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Irene Jansen

Recommendations Call for Culture Transformation Within Canada's Health Care System - Ne... - 0 views

  • International Centre for Health Innovation at the Richard Ivey School of Business
  • “Strengthening Health Systems Through Innovation: Lessons Learned”
  • “We must transform the current, traditional, highly ‘prescriptive’ approach to health care into one that places consumers at the centre of service delivery models,” said Dr. Anne Snowdon, Chair of the Centre, and lead author of the study. “This means redesigning health service environments to create consumer choice, and engaging consumers directly in the choice of providers to select health services that meet their personal health and wellness goals.” 
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  • The white paper draws lessons from seven comparator countries (U.K., Australia, Germany, U.S., France, Switzerland and the Netherlands), which formed the foundation for the Centre’s key recommendations for Canada’s health care system. The Centre’s recommendations include the following: Create financial incentives using insurance programs or personal health budgets that empower consumer decision making to drive competition and innovation among health system stakeholders. Make the case for innovation adoption by empirically measuring and capturing the impact of innovation on health system sustainability and patient outcomes. Transform Canada’s health system from a dominant acute care focus to a community-based system focused on chronic illness management and prevention. Create accountability systems whereby health providers, and physicians in particular, assume 24/7 responsibility for managing health and wellness in communities.
  • arm citizens with the tools and resources to manage their own health and welfare in partnership with health providers
Govind Rao

Study Compares Private Versus Public Drug Coverage in Canada: Experience Shows Competit... - 0 views

  • TORONTO, CANADA--(Marketwired - Feb. 25, 2014) - A new study published by the Canadian Health Policy Institute (CHPI) provides hard evidence from Canadian experience that private competition and choice in drug insurance plans has been good for patients and that a government-run Pharmacare monopoly will reduce access to new medicines.
Govind Rao

Privatization in health care will leave poor out in the cold - Infomart - 0 views

  • Windsor Star Mon May 4 2015
  • A long-running dispute between Dr. Brian Day, the co-owner of Cambie Surgeries Corp., and the British Columbia government may finally be resolved in the BC Supreme Court this year - and the ruling could transform the Canadian health system from coast to coast. The case emerged in response to an audit of Cambie Surgeries, a private for-profit corporation, by the BC Medical Services Commission. The audit found from a sample of Cambie's billing that it (and another private clinic) had charged patients hundreds of thousands of dollars more for health services covered by medicare than is permitted by law. Day and Cambie Surgeries claim the law preventing a doctor charging patients more is unconstitutional.
  • Day's challenge builds on the legacy of a 2005 decision by the Supreme Court of Canada overturning a Quebec ban on private health insurance for medically necessary care. But this case goes much further, not only challenging the ban on private health insurance to cover medically necessary care, but also the limits on extra-billing and the prohibition against doctors working for both the public and private health systems at the same time. A trial date was set to begin in 2012, but was adjourned until March 2015 so that the parties could resolve their dispute out of court and reach a settlement. It now appears such a resolution has not been reached and the court proceedings may resume in November. Here's why this case matters.
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  • Legal precedent: Whatever way the case is decided at trial, it is likely to be appealed and eventually reviewed by the Supreme Court of Canada. A decision from this level will mean all provincial and territorial governments will have to revisit equivalent laws. The foundational pillars of Canadian medicare - equitable access and preventing twotier care - could well be vanquished in the process. Wait times: Day will likely argue that Canada performs poorly on wait times compared to other countries, and that other countries allow two-tier care; thus, if Canada is allowed two-tier care, our wait times would improve. But this approach is too simplistic. Comparisons to the British health system, fail to recall that, despite having two-tiers, it has in the past suffered horrendously long-wait times. Recent efforts to tackle wait times have come from within the public system, with initiatives like wait time guarantees and tying payment for public officials to wait times targets.
  • By looking to Britain, we are comparing apples to oranges. British doctors are generally full-time salaried employees while most Canadian physicians bill medicare on a fee-forservice basis. Consequently, the repercussions of permitting extra billing in Canada could eviscerate our publiclyfunded system, whereas this is not the case in Britain. Imagine if most doctors in Canada could bill, as those at the Cambie clinic have done, whatever they want in addition to what they are paid by governments?
  • Conflict-of-interest incentives: Evidence suggests there is a danger in providing a perverse incentive for physicians who are permitted to work in both public and private health systems at the same time. Wait times may grow for patients left in the public system as specialists drive traffic to their more lucrative private practice. Sound improbable? Academic studies have noted this trend in specific clinics that permit simultaneous private-public practice. And recent U.K. news reports have profiled a case where a surgeon bumped a public patient in need of a transplant for his private-pay patient.
  • Competition: Proponents of privatized health services often claim it would add a healthy dose of competition, jolting the "monopoly" of public health care from its apathy. But free markets don't work well in health care. Why? Because public providers and private providers won't truly compete if the laws Day challenges are struck down. Instead, those with means and/or private insurance will buy their way to the front of queues. Public coverage for the poor will likely suffer, as is clearly evident in the U.S., with doctors refusing to provide care to low-income patients in preference for those covered by higher-paying private insurance.
  • Of course, this is all based on an outcome that is not yet known. It may be that the charter challenge in B.C. will be unsuccessful, but clearly the stakes for ordinary Canadians are high. Sadly Dr. Day is not bringing a challenge for all Canadians. Isn't it past time our governments and doctors work to ensure all Canadians - and not just those who can afford to pay - receive timely care? Colleen Flood is Professor and University Research Chair in Health Law Policy at the University of Ottawa. Kathleen O'Grady is a Research Associate at the Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University and Managing Editor of EvidenceNetwork. ca
Govind Rao

