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Kay Bradley

Cattle, Frontiers, and Farming - AP U.S. History Topic Outlines - Study Notes - 0 views

www.apstudynotes.org/...cattle-frontiers-and-farming

agriculture farmer Populist

shared by Kay Bradley on 13 Feb 13 - No Cached
  • During that same time, however, over two million families purchased land from the railroads, land companies, or state governments. Homesteading was difficult since 160 acres on the dry plains were often not enough to support a family. The land was cheap, but livestock, equipment, and seed were expensive.
  • Transportation to haul produce to market was expensive, and interest rates on loans and mortgages were high
  • Unscrupulous companies often acquired the best timber and mineral properties through fraudulent practices including using “dummy” homesteaders and fake improvements
  • ...12 more annotations...
  • Much of the public domain land passed quickly from the original homesteaders to promoters, not farmers.
  • Railroads had made it possible to sell crops at great distances, and farmers began to think in terms of a single cash crop rather than general farming to produce their families’ needs. Railroads benefited from this trade and sent agents to Europe to promote western settlement.
  • pecial steel plows were developed
  • sodbusters
  • fertile
  • barbed wire.
  • By 1883, Joseph Glidden’s company was making 600 miles of his patented wire each day.
  • In the late 1880s and early 1890s, a drought drove all but the most stubborn out.
  • “lifter” to cultivate rather than a plow to break up the soil
  • Dust Bowl years of the 1930s.
  • With the Homestead Act of 1862, a settler could claim as much as 160 acres (a quarter section) on the condition that he (occasionally she) lived on the land for five years, improved it, and paid a fee of $30. Alternatively, land could be bought after only six months’ residence at $1.25 per acre.
  • Special plows and new machinery such as threshers and hay mowers all allowed a farmer to produce more, but the expense of the devices often put him into debt.
Kay Bradley

Digital History: FDR 1930s - 0 views

www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm

US History Great Depression FDR

shared by Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14 - No Cached
  • No fewer than 16 of his ancestors had come over on the Mayflower
  • assistant secretary of the Navy in 1913
  • "If you had spent two years in bed trying to wiggle your toe," he later declared, "after that anything would seem easy."
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Roosevelt won the governorship of New York in 1928--one of the few Democrats to survive the Republican landslide. Surrounding himself with able advisors, Roosevelt labored to convert New York into a laboratory for reform, involving conservation, old-age pensions, public works projects, and unemployment insurance.
  • a New Deal for the American people
  • policy of experimentation
  • Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14
     
    "No fewer than 16 of his ancestors had come over on the Mayflower"
Kay Bradley

Digital History: Herbert Hoover 1930s - 0 views

www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm

US History Great Depression Hoover

shared by Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14 - No Cached
  • When President Herbert Hoover took office, the unemployment rate was 4.4 percent. When he left office, it was 23.6 percent.
  • Hoover’s efforts in providing relief during and after World War I saved millions of Europeans, including Germans and Russians, from starvation and made him an international hero
  • Hoover was a proponent of "rugged individualism."
  • ...12 more annotations...
  • The trouble with capitalism is capitalists; they're too damn greedy."
  • Quaker
  • He was worth $4 million by the age of 40, and then devoted himself to public service.
  • y April 1, 1933, U.S. Steel did not have a single full-time employee.
  • Smoot-Hawley tariff
  • provoked retaliation from Britain
  • Hoover persuaded local and state governments to sharply increase public works spending
  • Hoover quickly developed a reputation as uncaring
  • Hoover was a stubborn man
  • "Either we shall have a society based upon ordered liberty and the initiative of the individual, or we shall have a planned society that means dictation no matter what you call it.... There is no half-way ground.
  • In 1932, he created the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC)
  • to help save the banking and railroad systems.
Kay Bradley

Digital History The Dispossessed 1930s - 0 views

www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm

US History economy economics Great Depression depression

shared by Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14 - No Cached
  • 70 percent of Charleston's black population was unemployed
  • salt pork, hominy grits, corn bread, and molasses. Income averaged less than a dollar a day.
  • In Chicago, 70 percent of all black families earned less than a $1,000
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • assuring landlords a windfall of an extra $142 a month. Buildings that previously held 60 families now contained 300
  • Mexican Americans faced serious opposition from organized labor
  • repatriated
  • Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14
     
