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isaac Mao

Rising Voices » New Citizen Media Projects Foster Rising Voices in Ivory Coas... - 0 views

  • Shenyang, literally meaning “the city to the north of Shen River” and capital of the Liaoning province, is touting itself as China’s “next tourist destination.” But whether you are visiting the ancient pagodas of Old City or the official “High-tech Industrial Development Zone” the tourist brochures won’t mention the city’s male and female sex workers who mostly come from poor rural communities in search of talked-up urban opportunities. In partnership with the Ai Zhi Yuan Zhu Center for Health and Education documentary filmmaker Wei Zhang will train male and female sex workers who use the AZYZ center how to maintain a blog and upload short video documentaries to share their experiences, opinions, and troubles in order to promote more understanding of the region’s sex worker population.
Qien Kuen

梁文道 : 一条吞掉自己的大蛇(完整版 ) - 一五一十部落 | My1510 - 0 views

  • 根据统计,百分之四十一的芬兰中学生最常干的休闲活动是阅读。
  • 由于老师自己就是喜好学习并且擅长学习的人,所以他们才能教出世界上最优秀的学生
  • 芬兰的大公司最喜欢聘请教师,理由是能当老师的年轻人一定是这个国家最顶尖的人才。
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  • 芬兰教育以国际视野闻名,小学开始学英语,中学再加一门第二外语。他们还把全球的信息与知识自然地融入课程,例如在小学的数学课里要孩子计算各国摩天大楼的高度,在初中社会科学的课堂上请孩子模拟演出联合国的工作情况,使他们懂得从不同国家的视角了解世界局势。除此之外,他们的教育部有种特别补助,尽量让年轻人有出国游学的机会。当地一位官员解释,其实「在北欧,你已经找不到没出过国的中学生了」。相对地,在我们的「中国模式」底下,你则很难找到没出过国的官员
  • 虽然大家都说中国实行一胎政策,人人都拿孩子当宝,但为什么今年各个事件都显示出了相反的讯息呢?先有一场专门震垮学校的地震,接着是一堆叫婴儿患上肾结石的奶粉;莫非我们的希望不在下一代,而在我们自己的长生不老?我突然想起西洋传说中的那条「衔尾蛇」(ouroboros),他太过饥饿,不惜从尾端开始吞吃自己;嘴巴叨着尾巴,形成了一个圆圈,乃西方秘学的著名符号。这个符号有很多层意思,其中一层是:贪婪是种吞没自己的可怕欲望。
isaac Mao

振兴 - 0 views

  • 下面言归正传。这个礼拜美国教育界的一个大新闻就是奥巴马宣布作为他八千亿美元经济振兴计划的一部分,有超过一千亿是会被注入公共教育领域的。这是美国有史以来最大手笔的为教育界输血。要知道,2008财年美国教育部的预算一共才592亿美元。 根据教育周报(education week)的报道,这笔钱中将有790亿用来帮助各州政府修建校舍、升级设施、开展早期教育(早教目前不是美国义务教育的一部分)以及扶助贫困生和特殊教育(原来意义上的Title I款项)。虽然美国是发达国家,而且美国的生均支出哪怕在OECD国家中也非常高,但是普遍认为美国的教务教育远远谈不上“经费充足”。这有几个历史原因。最重要的可能是美国分权化的教育体系(decentralizaed system)。在这学期上的教育财政第一堂课上,老师就讲到了这个问题。
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    对比一下中国的牛皮4万亿吧
arden dzx