Privatization: what it is, why it matters - Infomart - 0 views

  • The Telegram (St. John's) Tue Jun 23 2015
  • With oil prices down, an aging population and high unemployment, the conservative government of Newfoundland and Labrador is looking for a silver bullet to cut costs for public services and infrastructure. Their sights are settling on privatization to be that silver bullet. What is privatization? In its most narrow sense, privatization is the whole or partial sale of public services and/or infrastructure. It can include the sale of assets, functions or the entire institution.
  • With privatization, the service or infrastructure becomes funded and/or run by a private corporation. Privatization usually includes not only a change in ownership but also a change in the priorities, responsibilities and role of the state. Advocates of privatization offer free-market competition as the path to economic and social success, with promises of cost savings, lower risk, greater efficiency and more individual choice. Privatization takes several forms in Canada, including:
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  • ? full privatization: where a government enterprise is sold in full to private investors. ? publicly funded with services and management delivered privately, sometimes unknown to the consumer. ? public funding of private services: government provides vouchers to consumers for the purchase of goods and services from private providers.
  • ? public/private partnerships (P3s): full outside contracting, management and service delivery of traditionally delivered public services such as hospitals, roads, schools and prisons. This can include private finance, design, building, operation and possibly temporary ownership of an asset. Can privatization deliver? After decades of experimentation with privatization in different forms across Canada, the data is clear on the failure to deliver on its promises and the high cost society pays - multiple costs, not only in economic terms but also quality and access to services, quality and quantity of jobs, as well as transparency and accountability.
  • Public/private partnerships (P3s) are the fastest-growing model of privatization in Canada. The P3 models vary but all include the reliance on private sector borrowing to finance the development of public infrastructure projects in a long-term lease arrangement; it is effectively leasing rather than owning and sometimes that lease includes maintenance as well. P3s cost more. Governments have always been able to borrow money more cheaply than private corporations. According to a University of Toronto study of 28 P3 projects in Ontario, P3s cost, on average, 16 per cent more than a traditional public contract. A recent auditor general of Ontario report found that P3 projects cost the province $8 billion more than if they were done under the traditional model.
  • If they cost more, why do politicians promote them? Political expediency - in P3 lease agreements the debt stays off the books or is postponed for decades. P3s hide debt - which is a dream for politicians looking for easy wins in hard economic times. It is also ideological and it is about private sector lobbying and influence. Public services are a boon to private sector deliverers with guaranteed public payments and profit margins over the long term. Supporters of privatization claim that it leads to better pricing for the public as consumers. A comparison of privately owned Manitoba Telecom Services, privatized in 1997, to SaskTel, Saskatchewan's publicly owned telecommunications crown corporation shows this to not be true. Twenty years after privatization of MTS, the cost of a basic phone with SaskTel is $8 less per month than from MTS.
  • Private corporations demand a shroud of confidentiality in order to protect their competitive position. This means that privatization reduces both transparency and accountability. An example of this is the Ontario privatization of municipal water testing which has been linked to the May 2000 bacterial contamination of municipal water in Walkerton, Ont., led to the deaths of at least seven people and the serious illness of 2,300 more from water contaminated with E. coli. The absence of criteria governing quality of testing, and the lack of provisions made for notification of results to authorities contributed to the worst public health disaster involving municipal water in Canadian history.
  • Health care is a sector where there is huge pressure on government to control cost, particularly in Newfoundland and Labrador with the aging demographic. Private interests see great profit opportunities. But in health care, for-profit does not deliver. In Manitoba, living in a for-profit long-term care facility increased the odds of dying in hospital or being hospitalized.
  • In a metadata analysis of hospitals in the U.S., Dr. Philip Devereaux, a cardiologist at McMaster University, concluded that the death rate in for-profit hospitals was two per cent higher than in not-for-profit facilities. In Alberta, the Health Quality Council of Alberta's Long Term Care Family Experience Survey in 2012 found that, on average, private and volunteer operated facilities offered poorer quality in terms of staffing levels, care of residents' belongings, and assistance with daily living activities such as toileting, drinking and eating, than publicly operated ones.
  • The scathing Ontario auditor general report indicates that there needs to be extensive and comprehensive reviews of provincial privatization projects. Until proper cost-benefit analyses and public reviews and reform of private funding and procurement models occur, governments and public bodies should place moratoria on further public-private infrastructure contracts. The citizens pay either way, but they pay more in a privatized model - either as tax payers or out of pocket.
  • The government has alternatives. The Newfoundland and Labrador Federation of Labour has published a number of reports and fact sheets on the progressive revenue options open to the provincial government. There are a variety of progressive revenue options open to municipalities as well. There are no silver bullets. It is time to stop stigmatizing government and public services and recognize them for what they are: the way we pool our resources to buy services cheaper, control costs, and maintain accountability for quality.
  • his should be a debate based on evidence, not ideology. Mary Shortall, president, Unifor Local 597
Govind Rao

CUPE concerned about latest development in home care | Canadian Union of Public Employees - 0 views

  • Jun 10, 2015
  • HALIFAX – CUPE Nova Scotia is concerned about the memo “Exploring Home Care Options” from the Continuing Care Branch of the Health and Wellness Department that sends conflicting messages about the province’s plans to privatize home care. CUPE Home Support Coordinator Marianne Welsh says, “While the government appears to be back-tracking on its plans for so-called ‘competitive bidding,’ the idea still hasn’t been rejected outright.” “In fact,” says Welsh, “the memo which was sent to all home care agencies in the province makes it clear that the Department is reserving the option to privatize services. The memo states, ‘Depending on the outcome of this initiative, home care services may still need to be tendered for some, or all, regions in the province’,” says Welsh. CUPE represents 462 home support workers in the province and has called upon the government to reject the competitive bidding model for home care.
Govind Rao

Health insurers' warped approach to competition | Physicians for a National Health Program - 0 views

  • Friday, June 26, 2015
  • How Insurers Competed in the Affordable Care Act's First Year By Katherine Swartz, Mark Hall, Timothy S. JostThe Commonwealth Fund, June 24, 2015
Govind Rao

