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Kay Bradley

United States Senate elections, 2020 - Ballotpedia - 0 views

  • Ballotpedia defined wave elections as the 20 percent of elections in the last 100 years resulting in the greatest seat swings against the president's party. U.S. Senate waves from 1918 to 2016 are listed in the table below.
  • Battleground elections
  • Ballotpedia has identified 16 races as general election battlegrounds. Of the 16 seats, four have Democratic incumbents and 12 have Republican incumbents heading into the election.
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  • These battleground seats were selected by examining the results of the 2016 presidential election in the state, whether the incumbent was seeking re-election, and whether the incumbent was serving his or her first term in the Senate.
  • Information on states held by a party opposite the winning 2016 presidential candidate A list of race ratings Information on historical wave elections Contents [hide]  1 Partisan breakdown 2 Seats up for election 3 Battleground elections 3.1 Seats that changed party hands in 2014 4 Outside ratings 5 Fundraising by candidate 6 Fundraising by party 6.1 Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee 6.2 National Republican Senatorial Committee 7 Filed candidates by political party 8 Incumbents not seeking re-election in 2020 8.1 Historical comparison 9 Presidential election data 10 Special elections 10.1 Historical special election data 10.1.1 Special elections, 2013-2020 10.1.2 Special elections, 1986-2012 11 Annual Congressional Competitiveness Report, 2020 12 Congressional approval rating 13 Noteworthy events 13.1 Supreme Court vacancy, 2020 14 Important dates and deadlines 15 Ballot access requirements 16 Wave elections 17 See also 18 External links 19 Footnotes
  • Information on 2020's battleground races
  • The current and historical partisan balance of the U.S. Senate
  • South Carolina Lindsey Graham
  • Arizona Martha McSally
  • Colorado Cory Gardner
  • Alabama Doug Jones
  • Georgia David Perdue
  • Maine Susan Collins
  •  
    Wave Elections, 1918-2016
Michael Carson

Article II #25-29 - 18 views

25. Each state was allocated a number of electors which was the sum of the number of senators(2) and the number of representatives in the House. The states could determine how they were elected. A ...

started by Michael Carson on 11 Nov 10 no follow-up yet
Aminah Luqman

Article I of the Constitution (Section III): Questions 8-10 - 17 views

8. Immediately after the people are elected and assembled in the senate, they are equally divided into three subgroups or classes. They are divided into these classes so that a different seat of se...

