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It is universally accepted that there has been a huge growth in EU lobbying over the past few decades. There is now a dense EU interest group system. This entirely new volume, inspired by Mazey & Richardson's 1993 book Lobbying in the European Community, seeks to understand the role of interest groups in the policy process from agenda-setting to implementation. Specifically, the book is interested in observing how interest groups organise to influence the EU institutions and how they select different coalitions along the policy process and in different policy domains. In looking at 20 years of change, the book captures processes of institutional and actor learning, professionalisation of lobbying, and the possible emergence of a distinct EU public policy style. More specifically, from the actors' perspective, the editors are interested in assessing how the rise of direct lobbying and the emergence of fluid issue-based coalitions has changed the logic of collective action, and what is the potential impact of 'venue-shopping' on reputation and influence. From an institutional perspective, the contributors explore resource and legitimacy demands, and the practical impact of consultation processes on the emergence of a distinct EU lobbying relationship. It will be essential reading for academics and practitioners alike.

While Brussels is home to an estimated 15-20,000 lobbyists, who daily and doggedly attempt to win lawmakers to their clients' point of view, up to now, only around 300 lobbying organisations have signed up to the European Commission's voluntary registry.

None of the major lobbying firms have registered, and only three think-tanks have done so. "I do not see yet the big professional public relations consultancies, nor many law firms - only two have registered so far," Ms Rampi noted. "However, I want to stress the importance of being cautious about the numbers that could be used to measure the 300 figure against," Ms Rampi said. "The figure often quoted in the media of around 15,000 individual lobbyists is an external estimate, which the commission does not endorse," she added, pointing out that this is an estimate of the number of individuals, whereas the commission's register lists organisations.

The inclusion of think-tanks in the proposal was also a major win for transparency campaigners, who argued that the research bodies, which had earlier been excluded from the report, were "a major part of the lobbying community" in Brussels. "By recognising these are key lobbying channels in Brussels, MEPs have closed an important loophole in the proposal," said Luxembourg Green MEP Claude Turmes. These gains were largely the result of oral amendments tabled by Green MEPs, who also managed to win a requirement that lawyers be included in the register not only when their purpose is to influence policy, but also when they give legal advice, which they argued was still a form of lobbying activity.

MEPs in the constitutional affairs committee generally agreed that the term should be defined as widely as possible. They also agreed that the European Commission and parliament should set up a common register of all the lobbyists in Brussels, with estimates suggesting there are around 15,000 of them in the city pressing their case at the European institutions.

or his part, Mr Stubb says he is not out to demonise lobbyists, whose activities have come to light recently during the ferocious lobbying on legislation that took place during the development of the chemicals, services and software patent laws. He points out that it is much easier to get information as a civil servant, but that as an MEP, "you are out of the [information] loop and interest groups are good sources of information."

The Civil Society Contact Group is happy to announce the publication of the training handbook "Making your voice heard in the EU - A guide for NGOs". It is specifically designed for those 'newcomer' NGOs and activists that are in the process of establishing a European strategy. It does so by providing tailored-made information on EU institutions, the way European NGOs work, as well as lobbying tips, illustrated by examples of EU level campaigns.

Brussels should give Moldova a clear perspective for future EU entry on the model of the Western Balkan states, Romanian president Traian Basescu said in the European Parliament on Wednesday (31 January) in a sign of how Europe's poorest state stands to benefit from the Bucharest lobby inside the EU.

- The main tasks of Kosovo's new embassy in Brussels will be to lobby the EU for wider recognition of the country's independence and to raise awareness of Serbia's attempts to sabotage the young state, Kosovo envoy Ilir Dugolli told EUobserver. "Negotiating the question for more recognition of Kosovo is the absolute priority. In the case of the EU, all the other steps go through this step. You cannot really make much progress in negotiating with the EU unless this hurdle is overcome," Mr Dugolli said. "That for some time will continue to exhaust a considerable part of our energies."

The Balkan country proclaimed independence from Serbia in February and has been recognised by 21 out of 27 EU members, with Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Portugal, Spain and Slovakia holding out for now. The partial recognition means that Kosovo cannot establish formal legal relations with the EU or launch a feasibility study for a future Stabilisation and Association Agreement.

Mr Dugolli also plans to keep the EU institutions informed about Serbian attempts to sow division in Kosovo. Belgrade is currently opening new "Co-ordination Centres" in ethnic Serb enclaves that could act as rallying points for anti-government opposition.

There is a plethora of studies on interest groups in the European Union. While these studies have generated a wealth of insights, it is not actually clear what they have accomplished. This Living Review seeks to identify those areas of interest group studies in which our knowledge is fairly consolidated and in which major research gaps or major controversies can be noted. I argue that these research gaps and controversies stem from both the empirical variance in the interest group landscape and the theoretical segmentation of EU interest group studies. These have been shaped by influences from Comparative Politics, International Relations, Policy Analysis, and Democratic Theory. I suggest that future research should engage to a greater extent in cross-cutting theoretical debates in order to overcome the pronounced demarcation of research areas and in more rigorous theory testing than has sometimes been the case. The article starts by discussing the problem of conceptualizing interest groups before moving on to the fissured theoretical landscape. Thereafter, major research themes are discussed. First, I review the relation between EU institutions and interest groups. Here, I look both into multilevel governance and Europeanization studies that focus on the vertical interaction and into analyses that stress the horizontal segmentation of the EU system in different institutions and sectors. Second, I analyze core themes of EU and comparative interest group studies, namely the issue of collective action, the access of interest groups to policy-makers and their influence on EU policymaking.

BRUSSELS | It’s here. Fifty years after the launch of the European project, the first pan-European political party has been born and christened Libertas by its father, Declan Ganley. The Irish businessman started Libertas as a lobby group in 2006. Now he has registered the name as a European political party and applied for European Union funding. He recently opened an office in Brussels and is hiring staff to help recruit Libertas lists in several countries for the European Parliament elections next June. His ambition is to secure Libertas IE, Libertas CZ, Libertas UK, Libertas PL and so on.

Since nearly all EU states have already voted yes to the Lisbon Treaty, that call translates as: “Vote for politicians who are against the treaty but who are at the same time ‘pro-European.’” Ganley repeatedly underlined this point in his Brussels appearance: “This is a pro-European platform and I don’t want that message to be diluted. I’m not a euroskeptic.”

The European Parliament is preparing a report that argues in favour of significantly slowing down the process of further enlargement of the EU, warning that hurried expansion will lead to a fragmented Union. Prepared for the foreign affairs committee by German centre-right MEP Elmar Brok, the draft report says: "Further enlargement without adequate consolidation could lead to a Union of multiple configurations, with core countries moving towards closer integration and others lying at its margins."

Enlargement strategy should "be flanked by a more diversified range of external contractual frameworks." Countries could then graduate to more integrated agreements if they fulfilled certain conditions.

Despite the proposal for a stronger political relationship with the EU, the report's emphasis on its own ability to absorb new member states represents a blow to countries such as Ukraine and Georgia which have been strongly lobbying Brussels for hints that they can eventually join the club.

EUROPEAN CITIZEN ACTION SERVICE (ECAS) - empowering civil society with the European Union. An association about action as much as information, creating balance between public interest and corporate lobbying. Its work centers on 3 "C's": Civil Society Citizens' Rights Citizenship and Governance

Prague, Warsaw and the Hague are lobbying to get more power for national parliaments written into a new-look constitution for the European bloc.