What will the "sharing economy" mean for health care? - Healthy Debate - 0 views

  • by Will Falk (Show all posts by Will Falk) May 27, 2015
  • This is the “sharing economy”.
  • An under-appreciated feature of the return of sharing, however, is the impact on government— not only as regulator, but also as a deliverer of public services. Though a strict definition of the sharing economy does not translate perfectly into publicly provided programming, its key principles— creating trust through feedback, community collaboration, scheduling efficiency, asset optimization, and payment settlement— are well-suited to entrepreneurialism in public sector delivery models, including in healthcare.
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  • One early indicator is the resurrection of the house call.
  • Now, there is a mass of mobile app developers swarming to revitalize this home-based care model. Pager, for example, is the brainchild of sharing economy pioneer and Uber co-founder Oscar Salazar. It markets itself as allowing users to see a doctor within two hours in the patient’s home, office, or hotel room. Companies like @mendathome, @HealApp, @medicast, and firstlineapp.com deliver similar services and are creating access and price competition.
  • In 2014, Uber delivered free nurse-administered flu shots to customers in Boston, New York, and Washington. Another company is seeking to enable hospitals to easily rent-out their bulky and unused medical equipment or, conversely, temporality access specialized equipment quickly and without the sizeable expense of purchasing.
  • As decentralization takes hold and more care moves from institutions and medical offices into the home, how will we deal with our overbuilt capacity? 
  • Sharing economy models of diagnostics are emerging both for clinicians and for their patients.  Figure1 is a Toronto mobile health start-up and peer to peer network that has created an “Instagram for doctors”, allowing medical professionals to seek input on complex cases by posting relevant images and information. And well established websites like CureTogether.com and PatientsLikeMe.com have fostered a peer coaching culture that lets patients share stories of treatment regimes and generate real-time research networks.
  • More recently, @Crowdmed has launched a crowd-sourced diagnostic service that uses “medical detectives” to better characterize rare and complex conditions.
  • How long will it take before hospitals start leveraging their idle operating room and facility hours to generate revenues and improve the timeliness and quality of procedures (AirOR)? We can already request a personal support worker or registered nurse through start-up services like eAdvocate and myPSW. We should expect established providers to emulate these start-ups, just as the traditional taxicab companies have started to emulate Uber. CCACs, for example, may use sharing economy-like services to match patient needs with clinicians and patient support workers.
  • allows for the home to become the site of much more care.
  • Can we trust clinical professionals to self-organize within their scopes of practice?
  • Will Falk is the Managing Partner – Health Industries at PwC Canada, an Executive Fellow at the Mowat Centre and an Adjunct Professor at the Rotman School of Management at the University of Toronto. Follow Will on Twitter @willfalk
Govind Rao

Aetna can expect regulatory attention on its Humana purchase, experts say - Infomart - 0 views

  • National Post Sat Jul 4 2015
  • Aetna Inc.'s US$37-billion deal to buy smaller health insurer Humana Inc. will face rigorous scrutiny from U.S. regulators, which antitrust experts said could also make other large-scale mergers in the sector more difficult. The Aetna-Humana tie-up would be the largest such deal among health insurers. Friday's announcement starts the clock on an examination by regulators of whether consumers will be hurt by diminished competition. The deal follows weeks of intense discussions about potential combinations among the five biggest U.S. health insurers: Aetna, Humana, Cigna Corp., Anthem Inc. and UnitedHealth Group.
  • Insurers want more leverage in a health-care system that has seen major consolidation among hospitals and doctor practices, as well as mergers between medical device makers and other suppliers. The cost of new drugs has soared, and President Barack Obama's health-care law has made it harder for insurers to pass on higher costs to customers. Last month, Anthem offered to buy Cigna for US$47 billion. Cigna, which had also considered purchasing Humana, has so far rejected the buyout approach. Some industry watchers expect a potential buyout of Cigna to be revived.
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  • Regulators "should be exceedingly skeptical of this deal" between Aetna and Humana, said Diana Moss, president of the American Antritrust Institute. "Depending on who merges and the change to the market structure, that affects the concerns about the competition." Aetna said it is ready to address regulatory concerns.
  • "Obviously this is something that we expect will get a thorough and careful review," Shawn Guertin, Aetna's chief financial officer, said. "We've spent a lot of time looking at this at a fairly detailed level, and we certainly think that's a manageable situation."
Govind Rao

Hospital Prices Out Of Control, Competition Not Working | Diane Archer - 0 views

  • 07/10/2015
  • If there ever were evidence that competition does not work to drive down prices in the healthcare marketplace, look at the hospitals. A new report in Health Affairs by Gerard Anderson and Ge Bai reveals the failure of market forces to drive hospital prices down. There are 4,050 hospitals in America, and some prices are inexplicably high. What makes matters worse, try comparing hospitals based on their prices; they're often not transparent.
  • Until Congress regulates hospital prices, it's likely they'll keep rising. As with the drug companies, which often can charge what they will for their patented drugs--(check out this post on the cost of cancer drugs) -- hospitals generally have the power to set prices however they see fit. In most states, no one is regulating their charges. Only Maryland and West Virginia have laws regulating hospital prices.Unreasonably high hospital prices drive up health care costs for everyone, if not directly, then indirectly. The 30 million Americans without insurance get stuck with the biggest bills and likely are least able to afford the charges. But, anyone with insurance who's getting out-of-network care can get hit with huge bills. All of these people often end up dunned by collection agencies and saddled with tremendous debt and bad credit ratings. Workers compensation and auto insurance rates are higher as well in states with unregulated prices.
Govind Rao

Aug 29 2014 Dr. Day story - 0 views

  •  
    Campbell River Courier-Islander  Fri Aug 29 2014  Page: A22  Section: News  Source: The Courier-Islander  A B.C. court case challenging the very foundations of public health care could undermine the comprehensiveness and fairness of Canadian medicare and erode the competitive advantage it provides to B.C. businesses. Dr. Brian Day, owner of two for profit clinics in Vancouver, was scheduled to start the next phase of his controversial case on Sept. 8 in B.C. Supreme Court, but was recently granted a sixmonth delay until next March. The case has been called the most significant constitutional challenge in Canadian history, as it seeks to introduce twotier health care into this country. It's likely to go as far as the Supreme Court of Canada, but what happens in B.C. will be crucial.
Govind Rao