    "70 percent of Charleston's black population was unemployed"
Kay Bradley

Digital History: 1930s The Human Toll - 0 views

www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm

Great Depression depression economics history

shared by Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14 - No Cached
  • images of the Great Depression remain firmly etched in the American psyche: breadlines, soup kitchens, tin-can shanties and tar-paper shacks known as "Hoovervilles," penniless men and women selling apples on street corners, and gray battalions of Arkies and Okies packed into Model A Fords heading to California.
  • 12 1/2 million in 1932.
  • a quarter of the nation's families did not have a single employed wage earner.
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • in 1932, three-quarters of all workers were on part-time schedules, averaging just 60 percent of the normal work week.
  • average family income had tumbled 40 percent,
  • In Oakland, California, whole families lived in sewer pipes.
  • Vagrancy
  • many families did without milk or meat.
  • Herbert Hoover declared, "Nobody is actually starving. The hoboes are better fed than they have ever been." But in New York City in 1931, there were 20 known cases of starvation; in 1934, there were 110 deaths caused by hunger.
  • heavy psychological toll on jobless men
  • Large numbers of men lost self-respect
  • many women saw their status rise
  • drew some families closer together
Kay Bradley

DH Great Depression Causes + Why it lasted so long - 0 views

www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm

Great Depression depression economics history

shared by Kay Bradley on 29 Jan 14 - No Cached
  • prosperity of the 1920s was a cruel illusion
  • most families lived belo
  • poverty line.
  • ...30 more annotations...
  • 60 percent of the nation's families earned less than $2,000 a year
  • Prosperity bypassed specific groups of Americans entirely.
  • The farm sector had been mired in depression since 1921
  • The decline in farm income reverberated throughout the economy.
  • Between 1920 and 1929, more than 5,000 of the country's 30,000 banks failed.
  • small businesspeople failed because they could not secure loans.
  • consumer debt also weakened the economy
  • poor distribution of income
  • During the 1920s, there was a pronounced shift in wealth and income toward the very rich
  • poorest 93 percent of the non-farm population actually saw its disposable income fall.
  • Because the rich tend to spend a high proportion of their income on luxuries, such as large cars, entertainment, and tourism, and save a disproportionately large share of their income,
  • business investment had begun to decline.
  • housing starts
  • 1924 immigration law
  • Soaring inventories
  • reduce investment and production
  • stock market speculation
  • The Federal Reserve, the nation's central bank, played a critical, if inadvertent, role in weakening the economy.
  • allowed the money supply to fall dramatically
  • "liquidity crisis."
  • the Federal Reserve allowed the country's money supply to decline by 27 percent between 1929 and 1933.
  • Instead of actively stimulating the economy by cutting interest rates and expanding the money supply-
  • tariff policies damaged the economy by depressing foreign trade
  • Fordney-McCumber Tariff of 1922
  • Hawley-Smoot Tariff of 1930
  • By 1933, international trade had plunged 30 percent.
  • Unlike most of Western Europe
  • the United States had no federal system of unemployment insurance.
  • Community Ches
  • Red Cross
Kay Bradley

US History Films--Line 'em up on Netflix and have fun! - 6 views

U.S. History Films List: a collection of suggestions from other people-I have bold faced my top ten . . . The First List is from John Nesbit, of Phoenix, AZ. http://www.epinions.com/content_19656...

US History

started by Kay Bradley on 14 Feb 11 no follow-up yet
Matthew Harband

Beating the Klan: baseball coverage in Wichita before integration, 1920-1930. - 1 views

www.allbusiness.com/...11774779-1.html

shared by Matthew Harband on 22 Mar 11 - No Cached
Kay Bradley liked it
  • Matthew Harband on 22 Mar 11
     
    A semi-pro all black baseball team beats the KKK's semi-pro baseball team, 1925
  • Kay Bradley on 22 Mar 11
     
    Wow! What a story. Good find, Matt!
Kay Bradley

http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/education/resources/periodictable.html - 1 views

