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kirkch01

The Ainu: Beyond the Politics of Cultural Coexistence | Cultural Survival - 0 views

  • In 1899 the Japanese parliament enacted the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, a law designed to achieve the assimilation of the Ainu population of northern Japan. The paradoxes of this piece of legislation are evident even from its title. The phrase "former Aborigines" was supposed to emphasize the fact that the Ainu were now citizens of a rapidly modernizing Japan, destined to merge their identity with that of the majority population. Yet, by singling the Ainu out as former Aborigines, and subjecting them to patronizing and oppressive assimilation measures, the Protection Act in fact helped to ensure the survival of prejudice and discrimination against the Ainu within the modern Japanese state.
  • The Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Law was to survive for almost a century. Although some of its most unpopular sections were repealed in the 1930s, it was not until May 1997 that it finally disappeared from the Japanese statute book, to be replaced by a new Ainu Cultural Promotion Law.
  • 1997, indeed, marked something of a watershed in relations between the Ainu people and the Japanese state. In the same year, a district court in the northern island of Hokkaido ruled that the government had failed to respect Ainu cultural heritage and sacred sites when it expropriated land belonging to two Ainu residents for the construction of a dam in the village of Nibutani. The compulsory acquisition of the land had therefore been illegal.
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  • The Colonization of Ainu Moshir Until the middle of the nineteenth century, "Ainu moshir" ["the land of the Ainu"] covered most of the island of Hokkaido, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin and the islands of the Kuril Archipelago (which are now part of the Russian Federation). Earlier, Ainu occupation had extended further south, into the main Japanese island of Honshu. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Ainu society felt the growing impact of the gradual northward expansion of the Japanese state. Japanese merchants established trading posts along the Hokkaido coastline; exchanging goods like rice and ironware for fish and seaweed, and for the Chinese brocades which Ainu traders bought from the Asian continent. Gradually, however, the Japanese presence became more intrusive, provoking several waves of armed resistance from the Ainu. The last major conflict, the Battle of Kunashir-Menash, took place in 1789. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, most Ainu people continued to speak their own language and maintain their own spiritual and material traditions, even though a growing number were persuaded or forced to work for Japanese-run fishing enterprises.
  • While asserting Japan's right to independent nationhood, Japanese scholars adopted notions of "progress" and "civilization" which defined the Ainu as "prehistoric hunter gatherers," destined either to extinction or to assimilation into the majority population. As in other parts of the world so too in Hokkaido, the land occupied by the original inhabitants was seen as "terra nullius" to be claimed by the state and distributed to colonial settlers. Ainu were required to adopt Japanese names and speak the Japanese language. Ainu communities were also often moved to remote areas to make room for new Japanese towns and villages. By the early 1880s, the Ainu population of Hokkaido, officially estimated at around 17,000, was already vastly outnumbered by a Japanese settler population of approximately 250,000. (It is worth observing though that given high levels of intermarriage, adoption, and social prejudice, official counts of the Ainu should always be treated with some caution.)
  • The Ainu, however, have never been passive victims of colonization. By the early twentieth century, a number of Ainu leaders were voicing resistance to the prejudice that they were experiencing in Japanese society. One of the more interesting instances of protest took place in 1927 when Kaizawa Hiranosuke, an Ainu villager from Nibutani, wrote to the government demanding the right for Ainu and other Indigenous people to be represented at the Congress of Asian Peoples in Nagasaki, an event being organized to promote Japan's status as a leader in the Asian struggle against colonialism.
  • It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that Ainu activists began to place growing emphasis on the maintenance or revival of disappearing craft skills, rituals, and modes of Indigenous knowledge.
  • Among them was Kayano Shigeru, who put together the large collection of Ainu artifacts now displayed in the Ainu Cultural Museum at Nibutani.
  • In 1987 Ainu representatives participated for the first time in the deliberations of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations. Interaction with Indigenous peoples worldwide gave encouragement to the Ainu cause, and promoted renewed debate amongst activists about issues such as Indigenous knowledge, resource rights and self-determination.
  • So began a prolonged campaign, which led to the passing of the 1997 Cultural Promotion Law.
  • So far, the law's most obvious result has been to focus attention on the fundamental question, "how and by whom is `Ainu cultural heritage' defined?" The whole notion of "cultural heritage," as embodied in the new law, implies notions of continuity rather than change, stability and order rather than conflict.
  • But as Ainu commentator Tahara Ryoko points out in a recent collection of essays on the new law, "Ainu culture is not limited to language or ceremonies or dance. It is Ainu life itself. Whatever happens every day within the household is Ainu culture."
James Granderson