US Consitution Senate

started by Aminah Luqman on 11 Nov 10 no follow-up yet
Kay Bradley

L. Frank Baum - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - 0 views

  • In December 1890, Baum urged the wholesale extermination of all America's native peoples in a column he wrote on December 20, 1890, nine days before the Wounded Knee Massacre.[13] Later, on January 3, 1891, Baum reverted to the subject in an editorial response to the event: The Pioneer has before declared that our only safety depends upon the total extirmination [sic] of the Indians. Having wronged them for centuries, we had better, in order to protect our civilization, follow it up by one more wrong and wipe these untamed and untamable creatures from the face of the earth.[14]
  • While Baum was in South Dakota, he sang in a quartet that included a man who would become one of the first Populist (People's Party) Senators in the U.S., James Kyle
  • In 1900, Baum and Denslow (with whom he shared the copyright) published The Wonderful Wizard of Oz to much critical acclaim and financial success.[18] The book was the best-selling children's book for two years after its initial publication.[citation needed] Baum went on to write thirteen more novels based on the places and people of the Land of Oz.
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  • Jokes in the script, mostly written by Glen MacDonough, called for explicit references to President Theodore Roosevelt, Senator Mark Hanna, and oil magnate John D. Rockefeller. Although use of the script was rather free-form, the line about Hanna was ordered dropped as soon as Hamlin got word of his death in 1904.[citation needed]
  • On May 5, 1919, Baum suffered from a stroke.
  • Baum wrote two editorials about Native Americans for the Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer which have provoked controversy in recent times because of his assertion that the safety of White settlers depended on the wholesale genocide of American Indians
  • The first piece was published on December 20, 1890, five days after the killing of the Lakota Sioux holy man, Sitting Bull (who was being held in custody at the time). Following is the complete text of the editorial: Sitting Bull, most renowned Sioux of modern history, is dead. He was not a Chief, but without Kingly lineage he arose from a lowly position to the greatest Medicine Man of his time, by virtue of his shrewdness and daring. He was an Indian with a white man's spirit of hatred and revenge for those who had wronged him and his. In his day he saw his son and his tribe gradually driven from their possessions: forced to give up their old hunting grounds and espouse the hard working and uncongenial avocations of the whites. And these, his conquerors, were marked in their dealings with his people by selfishness, falsehood and treachery. What wonder that his wild nature, untamed by years of subjection, should still revolt? What wonder that a fiery rage still burned within his breast and that he should seek every opportunity of obtaining vengeance upon his natural enemies.
  • The proud spirit of the original owners of these vast prairies inherited through centuries of fierce and bloody wars for their possession, lingered last in the bosom of Sitting Bull. With his fall the nobility of the Redskin is extinguished, and what few are left are a pack of whining curs who lick the hand that smites them. The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians. Why not annihilation? Their glory has fled, their spirit broken, their manhood effaced; better that they die than live the miserable wretches that they are. History would forget these latter despicable beings, and speak, in latter ages of the glory of these grand Kings of forest and plain that Cooper loved to heroize. We cannot honestly regret their extermination, but we at least do justice to the manly characteristics possessed, according to their lights and education, by the early Redskins of America.[32][33] Following the December 29, 1890, massacre, Baum wrote a second editorial, published on January 3, 1891: The peculiar policy of the government in employing so weak and vacillating a person as General Miles to look after the uneasy Indians, has resulted in a terrible loss of blood to our soldiers, and a battle which, at best, is a disgrace to the war department. There has been plenty of time for prompt and decisive measures, the employment of which would have prevented this disaster.
  • An eastern contemporary, with a grain of wisdom in its wit, says that "when the whites win a fight, it is a victory, and when the Indians win it, it is a massacre."[32][34]
  • The Pioneer has before declared that our only safety depends upon the total extirmination [sic] of the Indians. Having wronged them for centuries we had better, in order to protect our civilization, follow it up by one more wrong and wipe these untamed and untamable creatures from the face of the earth. In this lies safety for our settlers and the soldiers who are under incompetent commands. Otherwise, we may expect future years to be as full of trouble with the redskins as those have been in the past.
  • These two short editorials continue to haunt his legacy. In 2006, two descendants of Baum apologized to the Sioux nation for any hurt their ancestor had
  • caused
  • Baum's mother-in-law, Woman's Suffrage leader Matilda Joslyn Gage, had great influence over Baum's views. Gage was initiated into the Wolf Clan and admitted into the Iroquois Council of Matrons for her outspoken respect and sympathy for Native American people; it would seem unlikely that Baum could have harbored animosity for them in his mature years.
  • Although numerous political references to the "Wizard" appeared early in the 20th century, it was in a scholarly article by Henry Littlefield,[36] an upstate New York high school history teacher, published in 1964 that there appeared the first full-fledged interpretation of the novel as an extended political allegory of the politics and characters of the 1890s. Special attention was paid to the Populist metaphors and debates over silver and gold.[37] As a Republican and avid supporter of Women's Suffrage, it is thought that Baum personally did not support the political ideals of either the Populist movement of 1890–92 or the Bryanite-silver crusade of 1896–1900. He published a poem in support of William McKinley.[38
  • Since 1964 many scholars, economists and historians have expanded on Littlefield's interpretation, pointing to multiple similarities between the characters (especially as depicted in Denslow's illustrations) and stock figures from editorial cartoons of the period. Littlefield himself wrote to The New York Times letters to the editor section spelling out that his theory had no basis in fact, but that his original point was, "not to label Baum, or to lessen any of his magic, but rather, as a history teacher at Mount Vernon High School, to invest turn-of-the-century America with the imagery and wonder I have always found in his stories."[39]
  • Baum's newspaper had addressed politics in the 1890s, and Denslow was an editorial cartoonist as well as an illustrator of children's books. A series of political references are included in the 1902 stage version, such as references by name to the President and a powerful senator, and to John D. Rockefeller for providing the oil needed by the Tin Woodman. Scholars have found few political references in Baum's Oz books after 1902.[citation needed] When Baum himself was asked whether his stories had hidden meanings, he always replied that they were written to please children and generate an income for his family
  • The Baums believed in God, but felt that religious decisions should be made by mature minds and not religious authorities. As a result, they sent their older sons to "Ethical Culture Sunday School" in Chicago, which taught morality, not religion.[41][42]
Alyssa Apilado

Article I (Olivia) - 19 views

Article I qUESTIONS 11,12, 14 -16, 19 11. Explain the provisions for impeachment. The Senate has the sole power to try impeachments. The President of the United States and the Chief Justic...