Competition In Health Care Markets - Health Affairs Blog - 0 views

  • January 26th, 2015
  • by Julie Brill
  • In this post, I want to focus on the key role economic analysis plays in the Federal Trade Commission (FTC)’s health care enforcement program. I use this lens to look first at how the FTC has become more successful in challenging hospital mergers, and then to rebut the notion that the Affordable Care Act is somehow a “free pass” for health care industry consolidation. After the federal antitrust agencies successfully challenged a number of hospital mergers in the 1980s and early 1990s,[1] we suffered a string of court losses in the mid- and late-1990s, even in cases involving highly concentrated hospital markets.[2] In 2002, the FTC decided to take a step back and examine the reasons for our losses, and whether our analysis of hospital markets was correct.
Govind Rao

Four things needed to make pharmacare work - Infomart - 0 views

  • Times Colonist (Victoria) Sat Feb 28 2015
  • A growing number of health professionals, patients, community groups and even politicians are calling for national pharmacare. But many Canadians likely wonder what pharmacare is and whether Canada is ready for it. Let's start at the beginning. Affordable access to safe and properly prescribed prescription medicines is so critical to patient health that the World Health Organization has declared governments are obligated to ensure such access for all of their citizens.
  • Unfortunately, Canada is the only developed country with a universal health-care system that does not include universal coverage of prescription drugs. The negative consequences for our health and economic well-being are significant. Without universal coverage of prescription drugs, one in 10 Canadians cannot afford to fill the prescriptions their doctors prescribe. When patients don't fill prescriptions they need, it hurts them and our economy because they end up needing more health care in the long run.
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  • But pharmacare is about more than just drug coverage. Insurance companies can do that. What national pharmacare must do is to ensure sustainable, equitable and affordable access to medicines that are safe and appropriately prescribed. In the Canadian context, this is a public responsibility. And, to be clear in this election year, it will require federal engagement - and not just in the form of cutting cheques for provincial pharmacare programs, but real leadership. More so than other aspects of health policy in Canada, the federal government has responsibility for matters that affect the safety, availability, use and cost of prescription drugs. Here are four things the federal government could do to make national pharmacare work for Canadians:
  • Commit to a clear and comprehensive pharmacare plan, not a patchwork of private and public insurance and not income-based or "catastrophic" drug coverage. Research has consistently shown those systems don't work well and are unnecessarily costly. Canada needs a universal, public and comprehensive pharmacare system that will meaningfully integrate medicines into medicare in ways that lead to safer, more affordable use of medicines for all Canadians. We've known this since the 1960s. It's time for a government to commit to make it its legacy for Canada. Get on with the task of improving prescribing in Canada. About one in three seniors receives prescriptions known to pose health risks for older adults. The preventable problems of overuse, underuse and misuse of medicines cause one in five hospitalizations in Canada. Cutting these problems in half would save Canadians billions.
  • The federal government should fund the development and implementation of a national strategy to improve prescribing. Done in partnership with patients, professionals and the provinces, this national strategy should aim to establish a culture of safety and appropriateness, to put an end to questionable drug-marketing practices, and to put credible and usable information in the hands of patients, prescribers and policy-makers. Quit applying antiquated drugprice regulations. We live in a world where most comparable health systems have abandoned the blunt instrument of price regulation in favour of more sophisticated tools of price-and-supply contract negotiation. When done well, negotiations with suppliers lead to more competitive prices and more assurances of a secure supply of the medicines the country needs.
  • The federal government should take the $11 million spent enforcing antiquated price regulations and invest it in joint capacity for negotiating, monitoring and enforcing contracts on behalf of public drug plans and hospitals from coast to coast. This would not only level the playing field within Canada, it would also make Canada much stronger on the world market. Sustainability of any system to encourage access to medicines depends to a great extent on timely and vigorous generic competition. Yet Canadian regulations create unnecessary barriers to generic drugs entering our market.
  • The federal government should create a clearer, faster and fairer path to generic entry following required periods of market exclusivity for patented drugs. This would save Canadians millions - and wouldn't cost the federal government a dime. If done right, a pharmacare plan would effectively integrate medicines into Canadian medicare and ensure that the Canadian principles of universal access to highquality, affordable healthcare do not end when doctors give patients prescriptions to fill. It is within reach with the right plan - and leadership.
  • Steve Morgan is a professor in the University of British Columbia's school of population and public health and an expert adviser with EvidenceNetwork.ca.
Govind Rao

