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Sensors everywhere. Infinite storage. Clouds of processors. Our ability to capture, warehouse, and understand massive amounts of data is changing science, medicine, business, and technology. As our collection of facts and figures grows, so will the opportunity to find answers to fundamental questions. Because in the era of big data, more isn't just more. More is different.

I will never forget my first visit, in 2003, to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) in Beijing. I was welcomed by Wang Luolin, the academy's vice-president, whose grandfather had translated Marx's Das Kapital into Chinese, and Huang Ping, a former Red Guard. Sitting in oversized armchairs, we sipped ceremonial tea and introduced ourselves. Wang Luolin nodded politely and smiled, then told me that his academy had 50 research centres covering 260 disciplines with 4,000 full-time researchers. As he said this, I could feel myself shrink into the seams of my vast chair: Britain's entire think tank community is numbered in the hundreds, Europe's in the low thousands; even the think-tank heaven of the US cannot have more than 10,000. But here in China, a single institution—and there are another dozen or so think tanks in Beijing alone—had 4,000 researchers. Admittedly, the people at CASS think that many of the researchers are not up to scratch, but the raw figures were enough.

China, according to the new political thinkers, will do things the other way around: using elections in the margins but making public consultations, expert meetings and surveys a central part of decision-making. This idea was described pithily by Fang Ning, a political scientist at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. He compared democracy in the west to a fixed-menu restaurant where customers can select the identity of their chef, but have no say in what dishes he chooses to cook for them. Chinese democracy, on the other hand, always involves the same chef—the Communist party—but the policy dishes which are served up can be chosen "à la carte."

最终了解到污染的传送模式。美国Scripps海洋学研究所的大气学家V. Ramanathan激动的说，“感谢奥运会主办方、北京政府的关心、韩国政府的合作，我们有一个庞大而前所未有的机遇，去观察每天大量减少的污染排放”。为了运动员的健康，中国政府迫使减少了约30%的工业活动，减少了半数汽车的使用。

说道这次中科院此时推出雷死人的傻逼研究结果，总觉得是在为几天之后诺贝尔和平奖的颁发打的预防针。只是万万没有料到，化学奖中出现了华人的身影。这一针算是白打了。有了华人就好办了，铺天的宣传，谁得和平奖就被忽悠过去了。否则还要继续代瑞典死人的表，实在不是个滋味。

因此无论如何，是否与和平奖有缘，都来说一声“胡+，+油”吧。

纠正错误信息只会加强错误信念也许是有些争议的提法，但这一说法是基于多种研究，有许多研究调查了政治影响或意识形态偏见在修正事实后的表现。例如在研究中，志愿者首先被展示包含错误信息的政治广告或新闻，然后被告知正确信息。令人感兴趣的是，许多人会坚持错误观点，即使被告诉它是错误的。在现实中我们也能得到印证，比如相信奥巴马是穆斯林的人数在增长，而在中国，相信西方媒体对中国有偏见的观点显然得到了加强。

These days, you can’t even trust undecided people. Individuals who honestly believe that they can’t choose between two available options may in fact already know what to do, thanks to attitudes that lurk outside their awareness, a new study indicates.

“这是一次极限编程（Extreme Programming）挑战。我们只有2到3天时间去设计，之后每一天的计划都很精确的。我们要安排20到30种次序，每种50行代码，设备之间并不是孤立的，也就是你不仅需要让仪器按次序工作，还要让它们共同工作。”程序员们使用C编程语言，在Linux 操作系统上编写他们的程序。凤凰号登陆探测器将在火星夏天工作3个月左右，之后温度降至华氏零下170度，机器将会被冻僵。

开始的时候社会主义制度促进生产力发展，当发展到一定层次的时候，社会主义制度就阻碍了生产力发展。结果那帮白痴还继续想要共产主义

首先我们需要明确一个概念，地震预警（earthquake early warning），不是地震预测或预报。地震预警是指在地震发生以后，抢在地震波传播到设防地区前，向设防地区提前几秒至数十秒发出警报，以减小当地的损失。

四川东部的大地震裂开了连接西藏高原东部山脉和人口密集的四川盆地之间大约275公里长的断层。

噩梦并未就此结束。有感之后不到20秒，破裂抵达北川，在县城地下又进行了一次集中释放，主要区域近100千米。这次事件直接导致惨剧在北川县上演。两个主要因素使得北川面临比极震区更强的破坏！

抗议、防暴警察、骚乱、熄灭圣火....北京奥运会的圣火火炬接力一路伴随着不和谐的声音。北京政府花了大力气耗费巨资想要办一届绿色奥运、科技奥运、人文奥运，现在它的罪名又增加了一件：当奥运会圣火传递结束后，火炬接力将产生大约1100万磅二氧化碳。火炬将在全世界的23座城市传送，旅程超过85000英里，期间需用一架涂有奥运会标志的A330飞机运送。A330每英里要烧掉5.4加仑燃料，全部路程它总共要烧掉462400加仑。按Earthlab的估计每加仑飞机燃料燃烧时会产生23.88磅二氧化碳，因此活动结束后地球大气增加了1100万磅二氧化碳，也就是5500吨。

"These people have been trained in an authoritarian system. They are at the same time victims of an authoritarian system, but they also behave in an authoritarian way towards others and are incredibly self-righteous," says a Chinese politics professor who asked not to be named.

"We should be more tolerant and respect the right of people to disagree with us but these people do not understand such values."The term fenqinghas been used in each of the past three generations to describe very different kinds of rebel.

There are no indications that the contemporary fenqing are members of the sort of organised nationalist movement seen in places such as Russia, where Nashi, a pro-Kremlin youth group, has had a growing profile.Rather, "since the mid-1990s urban educated youth in China have become much more nationalistic rather than angry at the government", says David Zweig, director of the centre on China's transnational relations at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. "There is a strong sense that the west, led by the US, is trying to keep China down and stop it from taking its rightful place in the world."