Constitution Article I

started by Alyssa Apilado on 11 Nov 10 no follow-up yet
Kay Bradley

Rooted in Reconstruction: The First Wave of Black Congressmen | The Nation - 0 views

  • Well over a century ago, during the turbulent era of Reconstruction, they were preceded by another three: Hiram Revels and Blanche Bruce, both senators from Mississippi, and P.B.S. Pinchback, briefly the governor of Louisiana.
  • It also underscores how remarkable, if temporary, a transformation in American life was wrought by Reconstruction. Revels, Bruce and Pinchback were only the tip of a large iceberg--an estimated 2,000 black men served in some kind of elective office during that era.
  • For many decades, historians viewed Reconstruction as the lowest point in the American experience, a time of corruption and misgovernment presided over by unscrupulous carpetbaggers from the North, ignorant former slaves and traitorous scalawags (white Southerners who supported the new governments in the South). Mythologies about black officeholders formed a central pillar of this outlook. Their alleged incompetence and venality illustrated the larger "crime" of Reconstruction--placing power in the hands of a race incapable of participating in American democracy. D.W. Griffith's 1915 film Birth of a Nation included a scene in which South Carolina's black legislators downed alcohol and propped their bare feet on their desks while enacting laws. Claude Bowers, in The Tragic Era, a bestseller of the 1920s that did much to form popular consciousness about Reconstruction, offered a similar portrait. To Griffith and Bowers, the incapacity of black officials justified the violence of the Ku Klux Klan and the eventual disenfranchisement of Southern black voters.
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  • Capitol Men
  • Dray's
  • It does not really offer an assessment of Reconstruction's successes and failings
  • Twelve years earlier, Smalls had piloted the Planter, on which he worked as a slave crewman, out of Charleston harbor and delivered it to the Union navy, a deed that made him a national hero. In 1864, while the ship was undergoing repairs in Philadelphia, a conductor evicted Smalls from a streetcar when he refused to give up his seat to a white passenger. Ninety years before a similar incident involving Rosa Parks sparked the Montgomery bus boycott, Smalls's ordeal inspired a movement of black and white reformers to persuade the Pennsylvania legislature to ban discrimination in public transportation.
  • Stephens offered a long argument based on states' rights as to why the bill was unconstitutional.
  • The subject of their exchange was a civil rights bill banning racial discrimination in places of public accommodation.
  • Elliott launched into a learned and impassioned address explaining why the recently enacted Fourteenth Amendment justified the measure (which was signed into law by President Grant the following year), then reminded Congress of an infamous speech Stephens had delivered on the eve of the Civil War: "It is scarcely twelve years since that gentleman shocked the civilized world by announcing the birth of a government which rested on human slavery as its cornerstone." Elliott already had proved that he refused to be intimidated by whites: in 1869 he whipped a white man in the streets of Columbia for writing inappropriate notes to his wife. A black man assaulting a white man in defense of his wife's good name was not a common occurrence in nineteenth-century South Carolina.
  • Robert Elliott
  • Many of the black Congressmen spoke of the abuse they suffered while traveling to the Capitol. Joseph Rainey
  • Robert Elliott was refused service at a restaurant in a railroad station
  • In the House, one Virginia Democrat announced that he was addressing only "the white men," the "gentlemen," not his black colleagues
  • Congressmen Dray profiles came from diverse origins and differed in their approach to public policies. Some had been free before the Civil War, others enslaved
  • Some favored government action to distribute land to former slaves; others insisted that in a market society the only way to acquire land was to purchase it. Some ran for office as representatives of their race, others as exemplars of the ideal that, with the end of slavery and the advent of legal equality, race no longer mattered. Reconstruction's black Congressmen did not see themselves simply as spokesmen for the black community
  • was one of the more conservative black leaders; yet in the Senate he spoke out for more humane treatment of Native Americans and opposed legislation banning immigration from China
  • Blanche Bruce
  • sixteen black members of Congress
  • had enjoyed opportunities and advantages unknown to most African-Americans
  • Revels
  • had been born free in North Carolina
  • Bruce
  • was the slave son of his owner and was educated by the same tutor who taught his white half-siblings.
  • Some Congressmen had enjoyed unique privileges as slaves.
  • enjamin Turner's
  • wner allowed him to learn to read and write and to run a hotel and livery stable in Selma
  • Others, however, had experienced slavery in all its brutality.
  • Jeremiah Haralson
  • John Hyman
  • None of these men fit the old stereotype of Reconstruction officials as ignorant, incompetent and corrupt.
  • All were literate, most were seasoned political organizers by the time of their election and nearly all were honest.
  • Governor Pinchback
  • ne who does fit the image of venality wa
  • of Louisiana, whose career combined staunch advocacy of civil rights with a sharp eye for opportunities to line his pockets
  • Pinchback grew up and attended school in Cincinnati. In the 1850s he worked as a cabin boy on an Ohio River steamboat. He fell in with a group of riverboat gamblers and learned their trade. He turned up in New Orleans in 1862 and expertly navigated the byzantine world of Louisiana's Reconstruction politics. Pinchback was undoubtedly corrupt (he accumulated a small fortune while in office) but also an accomplished politician.
  • Reconstruction ended in 1877, when President Rutherford B. Hayes abandoned the idea of federal intervention to protect the rights of black citizens in the South, essentially leaving their fate in the hands of local whites.
  • black political power, while substantially diminished, did not vanish until around 1900, when the Southern states disenfranchised black voters. Six more African-Americans served in Congress before the end of the nineteenth century. Some of their Reconstruction predecessors remained active in politics
  • Robert Smalls
  • of Planter fame, served as customs collector at Beaufort until 1913, when he was removed as part of a purge of blacks from the federal bureaucracy by Woodrow Wilson, the first Southern-born president since Reconstruction.
  • Pinchback and Bruce moved to Washington, where they became leaders of the city's black elite and arbiters of federal patronage appointments for African-Americans. Bruce worked tirelessly but unsuccessfully to persuade Congress to reimburse blacks who had deposited money in the Freedman's Savings Bank, which failed during the Panic of 1873. Like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in our own time, the bank was a private corporation chartered by Congress that enjoyed the implicit but not statutory backing of the federal government. Its counterparts today are being bailed out with billions of taxpayer dollars, as they have been deemed too big to fail. The Freedman's Savings Bank was too black to rescue.
  • George White
  • The last black Congressman of the post-Reconstruction era wa
  • of North Carolina, whose term ended in 1901. From then until 1929, when
  • Oscar DePriest
  • took his seat representing Chicago, Congress remained lily-white. Not until 1972, with
  • Andrew Young's
  • election in Georgia and
  • Barbara Jordan's
  • in Texas, did black representation resume from states that had experienced Reconstruction. Today the Congressional Black Caucus numbers forty-two members, seventeen of them from the states of the old Confederacy.
  • Robert Smalls
  • One such episode involves
  • who in 1874 was elected to Congress from Beaufort County, South Carolina.
  • Alexander Stephens
  • Equally riveting is the 1874 confrontation between
  • he former vice president of the Confederacy, then representing Georgia in the House of Representatives, and another black South Carolinian,
  • Robert Brown Elliott (1842-1884) was an African American member of the United States House of Representatives from South Carolina. Robert Brown Elliott's early life is a mystery. Although he claimed to have been born in Liverpool, England to West Indian immigrants, and to have graduated from Eton College, biographers have been unable to corroborate these facts. He moved to South Carolina in 1867 and established a law practice. Elliott helped organize the local Republican Party and served in the state constitutional convention. In 1868 he was elected to the South Carolina House of Representatives. The next year he was appointed assistant adjutant-general; he was the first African American commanding general of the South Carolina National Guard. As part of his job, he helped form a state militia to fight the Ku Klux Klan. Elliott was elected as a Republican to the Forty-second and Forty-third United States Congress. He "delivered a celebrated speech" in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1875.[1] He resigned on November 1, 1874, to fight political corruption in South Carolina. He served again in the South Carolina House of Representatives, where he was elected as Speaker of the House. He ran unsuccessfully for South Carolina Attorney General in 1876. Reconstruction ended that year and he was forced out of office.[] He set up a private law practice in New Orleans.
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    "Rooted in Reconstruction: The First Wave of Black Congressmen Eric Foner"
Kay Bradley