Trading away our health - Infomart - 0 views

  • National Post Mon Mar 16 2015
  • Last week, behind closed doors in a hotel in Hawaii, negotiators from a dozen countries met to continue negotiations on a trade agreement that will affect an estimated 800 million people and 40% of the global economy: the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The negotiations, which began in 2010 between Canada, the United States and 10 other Pacific Rim countries, are being conducted without opportunity for public scrutiny. Currently, U.S. President Barack Obama is asking Congress to grant him the authority to fasttrack the TPP without amendments from lawmakers. Of the many issues at stake, the implications are especially critical for ensuring affordable health care and access to medicines for the millions of people in developing countries where Doctors Without Borders works and also for Canadians.
  • We know from leaks of the TPP draft text that some governments are attempting to dismantle public-health safeguards enshrined in international law by extending the length of time that brand-name medicines are protected by patents to create new types of monopolistic protection. As a result, pharmaceutical companies will be able to charge unduly high prices for several more years, thereby restricting access to affordable life-saving generic medicines. This will disproportionately affect those who can least afford to pay. Currently, in the poorest countries and even at the lowest global price available, the cost of immunizing a child using World Health Organization recommended vaccines has risen a colossal 6,700% since 2001. The stricter intellectual property rules under negotiation in the TPP will only further limit competition, keep prices artificially high and keep vaccines out of reach.
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  • e know that the best way to reduce these high drug prices and improve access to treatment is through generic competition. In fact, everyone from ministries of health to medical humanitarian organizations such as Doctors Without Borders and donorsupported global health institutions rely on affordable, quality generic medicines for 85% of their health programming. Yet certain provisions proposed by the U.S. and other countries in the TPP could greatly limit the reach and effectiveness of these programs, thereby diverting badly needed resources away from patient care. Canada supports many important global health programs but the effectiveness of this support is at risk. This year, Canada contributed $500 million to the replenishment of the Gavi Vaccine Alliance's fund. Canada is also one of the leading donors to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and
  • Malaria, which has provided antiretroviral therapy to more than six-million people living with HIV in developing countries. In addition, Canada provides international assistance to five of the 12 TPP-negotiating countries, amounting to more than $83 million in 2012 and 2013. Two countries involved in the TPP negotiations, Vietnam and Peru, are also on Canada's "Development Countries of Focus" list, due to an even greater need for development assistance. If harmful provisions in the TPP are accepted, driving up the cost of medicines and vaccines, the impact of this use of Canadian taxpayers' money could be seriously diminished. Access to affordable medicines could also become a major concern in Canada. Drug expenditures in this country have been the fastest growing sector of health spending in the last 25 years. Since the mid-1980s, prescription drug spending has more than doubled, costing $27.7 billion in 2012. If Canada does not strongly reject the new protections proposed in the TPP, these expenditures could cost our health-care systems, and all Canadians, billions more per year.
  • Thankfully, a version of the TPP text leaked in 2013 shows that Canada and other countries are opposing some of the most harmful provisions in the agreement. As the negotiations are nearing an end, countries will be under immense pressure to reach a deal. Canada has a humanitarian duty to resist that pressure and to stand up to the U.S. and others who would seek to benefit their pharmaceutical industries through the TPP negotiations, at the expense of poor countries and of Canadians. More than 32,000 Canadians have already signed a petition at www.msf. ca/tpp calling on Canada to stand up for public health. Together we must ensure the TPP does not undermine access to affordable drugs, whether here in Canada or around the world. When it comes to access to medicines, it is imperative that Canada does not give in and trade away our health. Stephen Cornish is executive director of Doctors Without Borders Canada.
Govind Rao

Problems at clinics should prompt rethink on competitions for hospital services :: Long... - 1 views

  • Essays October 2014
  • Problems at clinics should prompt rethink on competitions for hospital services Rick Janson
  • The media is applauding Health Minister Dr. Eric Hoskins this week for promising greater transparency around private clinic inspections that had previously been kept secret by Toronto Public Health and The College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario (TCPSO).
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  • July 8 the Ontario Health Coalition brought more than 80,000 signed cards to the Ontario legislature opposing the transfer of clinical services from hospitals to private clinics. (Photo courtesy the Ontario Health Coalition)
  • They may have learned from the Ottawa Hospital’s ill-timed decision early in 2013 to divest 5,000 endoscopies to the private sector at the same time the TCPSO was making public the list of clinics that failed inspection public – including one Ottawa endoscopy clinic that may have exposed patients to HIV, hepatitis B and hepatitis C from equipment that may not have been properly sterilized.
Govind Rao

Let Blood Services lead the way - Infomart - 0 views

  • National Post Tue Apr 14 2015
  • I magine having to choose between putting food on the table or buying necessary medication. Research suggests this is the case for one in 10 Canadians who can't afford to fill their prescriptions. Canada is the only country with universal health care that does not also have universal drug coverage. Even for those who do have private or public drug coverage, there are discrepancies in what and who is covered from province to province. Canadians also pay more for drugs than citizens in almost any other Western nation. These are just a few of the arguments that have reignited calls for a national pharmacare program. It is not a new concept, but one that is gaining traction as leaders are turning over every stone to "bend the cost curve" in health care downward. In a recently published study in the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ), health economists and researchers concluded a universal drug program could actually save Canadians billions of dollars. Great savings are achieved by pooling provincial and territorial needs and resources to increase buying power, eliminate duplication and establish a platform for collaboration and cost-sharing. If health-care leaders are looking for proof that provinces and territories can do more together than they can on their own when it comes to the provision of life-saving and enhancing drug therapies, they need look no further than the blood system they created close to 20 years ago.
  • Many are aware that since its creation in 1998, Canadian Blood Services has been in the business of collecting, processing and distributing blood components in all provinces and territories outside Quebec. But few realize we have also been running a national formulary of biological drugs, providing universal and equitable access to plasma-derived medicine at no cost to patients for nearly two decades. Our organization has sole responsibility for managing a national portfolio of plasma-derived products and their synthetic alternatives worth about $500 million a year. These life-saving pharmaceuticals are used to treat people with hemophilia and other bleeding disorders, patients with inherited and acquired immune disorders, burn and trauma victims, and many others. A national, scalable, cost-shared infrastructure and logistics network ensures the right product gets to the right patient, at the right time.
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  • Our approach to managing this drug portfolio is based on best practices in public tendering. This means we provide a competitive, transparent mechanism to achieve best pricing. In fact, governments are benefiting from Canadian Blood Services' success in negotiating an estimated $600 million in savings over five years through 2018 - a testament to the value of pan-Canadian buying power and proof of concept of one of the arguments in the CMAJ study. Some detractors of tendering suggest it can put supply at risk by placing all the purchaser's eggs in that one proverbial basket. However, in our process, we avoid single-sourcing whenever possible, not only to encourage competitive pricing, but to ensure security of supply. Carrying multiple brands of a product, purchasing them in smaller, diverse lots, and negotiating a dedicated and guaranteed "safety stock" are all measures we take to mitigate risks to supply disruption.
  • We have also focused on product choice by incorporating stakeholder (physician and patient) input where appropriate in our tendering processes. Through our medical directors, we provide expert advice when a physician has a patient-based issue that could benefit from an additional specialist perspective - added value for patients and health systems. We also independently qualify new suppliers and audit them periodically, adding another layer of vigilance and product safety for patients. We are often aware early on of supplier issues in bringing products to market or maintaining adequate Canadian supplies, which helps to mitigate the risk of shortages. Because of our governance structure, once a plasma-derived drug is accepted in our portfolio, it becomes available in all jurisdictions. This practice effectively reduces geographic or financial barriers to care, and is consistent with the principles of universal access informing the Canada Health Act and medicare. Equitable access also encourages consistency of practice, and fosters pan-Canadian dialogue on best practices for optimal product utilization. Canadian Blood Services collaborates with health-system leaders, including governments, transfusion medicine physicians and others, to help ensure appropriate utilization and to further control costs.
  • By offering our experience, we are not proposing Canadian Blood Services should bulk-purchase other drugs or that our model is a "cookie cutter" solution to apply to national pharmacare, in part or in whole. Rather, we are suggesting there are important lessons from our 17 years' experience that can be leveraged, and that a national drug program is not only possible - it is already being done, with significant benefits to patients and health system funders. A system that ensures no Canadian patient is left unable to afford life-saving medication, while at the same time driving down system costs, is not only good politics, it's good policy. National Post Dr. Graham Sher is CEO of Canadian Blood Services.
Govind Rao