Religion and expressive culture - Ainu - 0 views

  • An important concept in the Ainu belief system is the soul, owned by most beings in the Ainu universe. According to tradition, the soul becomes perceptible when it leaves the owner's body. For example, when one dreams, one's soul frees itself from the sleeping body and travels, even to places where one has never been. Likewise, a deceased person may appear in one's dreams because the soul of the deceased can travel from the world of the dead to that of the living. During a shamanistic performance, the shaman's soul travels to the world of the dead to snatch back the soul of a dead person, thereby reviving the person nearing death.
  • This belief underlies the Ainu emphasis on proper treatment of the dead body of humans and all other soul owners in the universe
  • Without proper treatment of a dead body, its soul cannot rest in peace in the world of the dead and causes illness among the living to remind the Ainu of their misconduct. Shamans must be consulted to obtain diagnosis and treatment for these illnesses.
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  • The soul has the power to punish only when it has been mistreated. Deities ( kamuy ), in contrast, possess the power to punish or reward at will. Some scholars believe that among the Ainu nature is equated with the deities. Others claim that only certain members of the universe are deified.
  • The Ainu consider all animal deities to be exactly like humans in appearance and to live just like humans in their own divine country—an important point in Ainu religion.
  • Evil spirits and demons—called variously oyasi, wenkamuy (evil deity), etc.—constitute another group of beings in the universe who are more powerful than humans. They exercise their destructive power by causing misfortunes such as epidemics. The smallpox deity is an example. Some of them are intrinsic or by definition bona fide demons, whereas others become demons. For example, if a soul is mistreated after the death of its owner, it turns into a demon. The Ainu devote a great deal of attention to evil spirits and demons by observing religious rules and performing exorcism rites. Human combat with demons is a major theme in Ainu epic poems
  • Shamanism is not an exclusively male role. Sakhalin Ainu shamanism differs considerably from Hokkaidō Ainu shamanism. Among the Sakhalin Ainu, with regard to the symbolic structure, the shamanistic ritual represents the process of cooking, a role assigned to women in Ainu society. Shamanism is highly valued among the Sakhalin Ainu, and highly regarded members of society of both sexes, including heads of settlements, may become shamans. Although shamans sometimes perform rites for divinations of various sorts and for miracles, most rites are performed to diagnose and cure illnesses. When shamans are possessed by spirits, they enter a trance and the spirit speaks through their mouths, providing the client with necessary information such as the diagnosis and cure of an illness or the location of a missing object.
  • Among the Hokkaidō Ainu, shamanism is not highly regarded and shamans are usually women, who collectively have lower social status than men.
  • Male elders must consult a shaman before they make important decisions for the community.
  • Among the rich and varied Ainu religious beliefs and practices, the bear ceremony is perhaps the most important religious ceremony among both the Sakhalin and Hokkaidō Ainu, for whom the bear represents the supreme deity in disguise.
  • The bear ceremony combines deeply religious elements with the merriment of eating, drinking, singing, and dancing. All participants don their finest clothing and adornments. Prayers are offered to the goddess of the hearth and the deity of the house, but the major focus of the ceremony is on the deity of the mountains, who is believed to have sent the bear as a gift to humans. After the bear is taken out of the "bear house," situated southwest of the house, the bear is killed. The Sakhalin Ainu kill the bear with two pointed arrows, while the Hokkaidō Ainu use blunt arrows before they fatally shoot the bear with pointed arrows, and then strangle the dead or dying bear between two logs. Male elders skin and dress the bear, which is placed in front of the altar hung with treasures.
  • The mythic and heroic epics are long and complex; some heroic epics have as many as 15,000 verses. While the mythic epics relate the activities of deities, the heroic epics are about the culture hero who, with the aid of the deities, fought demons to save the Ainu and became the founder of the Ainu people. Among the Hokkaidō Ainu, the culture hero descended from the world of the deities in the sky and taught the Ainu their way of life, including fishing and hunting and the rituals and rules governing human society. Some scholars contend that the battles fought by the culture hero are battles that the Ainu once fought against invading peoples.
kirkch01