United States presidential election, 1896 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - 0 views

  • One month after McKinley's nomination, the silverites took control of the Democratic convention held in Chicago on July 7–11. Most of the Southern and Western delegates were committed to implementing the free silver ideas of the Populist Party.
  • An attorney, former congressman, and unsuccessful U.S. Senate candidate named William Jennings Bryan filled the void
  • Bryan hailed from Nebraska and spoke for the farmers who were suffering from the economic depression following the Panic of 1893.
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  • Bryan delivered one of the greatest political speeches in American history, the "Cross of Gold" Speech
  • Bryan presented a passionate defense of farmers and factory workers struggling to survive the economic depression, and he attacked big-city business owners and leaders as the cause of much of the economic suffering.
  • He called for reform of the monetary system and an end to the gold standard, and promised government relief efforts for farmers and others hurt by the economic depression.
  • Several third parties were active in 1896. By far the most prominent was the Populist Party
  • Formed in 1892, the Populists represented agrarian interests in the South, West, and rural Midwest.
  • In the 1892 presidential election Populist candidate James B. Weaver had carried four states, and in 1894 the Populists had scored victories in congressional and state legislature races in a number of Southern and Western states.
  • By 1896 some Populists believed that they could replace the Democrats as the main opposition party to the Republicans.
  • At their national convention in 1896, the Populists chose Bryan as their presidential nominee.
  • With this election, the Populists began to be absorbed into the Democratic Party; within a few elections the party would disappear completely
Chelsea Wirth