Private home care would give seniors poorer, inefficient aid - Infomart - 0 views

  • The Chronicle-Herald Sat Apr 18 2015
  • Health and Wellness Minister Leo Glavine recently announced plans to seriously consider opening home care and support services to competitive bidding. This would allow private, for-profit corporations to bid on contracts currently provided by government and not-for-profit agencies. This competitive bidding process will award home-care contracts based on the lowest bid, not on who will provide the best quality of care. To date, Mr. Glavine has refused to hold consultations or allow for public input. Seniors' care is too important to leave to partisan political interest. In response, the Nova Scotia Citizens' Health Care Network is hosting a series of town hall meetings across the province. The next three will be in Sydney on April 21, in Amherst on April 30, and in Halifax on May 4. Details can be found online at www.nshealthcoalition.ca. We are deeply concerned by this move. The wait list for home care in Nova Scotia has been rapidly expanding. Over a six-month period in 2014, the wait list increased by 80 per cent, from 422 to 760 patients needing care. With the oldest population in the country, and some of the highest rates of chronic illness, this trend is sure to continue.
Govind Rao

New legislation restricts access to services; The change in the federal government will... - 0 views

  • The StarPhoenix (Saskatoon) Mon Nov 23 2015
  • There is nothing novel about providing some medical services in a private practice setting in Saskatchewan. Imaging services, such as X-rays and ultrasound, are already provided that way. What is novel is to legislate that these services will be privately paid for.
  • The Canada Health Act requires that medicare finance all "medically necessary" physician services. The intent of the act is that services be distributed on the basis of medical necessity rather than ability to pay. There is no doubt that the new Saskatchewan legislation will restrict access to services if private MRIs are not covered by medicare. Of course, enforcement of the federal Health Act is subject to ministerial discretion. The Saskatchewan government, when it drafted its legislation, was probably confident that the former federal minister would be discreet. It is highly doubtful that the new federal Liberal government will take the same view
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  • But Saskatchewan's Health Minister Dustin Duncan seems to believe that a novel feature in their "model" will make it palatable: MRI providers will be required to provide a "public" MRI for each private MRI sold. There is great fog around this stipulation. MRI clinics in Alberta and British Columbia provide a menu of services, just like an auto repair shop. Of course, it is difficult to identify prices for Canadian MRIs because their websites, while advertising "competitive" prices, ask you to contact them. The United States is more "competitive." For example, Ohio law requires hospitals to publish their prices. The website for medcentral.org lists more than 40 items in its MRI price list.
  • Here is my question: If a Saskatchewan MRI provider does a foot scan for a private patient, does it then have to do a foot scan for a public patient? How will this be monitored? Also, when does the public patient get her foot scan? If a paying patient is standing in the door, does the MRI provider say, "Sorry, you have to wait till we provide the public foot scan that we owe?" How is this monitored? Does the government pay for the patient from the public list? If so, at what price?
  • Is this simply a revenue guarantee in disguise? Undoubtedly Bill 179 provides for wide ministerial discretion. Can we bank on the minister being discreet? This model is bizarre. If the provincial government is seeking ways to provide more MRIs without having to incur the upfront capital costs and to remove the operating costs from its budget, then just negotiate MRI fees in the physician fee schedule, as currently occurs with other imaging services.
  • However, it might quickly become obvious that the private modality cannot compete with cost effective public provision. Glen Beck is emeritus professor of health economics at the University of Saskatchewan.
Govind Rao