Ainu - Introduction, Location, Language, Folklore, Religion, Major holidays, Rites of p... - 0 views

  • POPULATION: 25,000
  • Hokkaido, one of Japan's four main islands, is 32,247 square miles (83,520 square kilometers)—comprising one-fifth of Japan. Hokkaido is twice as large as Switzerland. A small number of Ainu live on southern Sakhalin. Earlier, the Ainu also lived in the southern Kuril Islands, along the lower reaches of the Amur River, and in Kamchatka, as well as the northern part of the Northeast region of Honshu. Their ancestors may have once lived throughout Japan. Hokkaido is surrounded by beautiful coasts. The island has many mountains, lakes, and rivers. Its land was densely wooded with ancient trees into the twentieth century. Two major mountain ranges, Kitami in the north and Hidaka in the south, divide Hokkaido into the eastern and western regions. The Saru basin area in southeastern Hokkaido is a center of Ainu ancestral culture. An 1807 survey reported the Hokkaido and Sakhalin Ainu population as 23,797. Mixed marriages between Ainu and mainland Japanese became more common over the last century. In 1986 the total number of people in Hokkaido identifying themselves as Ainu was 24,381. In the late nineteenth century, the Japanese government created a colonial office for Hokkaido's economic development and encouraged settlers from other parts of Japan. A similar government office now continues to promote Hokkaido's development. With the loss of their land, their livelihood, and their traditional culture, the Ainu had to adapt to a rapidly industrializing society.
James Granderson

Religion Among the Ainu People of Hokkaido Japan | Suite101 - 0 views

  • The Ainu believe in many divine beings “kamuy” who are contrasted with the humans “Ainu.” All things have spirits and the Ainu are surrounded by gods which they pray to and which look after them. Among the Ainu, many natural phenomena are considered divine, having a spirit, such as fire, wind, and water. There are gods of objects like boats and pots, and gods of plants like mushrooms and mugwort. There are gods of mountains and lakes, gods that protect the house, and animal gods like foxes and owls. The bear is the god of the mountains who is like a human in appearance in his own divine land, but then he appears to the Ainu in the guise of the bear in the Ainu land, bringing gifts of meat and fur. Another important deity among the Ainu is the goddess of the hearth (fire) or “Grandmother Hearth” who is a symbol of the Ainu universe. There are also goddesses of the sun and moon, and sea animal and fish deities.
  • The Ainu believe that they have spirits which are immortal, and that the good Ainu will rise to the land of the gods in the hereafter. If they have not been good, they will go to a hell, which is described as a volcano. After a time in heaven, the spirits are reborn to earth, and the cycle goes on.
  • The bear represents the chief deity, the deity of the mountain, in the disguise of a bear. It is the most important symbol among the Ainu. The Sending of the Bear Ceremony serves to send the soul of the bear-god back to the divine home of the bear with gifts, prayers and invitations to return to the Ainu. The Ainu explain that It is not a sacrifice of the bear, as the bear is god. It is a religious obligation to hold the ceremony to send the bear back to its home through ritual. The bear can can thus be reborn and give the Ainu the valuable gifts of meat and fur once again.
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James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • We know from archaeological remains that, in Hokkaido, primitive small-scale agriculture existed in the period of the Satsumon ware (scratch-pattern pottery) culture. Foxtail millet, Chinese millet, deccan grass and so on were cultivated in this period.
  • The Ainu engaged in agriculture as a secondary activity to supplement hunting, fishing and gathering plants in the forests. The cultivated areas thus were small. Women raised crops as a part of housework, and men never took part in agriculture, being principally occupied in hunting and fishing.
  • The cultivation of vegetables started relatively recently. Potatoes, for example, are believed to have been raised when the Japanese introduced some seed potatoes in 1798 (10 th year of Kansei era). Japanese radish, Ieek, cucumber and pumpkin have been raised since the Edo era. This is said to be because of the influence of the Japanese who engaged in fishing in the area. Other vegetables which the Ainu have raised since ancient times include a kind of turnip called "atane."
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  • For cultivation, the Ainu selected land with fewer grasses and trees. They frequently selected riverside land. For cultivation, they used a sickle called "toytayokpe."
  • They could rake up the soil while removing the grass-roots and allwith the sickle. Then they used a digging tool called "shittap," which was made with a deer antler or a tree bough, to remove the stumps and to crush the clods of earth. Finally, they leveled the ground with a fine rake called "areuwematapurip."
kirkch01