Article 1- Congress as a Whole 17,18,20,21 - 17 views

17. Once a bill has passed through the House and Senate, it goes to the president where he signs it to make it official. However, if he doesn't agree with the law, he can exercise his power of Veto...

started by Chelsea Wirth on 11 Nov 10 no follow-up yet
Kay Bradley

HarpWeek: 13th Amendment - 0 views

  • In the year 1833 the British Parliament passed an act eman- cipating the slaves in the British West India
  • In 1848 the revolutionary Government of France with a stroke of the pen freed all the slaves in the French West Indies: no compen- sation was granted to the owners, and the act took effect immediately.
  • lands, with compensation ($100,000,000) to the owners; the act was only to take effect in 1838.
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  • It would, however, be rash hence to infer, that immediate and unconditional emancipation works better than the gradual and conditioned abolition of slavery.
  • In studying these precedents it must be re- membered that the slaves in our Southern States are at least ten times as numerous as the slaves in either the British or the French colonies.
  • t is pretty well understood that President Lincoln agrees with Senator Doolittle in advo- cating colonization of the blacks
  • Those who have read “Sewell's Or- deal of Free Labor in the British West Indies,” will understand this prejudice. In Jamaica and Barbados the mulattoes are steadily gaining pow- er and influence, and the end can not be mis- taken. The white race must eventually go to the wall. To avoid this result, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Doolittle, Mr. Blair, and those who agree with them, propose to colonize the negroes of our Southern States—to send them to Hayti, or Cen- tral America, or somewhere else.
  • To be effectual this remedy must be thorough. The entire four millions must be exported.
Kay Bradley

Surprises in the Family Tree - The New York Times - 0 views

  • A retired oil-refinery engineer in Collegeville, Pa., Mr. Heinegg, who is white, has compiled genealogies of 900 mixed-race families who lived freely in slaveholding states in ''Free African Americans of North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia'' and ''Free African Americans of Maryland and Delaware.'' (The information is posted on a Web site, www.freeafricanamericans.com.)
  • Mr. Heinegg's research offers evidence that most free African-American and biracial families resulted not from a master and his slave, like Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, but from a white woman and an African man: slave, freed slave or indentured servant.
  • Since there was not a clear distinction between slavery and servitude at the time, he said, ''biracial camaraderie'' often resulted in children. The idea that blacks were property did not harden until around 1715 with the rise of the tobacco economy, by which time there was a small but growing population of free families of color. Dr. Boles estimated that by 1860 there were 250,000 free black or mixed-race individuals.
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  • It is incontrovertible that America is a multiracial society, from the founding father Alexander Hamilton (the son of a mixed-race woman from the British West Indies) to Essie Mae Washington-Williams, 78, a retired schoolteacher, who, the late Senator Strom Thurmond's family acknowledged last month, is his daughter. And for decades there have been questions about the possible mixed-race ancestry of Ida Stover, Dwight D. Eisenhower's mother.
  • One is Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, whose blood lines, according to the historian Mario de Valdes y Cocom, go back to the van Salees, a Muslim family of Afro-Dutch origin prominent in Manhattan in the early 1600's. If any branch of your family has been in America since the 17th or 18th centuries, Dr. Berlin said, ''it's highly likely you will find an African and an American Indian.''
  • he found that Mrs. Phillips and his wife, Rita, had white ancestors who were not slave masters, including a woman who started a family with John Kecatan, an African slave freed in 1666.
  • ''There were communities in 17th- and 18th-century America where blacks and whites, both free, of equal rank and shared experiences, were working together, living together, drinking and partying together, and inevitably sleeping together.''
  • An added challenge is that racial identity can mutate from free black to white in just a few generations.
  • Mr. Heinegg is familiar with racial prejudice. He and his wife, who met as members of the Brooklyn outpost of the Congress on Racial Equality, left the country in 1969, disgusted by what they saw as a lack of progress. They raised their three daughters in Tanzania, Liberia and Saudi Arabia.
  •  
    Paul Heinegg Genealogical Research on 1200 mixed race families.
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