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feng37

Digital Resistance and the Orange Revolution « iRevolution - 0 views

  • Maidan was a group of tech-savvy pro-democracy activists who used the Internet as a tool to support their movement. Maidan in Ukranian means public square and Maidan’s website features the slogal “You CAN chnage the world you live in. And you can do it now. In Ukraine.”
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  • The main activity of Maidan was election monitoring and networking with other pro-democracy organizations around Eastern Europe.
  • “websites cannot produce an activist organization.”
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  • it was crucial for Maidan to frequently host real world meetings as their membership base increased. The human element was particularly important. This explains why Maidan encouraged users to disclose their identity whenever possible.
  • The community benefited from centralized leadership that developed the organization’s culture, controlled its assets and provided the strategy to achieve desired goals. The Maidan experience thus demonstrates a hybrid organization.
  • Pora, meaning “It’s Time” in Ukranian, was a well-organized group of  pro-democracy volunteers that “emerged as an information sharing campaign and during the elections morphed into coordinators of mass protest centered around tent cities in towns throughout Ukraine. The grassroots movement took its inspiration from Serbia’s Otpor movements as well as “older civic movements in Hungary and Czechoslovakia.”
  • “the active use of modern communication systems in the campaign’s management,” and “mobile phones played an important role for mobile fleet of activists.”
  • “a ssytem of immedate dissemination of information by SMS was put in place and proved important.” In addition, “some groups provided the phones themselves, while others provided SIM cards, and most provided airtime.”
  • roviding rapid reporting in a way that no other medium could. As tent cities across the Ukraine became the sign of the revolution,
  • The news feed from the regions [became] vitally important. Every 10 to 15 minutes another tent city appeared in some town or other, and the fact was soon reported on the air.
  • While the government certainly saw the Internet as a threat, the government had not come to consensus regarding the “legal and political frameworks it would use to silence journalists that published openly on this new medium.”
  • many online journalists unlike mainstream journalists were free from the threat of defamation charges.
  • one of the earliest examples of what Steven Mann calls “sousveillance,” meaning, “the monitoring of authority figures by grassroots groups, using the technologies and techniques of surveillance.”
  • Technology certainly does not make possible a direct democracy, where everyone can participate in a decision, nor representative democracy where decision makers are elected; nor is it really a one-person-one-vote referendum style democracy. Instead it is a consultative process known as ‘rough consensus and running code.’
  • the real power of traditional media. Natalia Dmytruk worked for the Ukraine’s state-run television news program as an interpreter of sign language for the hearing-impaired. As the revolution picked up momentum, she decided she couldn’t lie anymore and broke from the script with the following message: I am addressing everybody who is deaf in the Ukraine. Our president is Victor Yushchenko. Do not trust the results of the central election committee. They are all lies. . . . And I am very ashamed to translate such lies to you. Maybe you will see me again…
  • “Dmytruk’s live silent signal helped spread the news, and more people began spilling into the streets to contest the vote.”
  • itizen journalists and digital activists participated in civil resistance trainings across the country, courtesy of Otpor. The use of humor and puns directed at the regime is a classic civil resistance tactic.
  • one of key reasons that explains the success of the revolution has to do with the fact that “the protesters were very well trained and very good at protesting… very, very good.”
  • Digital activists need to acquire the tactical and strategic know-how developed over decades of civil resistance movements. Otherwise, tactical victories by digital activists may never translate into overall strategic victory for a civil resistance movement.
arden dzx

BBC NEWS | Asia-Pacific | Making sense of modern China - 0 views

  • Prof Spence does not ignore the risks, but sees more grounds for optimism. He points to the ballooning number of university graduates, the emergence of grassroots civil groups, and the vast improvement in the education levels of top leaders as evidence that change will have to come. "The whole idea of representation is being explored. Remember China had a hard time with representative government, which fell apart under the warlord era [in 1915]. "China is backtracking into the past, looking for ways of making changes. We could wish they changed much faster, but we should be glad they are changing at the speed they are," he says. Hear Professor Jonathan Spence deliver the 2008 Reith lectures: BBC Radio 4, Tuesdays from 3 June, 0900BST
isaac Mao

iColumn爱专栏 » Blog Archive » 地震预测的民间力量 - 0 views

  • 我还查到了当今用地震云预测地震在世界上影响最大的研究者是旅美中国研究者寿仲浩。他从1995年开始运动自创理论加之观察卫星云图来预测地震。准确率奇高。 早年他预测了唐山大地震,近期又接连几次很准的预测了伊朗、新疆、巴基斯坦的几次大地震。 他的网站是 http://quake.exit.com,有兴趣的可以去看,保存下来的资料和图片都很具有说服力和学术讨论性。
  • 民间活跃着大量这样的业余地震观测者,而他们却无法和专业地震观测机构形成有效合作,不能不说是一种资源的浪费。
isaac Mao

【关注】河蟹上岸尝试直播科索沃独立事件 | 与G共舞·IT - 0 views

  • 从从昨晚10点30分起,河蟹上岸开始直播科索沃独立事件,这是河蟹上岸首次尝试对重大事件进行直播。我们试图跳过官管媒体的束缚,对国外媒体的消息进行第一时间的传递。从昨晚至今,有多条消息至今仍是简体中文独家
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