History of the Ainu - 0 views

  • History of the Ainu
  • Hokkaido, the Northern island of Japan where the Ainu has inhabited, is full of natural resources based on rich river systems. Because of the fact and the location, the land of the Ainu had been both, Japanese and Russian's interests and the Ainu had been a target of extermination in order for them to obtain the flourished land.
  • View on the change of the Ainu Population As we can see in the following table and graph, the change in the Ainu population clearly indicates the evidence of Japanese exploitation of the Ainu which enforced them to give up their tradition and culture. We can not overlook Ainu's physical and psychological struggle over the abrupt change in their life style of which has been suffered with low economic income as well as harsh discrimination. I believe the struggle is one of the main causes of decreasing population. The population of the Ainu rapidly decreased between 1822 and 1873; about 7000 Ainu died over 50 years. The reason behind the rapid decrease of the population is thought to be the spread of epidemics, such as small pox, measles, cholera and tuberculosis beside the enforcement of Japanese culture and labor. Parallel to the uprising movement in 1960's, the Ainu population also has increased about 6000. Today, the Ainu population seems to be stable with small fracture in numbers.
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  • 1400's The first contact with Japanese from main island and the Ainu engaged in peaceful trade with the Japanese 1457&nbsp; The Battle of Kosyamain: 1669&nbsp; The Battle of Syaksyain 1789&nbsp; The Battle of Kunashiri-Menasi: Japanese succeeded to integrate the Northern island by defeating the Ainu for previous three battles 1869&nbsp; Mass immigration of Japanese to Hokkaido started with the encouragement of the new western ideal government to develop the Hokkaido, Sakhalin and Kuril became under control of Russian 1871&nbsp; Enactment of the registration; The Ainu became the common with prohibition of their traditional way of living and enforcement of use of Japanese 1878&nbsp; The Ainu is given the status of former aborigines
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    History, population fluctuation details (largely due to harsh effects of colonization). 
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • The Ainu believe that gods or their incarnations are found in every phenomenon and object, including natural phenomena from the sun, moon, thunder, wind, water and fire, to animals, plants, and implements that are related to human life. On every occasion, prayers are offered and various ceremonies observed. There is the house guardian, the god of fire, the god of windows, the god of the hearth, the god of entrances, the god of yards, the mountain god, the sea god, the lake god, the river god, the nursing god, the hunting god, animal gods of bears and owls, and the gods of pots, mortars and boats. Thus, numerous gods usually guard man and provide food, while at times disciplining him harshly. These gods, however, are not absolute beings. Man is able to argue with them when they commit errors regarding man. Gods are of help to man and therefore are appreciated by him, while man is also expected to serve gods. Gods and man exist in a relationship of mutual assistance.
  • The gods also disguise themselves as animals, plants and objects : for example, they pretend to be bears by wearing bear skins and bestowing food, animal skins, daily utensils such as pots and bowls, and boats. On the other hand, through ceremonies, man offers wine, dried salmon, and "inaw," sacred shaved stick, which are supposed to delight the gods. In addition to the above gods, there are also evil gods and other malevolent deities who cause man disease and mishap.
  • There are various ceremonies throughout the year, including ceremonies to send back spirits, a religious ceremony for ancestors, a ceremony for the completion of new house, and a ceremony to launch the year's first fishing of salmon and shishamo smelt. Sending spirits back, the most frequent of these ceremonies, treats and sends back the gods, who disguise themselves as animals, plants and objects, descend to the human world and supply food and other daily necessities. The ceremonies include "iyomante," "hopunire" and "iwakte," of which "iyomante," a ceremony for the sending back of the spirits of bear cubs is the most important.
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  • The "iwakte" also is a ceremony to send back the spirits of disused daily necessities and festival-related articles which have become unusable from damage or age. The sending back of spirits of small animals, such as squirrels and hares also was called "iwakte" in some districts. Ash from a hearth and the bran of millet including yard millet were gathered at a certain site and returned to the divine world.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • The Ainu hunted from late autumn to early summer. The reasons for this were, among others, that in late autumn, plant gathering, salmon fishing and other activities of securing food came to an end, and hunters readily found game in fields and mountains in which plants had withered. A village possessed a hunting ground of its own or several villages used a joint hunting territory (iwor) . Heavy penelties were imposed on any outsiders trespassing on such hunting grounds or joint hunting territory.
  • The Ainu hunted bear, Ezo deer, rabbit, fox, raccoon dog and other animals. Ezo deer were a particularly important food resource for the Ainu as were salmon. They also hunted sea eagles such as white-tailed sea eagles, raver and other birds. The Ainu hunted eagles to obtain their tail feathers which were used in trade with the Japanese.
  • Hunting was done with dogs by several hunters who got on well with each other. Before the Ainu went hunting for animals like bear in particular, they prayed to the god of fire and the house guardian god to convey their wishes for a large catch, and safe hunting to the god of mountains.
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  • The Ainu usually hunted bear during the time of the spring thaw. At that time bears were weak because they had not fed at all during long hibernation.
  • The Ainu usually used arrows to hunt deer. Also they often used traps, including spring traps loaded with arrows. Furthermore they drove deer into the river or sea and shot them with arrows.When aiming at a large catch, a whole village would drive a herd of deer off a cliff and club them to death.
  • The Ainu hunted with arrows and spears whose points were coated with poison. The poison, called "surku," was obtained from the roots and stalks of aconites. The recipe for making this poison was a household secret, differing from family to family. To enhance the effect of the poison, roots and stalks of dog's bane boiled juice of Mekuragumo, Matsumomushi, tobacco, and other ingredients were mixed. Furthermore stingray's deadly poisonous stingers or skin covering stingers were used.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • It was believed that every day of life was made possible, and that peaceful harmonious life was ensured only by the gods' protection and supply to man of food for subsistence. Therefore, the Ainu dedicated various dances to the gods by holding various festivals that would enable families and "kotan " (villages) to live peacefully. Furthermore, dances were meant for people to share the feelings of joy and sorrow with the gods, and therefore played an important role in daily life.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • For their living, the Ainu depended on fishing as well as on hunting. Many villages were located by the sea or a river through which salmon and trout went upstream.
  • The Ainu caught trout primarily in summer and salmon in autumn. They also caught ito (Japanese huchen) , dace and other fish. Gaff-like spears called "marek" were used to catch salmon and trout individually. Other salmon and trout fishing methods were "tesh" fishing in which salmon swimming upstream were caught by damming the river ; "uray" fishing using weirs and "rawomap" fishing using conical basket traps made of bamboo or twigs of willows. For salmon and trout fishing, each village or individual had a definite river fishing territory. Outsiders could not freely fish there.
  • In 3 to 4 m long boats, the Ainu vigorously fished and hunted swordfish, tuna, sunfish and marine mammals like fur seals, other seals, dolphins and whales. Particularly in the Funka Bay, fur seal hunting and whale fishing were popular.
kirkch01

