Employed muralists like Diego Rivera - WPA built Davies Tennis Stadium in Oakland in an old mine cutting - A lot of WPA relief went to African-Amer...

Kay Bradley

New Deal Findings: Economic Philosophy of New Deal - 2 views

John Maynard Keynes' influence; try anything attitude. . . Post your summaries under Comments

started by Kay Bradley on 24 Mar 11 no follow-up yet
Rory Chipman

New Deal Findings: Women - 5 views

http://www.gilderlehrman.org/historynow/03_2009/historian4.php this is a really good essay on the role of women during the great depression

Kay Bradley

New Deal Findings: People of Color - 0 views

How did African Americans, Native Americans, Latinos fare during the Great Depression? Was their experience similar to or different from that of caucasian Americans? Were there any special progra...

started by Kay Bradley on 24 Mar 11 no follow-up yet
Alex Sommer

New Deal Findings: Labor - 2 views

-Stock market crashed in October of 1929 -Mexicans and blacks were hit the hardest (40-50% of black workers were unemployed by 1932, in Chicago) -Unemployment for all races increased by 607% -Many ...

Alex Sommer

New Deal Findings: Agriculture (problems, programs) - 2 views

-Terrible weather and extreme temperatures exacerbated the conditions of agriculture -After WWI, France had relied on America for crops, but now could sustain themselves -US had a surplus of cr...

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