Drug prices expected to jump as result of trade deal - Infomart - 0 views

  • The Globe and Mail Mon Dec 7 2015
  • The intellectual-property provisions in the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement will drive up global drug prices and make it harder to treat diseases in developing countries, Medecins sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders) says. A month after the final text of the TPP was released, the medical humanitarian organization has completed its analysis of the portions of the massive trade pact that will affect drug costs.
  • Despite changes from earlier leaked versions of the text, there are still serious problems, Judit Rius, MSF's U.S. legal policy adviser, said. "This is catastrophic. This is very negative. The impact is going to be at multiple levels," Ms. Rius said in an interview. "First of all, it is going to delay access to generic competition [for brand-name drugs], which is a proven intervention to reduce the price of medicines."
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  • Ms. Rius said there were six problem areas - from MSF's perspective - in the early leaked versions of the TPP. Three have been eliminated in the final text, although she said some of those were "absurd" in the first place. Among them was a provision that would have made it illegal to oppose a patent before it was granted and another that would have forced governments to allow surgical techniques to be patented. There are three key remaining problem provisions, according to the MSF analysis. One would allow pharmaceutical companies to "evergreen" their product patents, essentially making small changes to a drug's use to extend its protection from competition. Another would extend patent protection if there are delays in regulatory approval of a new product.
  • More broadly, allowing greater monopoly protection for brand-name drug makers will diminish innovation at other firms, Ms. Rius said. "If you are trying to develop a pediatric formulation of a product, if you are trying to combine different pills into one pill, ... if you are trying to improve a medicine and create a second generation, all of that technology and knowledge is going to be protected by secondary patents." The final text of the sweeping trade pact, which has been in the works for eight years, was released in early November. Canada is one of 12 countries that have negotiated the pact, although it was the former Conservative government that signed on. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said his government will wait for parliamentary hearings on the TPP before deciding on ratification. Each country has to ratify the agreement before it comes into effect.
  • For generic drug makers, she said, the TPP will create additional legal barriers that will get in the way of making new products, and that will stunt the industry. The TPP will actually raise drug prices, especially in developing countries, she said, and this "will affect our capacity, and the capacity of the ministries of health with whom we work, to scale up treatment programs and reach as many people as needed."
  • A third would allow developers of certain advanced drugs - called biologics - to keep their clinical data private for up to eight years. That would make it much tougher for competitors to create similar drugs, or at least delay that from happening. This "data exclusivity" rule would be new for some of the countries that are part of the TPP group, although Canada already has a similar provision in place. Indeed, many of the provisions of the TPP are already part of the Canadian scene, at least in some form, said trade lawyer Larry Herman, of Herman & Associates in Toronto. The former Conservative government had said the TPP was "in line" with Canada's existing patent laws, and this appears to be true from his read of that part of the text, Mr. Herman said.
  • Still, he said, from a global perspective "there is no doubt that the agreement increases patent protection and enhances the monopoly rights of the patent owner." From the perspective of Canada's generic drug industry, the TPP has to be looked at in conjunction with the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union, said Jim Keon, president of the Canadian Generic Pharmaceutical Association.
  • CETA, which has not yet taken effect, would extend patent protection for drugs and cut into the business of Canadian generic drug makers - thus boosting drug costs - Mr. Keon said. But it also contains some specific protection for the generic industry to mitigate that impact. It is not clear yet whether the TPP will allow those mitigating measures to be implemented in Canada, he said. And because of the immense complexity of the TPP, "you've got all sorts of potential for misinterpretation here," Mr. Keon added.
Govind Rao

Efficient, yes, but where is the heart in home care? - Infomart - 0 views

  • The Globe and Mail Tue Dec 1 2015
  • The Victorian Order of Nurses was, for more than a century, the primary provider of home and community-based care in Canada. Now it is teetering on the verge of bankruptcy. Late last week, theVON shut down operations in six provinces - Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador - and filed for protection under the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act.
  • It will continue to operate in Ontario and Nova Scotia - at least for now. The collapse of the iconic organization, founded in 1897 by Lady Aberdeen, was swift and brutal. It also serves as a cautionary tale about Canadians' tortured relationship with medicare, in particular the conflicting desires to cling to our history of charitable provision of care and achieving efficiencies with unforgiving business models.
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  • The VON was trapped, and ultimately crushed, by that contradiction. It was not the first - the Canadian Red Cross Society's legendary blood transfusion service flamed out in an even more spectacular fashion with the taintedblood scandal in which 20,000 recipients contracted hepatitis C or HIV - and it will not be the last. Canadian Blood Services has taken over the former Red Cross role.
  • The health-care advocacy group Friends of Medicare said the neardemise of the VON is proof that "experiments in private care must be ceased." But the VON's story is much more complicated than the "public, good; private, bad" and "notfor-profit, good; for-profit, bad" narrative. For a long time, governments funded not-for-profit groups in the health and social services sectors - hospitals, home care, group homes, the Red Cross and so on - in a pretty loosey-goosey fashion. These groups did good, and they were funded relatively well.
  • But as budgets soared, new accountability measures were put into place. In the home-care sector, for example, competitive bidding was introduced. Stodgy old organizations such as the VON were not ready, and did not adapt. Their market share fell from more than 90 per cent to about 20 per cent. On the surface, this is a good thing. Canadians spend $219-billion a year on health care, including about $10-billion on home care, and, as consumers and taxpayers, they deserve to get value for money.
  • While we like to preach the gospel of value-for-money, we don't measure it well - the ultimate irony being that expensive bureaucracies have been built to ensure home-care agencies are lean and mean. The VON had many disadvantages in a competitive market.. place - first and foremost that it never provided just home care to its clients. It delivered hot meals, made friendly visits (especially to veterans), ran adult daycare programs, provided respite care to families, visited new mothers and babies, did flu shots at home and did countless other little things that never had a place in the accounting ledger. Some were covered by government payments, but many were not. The VON supplemented its funds from government contracts with charitable donations. It had more volunteers (9,000) than staff (6,000). The VON also paid its workers a decent, living wage. The work force - mostly nurses and therapists - is unionized, salaried and they have benefits, including a pension plan.
  • In the brave new home-care industry, piecework is the norm, meaning nurses get paid per visit, and few have benefits, pensions or stable employment. It is also in the interest of workers (and employers) to get visits done quickly, and cram as many as possible into a day. While this is a cost-effective business model, anyone with a loved one in home care knows that there is little continuity of care. The relationships that are so important to intimate acts such as health-care delivery to frail seniors living at home are virtually non-existent. When you have a strict business model, when all that matters is the much-vaunted bottom line, none of that gets counted.
  • The real tragedy in the VON's unravelling is not that another home-care business is biting the dust (after all, there are hundreds more out there), but that the "old-fashioned" way of delivering care - taking the time required to talk and listen to patients and treating them as people, not "units of service" for example, not just changing their dressings, but feeding them and filling the fridge - is falling by the wayside. With the VON's collapse, we have a home-care system that may be more efficient - at least in theory - but one that has less heart.
Govind Rao