Victim or Victor? China's Olympic Odyssey - WSJ.com - 0 views

  • Modern Chinese nationalism often veers between Mr. Coubertin's and Mr. Maurras's ideas of nationhood. Officially, the government likes to talk about friendship between peoples, and harmony and peace, while at the same time promoting an injured sense of historical Chinese victimhood at the hands of foreign powers. When demonstrations of Chinese nationalism run out of control, with or without official encouragement, the feeling of national hurt can turn to violent aggression. It has been happening of late in the U.S., among other places, when Chinese students attacked Tibetans, or indeed anyone who "offended the feelings of the Chinese people."
  • This type of official patriotism is based on a peculiarly skewed view of history. Rather than celebrate the high points of Chinese civilization, the emphasis falls entirely on suffering at the hands of foreigners. The sense of victimhood runs so deep that it is impossible for most Chinese to view themselves as aggressors. The idea that Tibetans, for example, might have some reason to see themselves as victims of the Chinese, is absurd. More than that, many Chinese genuinely believe that this type of Tibetan "propaganda" has been deliberately taken up by the Western press to inflict yet another humiliation on the Chinese people.
  • This does not mean, however, that democracy would be an automatic cure. In the unlikely event that China were suddenly to have a peaceful transformation to a liberal democracy, nationalism would not go away. No party seen to be soft on foreign powers, especially Japan and the U.S., would be. Modern Chinese history has been so bloody that the scars will take a long time to heal. Ethnic nationalism can be a kind of poison, especially when it is based on a feeling of victimhood. Political freedom should help to soothe such feelings in the long run, but this will not happen in time for the Beijing Olympics.
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  • Aggressive nationalism usually goes together with authoritarian politics. When people have no legitimate means to show dissent, vent their frustrations, express critical opinions in public, and generally take part in politics, nationalism fills the void. As long as they can control it, this suits authoritarian rulers. In China, a certain unspoken sense of guilt may also play a role. The same people who demanded democracy in 1989, when they were students, are now often among the fiercest nationalists. The educated urban elite has prospered since the Tiananmen Massacre, and when people are reminded of the political compromises this involved, resentment can flare up easily.
arden dzx

BBC NEWS | Asia-Pacific | Making sense of modern China - 0 views

  • Prof Spence does not ignore the risks, but sees more grounds for optimism. He points to the ballooning number of university graduates, the emergence of grassroots civil groups, and the vast improvement in the education levels of top leaders as evidence that change will have to come. "The whole idea of representation is being explored. Remember China had a hard time with representative government, which fell apart under the warlord era [in 1915]. "China is backtracking into the past, looking for ways of making changes. We could wish they changed much faster, but we should be glad they are changing at the speed they are," he says. Hear Professor Jonathan Spence deliver the 2008 Reith lectures: BBC Radio 4, Tuesdays from 3 June, 0900BST
Roger Chen

通识教育的危险_梁文道的BLOG_新浪博客 - 0 views

  • 推行教改不可以忘記教育改變社會利益分配的功能。日後學校的責任不是縮小,而是更大了。學生們因為背景造成的差異,必須在有充分資源和援助的學校之中彌補回來。
  • 教改不是什麼新鮮事,自從教育成為現代國家的責任,普及教育在全球的範圍上施行以來,教育的改革也就從來沒有停止過。新鮮的是,近百年前由杜威和他的門徒首倡的「進步教育」(progressive education),一種強調啟發和能力培養多於資訊記誦的教育方法,在今天卻成為最不「進步」(或者「激進」)的路數,反而成了全球化底下最符合各國需要的一種教育模式。
  • 不要背誦,要理解;不要學知識,而要學學習的方法;不要死跟既定的課本,而要靈活地在生活中擷取各種資訊;不要一個人死幹的傳統功課,而要小組討論做project以培養溝通與合作的能力;不要一次定生死的大型考試,而要日積月累地衡量學生的長期表現;老師不是授業的活教科書,而是解惑的啟發者。這一切都不會有人反對。過去很多中產家庭花大錢送子女進國際學校,為的就是得到這種教育。如今教改也朝這目標前進,又怎會有家長不同意?於是關於教改的主流計畫也就往往局限在技術層次
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  • 早在70年代,就已經有些先知先覺的教育學家如伯恩斯坦(Basil Bernstein),發現這種教改有潛在的危險,而且問題不小。那就是它可能會破壞教育再分配財富和地位的功能。30年來,隨這一波教育改革在先進國家的雷厲風行,也有愈來愈多的學者實征地證實了這種擔憂。許多低下階層的學生不僅不能在這種開放進步的教育中得到好處,反而變得常識貧乏,與中上階級的子弟愈差愈遠。
  • 所謂「學習的主要責任落在學生身上」的另一層意義,就是家庭的責任也更重大了,凡是育有子女的夫妻都會明白。而那些子女有幸入讀強調開放教育的國際學校者,也都心知肚明自己要比一般家長多花多少時間精力在孩子的學習上。因為這種開放的進步教育固然比較優良,但它對家庭的要求也同樣地高。換句話說,以「通識教育」為典型範例的教改,很有可能在貧富差距日增、貧窮兒童數目漸多的今天,進一步擴大而非拉近了這個趨勢。
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    我不反對教育改革走向一條開放和進步的路子,因為這似乎是當前經濟轉型下不得不走的路,也因為過去的填鴨教育和考試制度確實弊端叢生。但是政府必須理解,推行教改不可以忘記教育改變社會利益分配的功能。日後學校的責任不是縮小,而是更大了。學生們因為背景造成的差異,必須在有充分資源和援助的學校之中彌補回來。
Qien Kuen