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • Ainu who lived in Hokkaido, the Kurile Islands and Sakhalin were called "Hokkaido Ainu", "Kurile Ainu" and "Sakhalin Ainu"respectively. Most Ainu now live in Hokkaido. It has been confirmed that a few Ainu people now live in Sakhalin. The census of the Ainu was started by the Japanese in the 1800 s for various purposes, e.g. for putting them to work. The Ainu population from 1807 to 1931 varied as follows : 1807 : 26,256 1822 : 23,563 1854 : 17,810 1873 : 16,272 1903 : 17,783 1931 : 15,969 These figures (estimated ones) show that the population decreased particularly sharply from 1822 to 1854. The reasons for the decrease were, among others, the spread through the Ainu population of such diseases as smallpox, measles, cholera, tuberculosis and venereal diseases and the breakup of families due to forced labor. According to a current survey conducted by the Hokkaido Government in 1984, the Ainu population of Hokkaido then was 24,381.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • Although the Ainu lived by fishing and hunting, they also considered wild plants important food. The following wild plants were gathered as foods : in spring (March to May), Garlic, Lag-wort, Wormwood, Angelica, Angelica Tree, Hogweed, Anemone, brackens, royal ferns, Hog-Peanut, etc. ; in summer (July to August), Heartleaf Lily, Corydalis, Woodbine, Roses, etc. ; in autumn (September to November), chestnuts, walnuts, Oak, Grape-Vine, Tara vines, Cork-tree, Water-nut, mushrooms, etc. Gathering wild plants was a job for women. They were freely allowed to gather wild plants in the vicinity of their own village. Tools for gathering wild plants differed from plant to plant. To gather Hog-Peanut and Garic, the Ainu used "shittap," an excavating tool made of deer horn or wood whose top was hook-shaped. To gather Heartleaf Lily, they used a stick called "tureptani" or "itani." To gather Marsh-Marigold, they used "puytaurayni, " a stick with a sharp tip. Besides these tools, table knives and mountain knives were also used to cut stalks and roots. The Ainu gathered wild plants with these tools and carried them in a "saranip, " a bag made of the bark of Linden or Budozuru.
kirkch01