CIHR spurns Aboriginal researchers' call for reconciliation - 0 views

  • CMAJ March 15, 2016 vol. 188 no. 5 First published February 8, 2016, doi: 10.1503/cmaj.109-5232
  • Laura Eggertson
  • Aboriginal health projects received less than 1% of the funding awarded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) in its first major competition since restructuring — an outcome Aboriginal researchers say illustrates the need to reconcile the new system with the vast inequities in Indigenous health.
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  • CIHR’s decision-making style, which resulted in it going ahead with changes to funding despite objections from Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers, “is not consistent with the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission,” says Rod McCormick, a Mohawk researcher and co-chair of the Aboriginal Health Research Steering Committee.
  • There is no recognition or provision for the fact that systemic policies, when applied across the board, can have damaging impacts for groups that are different,” McCormick told an emotionally charged meeting at the Wabano Centre for Aboriginal Health in Ottawa on Jan. 25.
  • In 2014/15, funding for Aboriginal health research was $31 million, down from $34 million at its annual peak 2004–2008, the Aboriginal Health Research Steering Committee reported.
  • McCormick and co-chair Frederic Wien, the principal investigator for the Atlantic Aboriginal Health Research Program, urged CIHR to revisit its changes and rebuild what Wien called “a respectful relationship with First Nations, Métis and Inuit people.” Given the crisis in the health and well-being of many of these communities, the researchers want CIHR to prioritize Aboriginal health research.
  • We have gone through major changes at CIHR. I do not deny that,” Beaudet said. “But I would deny ... that these changes are affecting particularly the Aboriginal community.”
  • Marlene Brant Castellano, co-director of research for the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, believes CIHR is out of step with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s recommendations.
  • Beaudet made the remarks just three days after the shootings at La Loche, Saskatchewan. The murder of two teenagers, a teacher and a teacher’s aide in the largely Dene community underscored for some attendees the crises in suicide, lack of mental health support and poverty that affect many Aboriginal youth and families.
  • Beaudet said Aboriginal health research is “extremely important” for CIHR, and its strategic investments will reflect that. CIHR has been working with the Aboriginal Health Research Steering Committee for 14 months and, according to the institute’s media specialist David Coulombe, is committed to “co-building research initiatives” that “will improve the health of Canada’s First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples.”
  • While Beaudet acknowledged both the magnitude of the recent changes and the fact that the Aboriginal health research budget has “flatlined,” he said it has done so parallel to CIHR’s overall budget. CIHR’s billion-dollar annual federal budget has not increased since 2009, meaning that its spending power has declined by roughly 25% since then.
  • CIHR’s president denied any need for the federal agency to engage in reconciliation. “I would like to bring my personal views, not only those of CIHR, about the stormy weather we have been experiencing lately,” Dr. Alain Beaudet told attendees at the January meeting. “But not in the spirit of reconciliation, because I don’t think anything has been broken.”
  • The Aboriginal Health Research Steering Committee contends that CIHR disadvantages researchers working in Aboriginal health through recent changes such as scrapping an Aboriginal-specific peer review process, requiring matching funds for several granting programs, and reallocating almost half the open competition funding for stellar emerging and establishing scholars.
  • But Beaudet said the changes promote more “out-of-the-box” research that will enable Canada to achieve more international success. He also suggested that those critical of the new system are afraid of change, and advised researchers that “looking back doesn’t work.” Learning from the past is a critical Indigenous value. CIHR is starting to analyze the
  • results of its initial investments, but it will take seven years for the new system to take full effect and before “meaningful” figures result, Beaudet said. “We’ll work as quickly as we can, but we need the data. I’m saying ‘Yes, trust us,’ because if you look at CIHR’s record, we’ve done a lot, and we’ve done it in good faith.”
  • Most of the researchers and representatives of Aboriginal political organizations at the meeting did not seem inclined to trust Beaudet’s reassurances.
  • You’re really saying to this group, ‘Trust us.’ And I just want to remind you that there’s very little basis for trust,” said Scott Serson, a former deputy minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, now with Canadians for a New Partnership, a group working for a new relationship between Indigenous and other Canadians.
  • The Aboriginal Health Research Steering Committee asked CIHR to set aside half a day at the June meeting of its governing council to address these issues. In an online statement, Beaudet acknowledged the request for an in-depth discussion at “a future meeting” of the governing council. He also urged Indigenous health researchers and community members to apply as members of the new Institutes Advisory Board on Indigenous People’s Health and a new College of Reviewers.
  • Marlene Brant Castellano, co-director of research for the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples and the Mohawk elder who closed the meeting, described Beaudet and CIHR’s response to the committee’s requests as “disconnected” from the prevailing political environment.
  • Castellano, who is revered as the first Aboriginal full professor at a Canadian university, brought many in the audience to tears. Instead of recognizing the need for a new relationship between Canada and its Indigenous peoples, Beaudet’s remarks echoed a too-familiar demand that Aboriginal researchers “get with” CIHR’s program because, eventually, they would discover it was good for them, Castellano said.
  • “We have 400 years as Indigenous people trying to make things work in other people’s agendas, and that is where we’ve gotten to the place now, where we still are, of watching our children dying,” she said, tears streaming down her cheeks.
  • Beaudet had already left the meeting before Castellano went to the podium, and the two CIHR vice-presidents who had stayed for most of the discussion left as she began to speak, citing prior commitments. Only Malcolm King, scientific director of CIHR’s Institute of Aboriginal Peoples’ Health and a member of the Mississaugas of the New Credit First Nation, remained for the duration of the meeting.
  • According to Coulombe, Beaudet had a phone conversation with Castellano on Jan. 29, and “agreed to continue working collaboratively with community representatives and leaders in the future.”
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