由零開始 C'est la vie:教育與跨代貧窮 Education and Transgenerational Poverty - yam天空部落 - 0 views

  • 私立學校的學生所接受的教育水平比起公營學校要好很多,問題並不是巴西缺乏人才,只是教育制度本身靠
  • 私立學校的學生所接受的教育水平比起公營學校要好很多,問題並不是巴西缺乏人才,只是教育制度本身靠購買力(ability to pay)來分配資源,所以只有有錢人才能獲得較好的教育。
  • 以巴西的教育為例,其中的一個問題就是如何能夠使教育制度更公平。有些人可能認為如果能夠彷效西方的教育制度,定必能改善問題,我對這種想法則存有一些懷疑。
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  • 想透過分析現行先進國家(excluding the Scandinavian Europe)的教育制度來說明其與誇代貧窮的關係。
  • 教育是給予不同的人同等的機會去發展自己,而最後影響這個人前途的應該單純是其能力和努力
  • 即使在發達國家,教育不但沒有幫助減輕貧富懸殊,加大社會的流動性(social/class mobility),反而使當中的不平等變得更嚴重。
  • 我想要指出的重點是教育非但不能解決跨代貧窮的問題,反而增加了其嚴重性。
  • 真正影響這些孩子機會的並不單是金錢。一個人的成長背景,其經歷也是很大的影響因素。
  • 現行的教育制度並不但不能解決貧富懸殊的問題,甚至使社會流動性進一步下降
  • 現行的教育制度間接地使跨代貧窮的問題變得越來越嚴重,長久下去會導致更嚴重的社會分化。
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    请使用代理访问。
evawoo

FT.com / Home UK / UK - China's angry youth drown out dissent - 0 views

  • "These people have been trained in an authoritarian system. They are at the same time victims of an authoritarian system, but they also behave in an authoritarian way towards others and are incredibly self-righteous," says a Chinese politics professor who asked not to be named.
  • "We should be more tolerant and respect the right of people to disagree with us but these people do not understand such values."The term fenqinghas been used in each of the past three generations to describe very different kinds of rebel.
  • There are no indications that the contemporary fenqing are members of the sort of organised nationalist movement seen in places such as Russia, where Nashi, a pro-Kremlin youth group, has had a growing profile.Rather, "since the mid-1990s urban educated youth in China have become much more nationalistic rather than angry at the government", says David Zweig, director of the centre on China's transnational relations at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. "There is a strong sense that the west, led by the US, is trying to keep China down and stop it from taking its rightful place in the world."
evawoo

Chinese Students in U.S. Fight View of Their Home - New York Times - 0 views

  • No matter what China does, these students say, it cannot win in the arena of world opinion. “When we have a billion people, you said we were destroying the planet./ When we tried limiting our numbers, you said it is human rights abuse,” reads a poem posted on the Internet by “a silent, silent Chinese” and cited by some students as an accurate expression of their feelings. “When we were poor, you thought we were dogs./ When we loan you cash, you blame us for your debts./ When we build our industries, you called us polluters./ When we sell you goods, you blame us for global warming.”
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    相当balanced的文章 除了某一段以外
isaac Mao

» MMDays - Mr. Monday - 教育柏拉圖的迴響 - 0 views

  • 有了內容,即便沒有網路平台,大家用 email、blog、Flickr、Slideshare 、Youtube  一樣可以分享的很快樂 (確實可以發現有不少教師將影片、相片放上 Flickr、Youtube 這些地方)。所以也不是教師不想用資訊化媒材,而是諸多因素 (硬體不足、素材不足、網路平台設計讓使用者一肚子火氣……) 讓教師無法使用。
Qien Kuen

教育部门户网站_MOE.GOV.CN-高等学校信息公开实施办法 - 0 views

  • 高等学校信息公开实施办法(征求意见稿)
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