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • Marriage The Ainu people had various types of marriage. A child was promised in marriage by arrangement between his or her parents and the parents of his or her betrothed or by a go-between. When the betrothed reached a marriageable age, they were told who their spouse was to be. There were also marriages based on mutual consent of both sexes. In some areas, when a daughter reached a marriageable age, her parents let her live in a small room called "tunpu" annexed to the southern wall of her house. The parents chose her spouse from men who visited her.
  • The age of mdrriage was 17-18years old for men and 15-16 years for women, who were tattooed. At these ages, both sexes were regarded as adults.
  • When a man proposed to a women, he visited her house, ate half a full bowl of rice handed to him by her, and returned the rest to her. If the woman ate the rest, she accepted his proposal. If she did not, and put it beside her, she rejected his proposal. When a man became engaged to a woman or they learned that their engagement had been arranged, they exchanged gifts with each other. He sent her a small engraved knife, a workbox, a spool and other gifts. She sent him embroidered clothes, coverings for the back of the hand, Ieggings, and other handmade clothes. According to some books, many "yomeiri" marriages, in which a bride went to the house of a bridegroom with her belongings to become a member of his family, were conducted in the old days. The yomeiri marriage was conducted in the following manner. A man and his father brought to the house of a woman betrothal gifts, including a sword, a treasured sword, an ornamental quiver, a sword guard, and a woven basket (hokai). If they agreed to marry, the man and his father would bring her to their house or the man would stay at her house for a while and then bring her to his house. At the wedding ceremony, participants prayed to the god of fire. Bride and bridegroom respectively ate half of the rice served in a bowl, and other participants were entertained.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • Village Location A village is called "kotan" in the Ainu language. Kotan were located in river basins and seashores where food was readily available, particularly in the basins of rivers through which salmon went upstream. A village consisted basically of a paternal clan. The average number of families was four to seven, rarely reaching more than ten. In the early modern times, the Ainu people were forced to labor at the fishing grounds of the Japanese. Ainu kotan were also forced to move near fishing grounds so that the Japanese could secure a labor force. When the Japanese moved to other fishing grounds, Ainu kotan were also forced to accompany them. As a result, the traditional kotan disappeared and large villages of several dozen families were formed around the fishing grounds.
  • Housing Kotan houses were made of cogon grasses, bamboo grass, barks, etc. The length lay east to west or parallel to a river. A house was about seven meters by five with an entrance at the west end that also served as a storeroom. The house had three windows, including the "rorun-puyar," a window located on the side facing the entrance (at the east side) , through which gods entered and left and ceremonial tools were taken in and out. The Ainu have regarded this window as sacred and have been told never to look in through it. A house had a fireplace near the entrance. The husband and wife sat on the fireplace's left side (called "shiso") . Children and guests sat facing them on the fireplace's right side (called "harkiso"). The house had a platform for valuables called "iyoykir" behind the shiso. The Ainu placed "shintoko"(hokai) and "ikayop" (quivers) there.
  • Outbuildings Outbuildings included separate lavatories for men called "ashinru" and for women called "menokoru", a "pu" (storehouse) in which food was stored, a "heper set" (cage for young bear) , and drying-racks for fish and wild plants. An altar "nusasan" faced the east side of the house (rorunpuyar). The Ainu held such ceremonies there as "lyomante. " a ceremony to send the spirit of a bear to the gods.
kirkch01

Ainu of Northern Japan - 0 views

  • The Ainu family was rather small. It consists of Father, Mother, and children. Along with other families, about 13 on average, would live in a Kotan. Living with extended family was rare and usually consisted of widowed family members. Death of a spouse would change your life back to how it was before you got married and dissolved connection to your late spouse's family. A widower would have a new home built new his kinsmen, the old house was burnt down. A widow went to live with her brother of her mother's brother. Children of opposite sex would be split up. Male children would live with the father's relatives and female children lived with Mother's relatives.
  • In the Ainu language, which they don't speak anymore, a widow was called cise sak menoko or woman without a home. Terms of relatives have changed to the Japanese terminology and have also had their detrimental affects on the Ainu. The traditional Ainu terms included ekasi and huci for grandfather and grandmother, respectively, on either the maternal or paternal side. Ona is your dad. Unu is your mother. Wife is maci and husband is hoku. Son is po and daughter is matnepo. These terms are not cognitive it is simply the relation of the individual. For example daughter is matnepo that consist of maci-ne-po and literally would mean po who will become mat or wife-to-be son. Besides Ona (dad) and unu (mom) all other terms are terms of reference and address. The terms of address for ona and unu are iyapo (daddy) and hapo (mommy), but these may also be terms of reference when kukor (my) is added, for example, kukor iyapo (my daddy). Gender is very important in for names. For example, a male Ego will call a female sibling (matepa) something different than a female Ego will call the same female sibling (mataki). Here it is easier to see that mat is similar to female in English. The Author explains that po is more likely to be offspring-of. So matnepo (daughter) is offspring to become women. Whether they are your or your wife's sister's or brother's kids all nephew and niece types are referred to as them same. A strange gender-less term, mitpo, applies to all grandchildren. Which also shows up in great grandchildren (san mitpo).
  • Descent groups of the Ainu are neither patrilineal nor matrilineal, but and amalgamation of the two. It was very hared for me to understand because it was explained using the Ainu terms without English translations. So unless I took the time to learn the Ainu language it will seem foggy. The complexity is that brothers and sisters have different descent groups. It is called juxtaposed descent. It seems a brother would trace patrilineal and a sister will trace matrilineal. All males on your father's side shared, a emblem or seal, itokpa. It was passed from father to sons. Members of this group shared the same deities, which must be worshiped. The eldest son would inherit the lions share of the father's wealth, but the youngest would gain the father's house. The same happens with the woman. At the time of her betrothal a girl would receive gifts and a girdle-type belt known as an upsor, kut, or a pon kut. The upsor was the same type as her mother's upsor. The women also received tattoos traditionally. One at puberty, the second around 15 years of age, and a third before she got married (around 19). Women were tattooed to appear similar to the gods of the culture. The demons wouldn't mess with the gods, so they also won't mess with a tattooed woman. Again the Japanese have broken this tradition by outlawing tattoos
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  • A woman was not allowed to marry the son or brother of any female relative having the same type of upsor as hers. So a man couldn't marry a woman who had the same type of upsor as his sister's or mother's. The same policy holds with the itokpa. So parallel cousins cannot marry, but cross cousins can. "The Ainu practice a blend of polygamy that combines polygyny and levirate and a blend of polygyny and sororate, but no polyandry."(p.135) Marriage was looked as a way to perpetuate the descent group of the people involved. The Ainu practiced Levirate and Sororate cautiously. The eldest brother had the priority to inherit the wife of his younger brother if he died. A second rule says a younger brother could inherit an older brother's wife as ling as he wasn't the oldest. The brother usually picked the inheritor just before he died. There must be more conditions to this because earlier the Author said the widow goes back and lives with her matrikin. Sororate allows that a man could marry his wife's sister if that sister was next to he wife younger in age, whether his wife was dead or not. The Ainu were forbidden to marry a brother's wife's sister, until that brother died. The Ainu were also kind of patrilocal, that is a man and his wife would move near the man's family.
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