www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/...periodictable.html

newdeal 1930s New Deal infographic

shared by Kay Bradley on 12 Mar 15 - No Cached
  • Kay Bradley on 12 Mar 15
     
    New Deal Periodic Table
Kay Bradley

Angela Davis Still Believes America Can Change - The New York Times - 0 views

www.nytimes.com/...angela-davis.html

shared by Kay Bradley on 19 Mar 21 - No Cached
  • there’s no love lost between mainstream liberalism and the more so-called radical voices that arose in the ’70s
  • Angela Davis survived that dangerous time with her reputation intact, her spirit unbroken and her critical vision of the American free-enterprise system unchanged
  • she is to a piercing and radical tradition of struggle in the Black community that has never, as the kids say, “been given their flowers.”
  • ...67 more annotations...
  • As a bridge between the past and present eras of protest, Davis can explain both what went right and wrong while also helping to shape the future.
  • she expresses a relaxed optimism about the country’s direction.
  • a professor who has taught history of consciousness, critical theory and feminist studies for five decades,
  • Stuart Hall,
  • Prudence Crandall
  • Anne Braden
  • For many contemporary African-American activists, race has been a blind spot for white feminists and for the feminist movement at large.
  • But the numerous issues of inequality facing working-class and poor Black women
  • had never been very vital to the mainstream feminist agenda
  • So how is it possible to develop the kinds of arguments that will allow people to recognize that one cannot effectively struggle for gender equality without racial equality?
  • She believes narrow definitions of any progressive movement feed a self-centeredness that limits its ability to unify with other groups. In other words, she understood the necessity of intersectionality before the term was even invented.
  • “Intersectionality” is a neologism introduced in 1989 by the Black law professor Kimberlé Crenshaw, who teaches at U.C.L.A.
  • and Columbia University.
  • that Black women are subject to discrimination based not just on race, class or sex but the interaction of all of them
  • this philosophy is easier to demand from a podium than to write into policy, where efforts have been stymied by self-interest and personal prejudices. But as we discuss her past, I detect no cynicism, no despair nor frustration —
  • Davis sees a chance for us to re-examine capitalism, which she views as irredeemably flawed
  • And yet in so much of what they did accomplish — with civil rights, women’s rights, L.G.B.T.Q. rights, the environment and scores of other issues — they have radically shifted America’s expectations and norms.
  • Along with coalition building, Davis has long been passionate about radically changing the criminal justice system
  • a reimagining of policing and incarceration has been essential to her vision for decades.
  • )
  • It allows us to imagine other ways of addressing issues of safety and security. Most of us have assumed in the past that when it comes to public safety, the police are the ones who are in charge. When it comes to issues of harm in the community, prisons are the answer. But what if we imagined different modes of addressing harm, different modes of addressing security and safety?
  • I have thought often of Davis’s ideas on law enforcement, especially around issues involving the mentally il
  • but also their leadership models — and in particular, how they have avoided the pitfalls of their predecessors: primarily, a cultish fixation on a charismatic male leader
  • most left-of-center organizations opposed to the American status quo in the ’60s suffered from some version of the Great Man syndrome, where women were either relegated to support roles or their contributions to the organizations were minimized.
  • Fannie Lou Hamer
  • Huey P. Newton w
  • Mark Rudd
  • [Younger activists] know so much more than we did at their age,” she says. “They don’t take male supremacy for granted.
  • One aspect of this shift in leadership models has to do with a critique of patriarchy and a critique of male supremacy.
  • Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi
  • all of whom have prevented a cult of personality developing around themselves
  • E.D. Nixon,
  • Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.
  • Yet “[the boycott] took place because Black women — domestic workers — had the collective imagination to believe that it was possible to change the world, and they were the ones who refused to ride the bus,”
  • Crucial to her intellectual development was her mother’s participation with the Southern Negro Youth Congress;
  • several of the organization’s leaders were members of the Communist Party.
  • the Communist Party supported the struggle against segregation from the 1930s until the Red Scare in the 1950s forced their participation underground. (It’s widely known, for example, that Bayard Rustin, a gay activist and former Communist, was a leading tactician of the 1963 March on Washington. What is less well remembered is how much the party supported the grass-roots organizing of the S.N.Y.C., along with many activist groups across the nation.)
  • Davis spent two of her high school years attending an integrated school in New York thanks to a Quaker-run program that placed promising Black Southerners in Northern schools
  • she studied under the philosopher Herbert Marcuse,
  • From 1965 to 1967, she studied in Europe, learning several languages, deepening her understanding of German philosophy and participating in rallies for the Socialist German Student Union.
  • t was during these expatriate years that Davis began to see the racism she’d experienced growing up as a byproduct of an economy predicated on cheap, exploited labor, identifying institutional racism as a systemic problem long before the phrase came into vogue.
  • After returning to the United States in 1967, Davis affirmed her commitment to Communism
  • a key reason that she became associated with the Marxist-influenced Black Panthers
  • Because of her training and time spent abroad, Davis offered a more international vision as she attempted to build connections between oppressed groups, choosing not to separate the African-American struggle from that of other marginalized peoples, such as the Hmong, caught in the violence of the Vietnam War, and the battle against apartheid in South Africa. It’s why, in part, her arrest so resonated across the world.
  • In 1991, she stepped away, along with a number of other members, because the party refused to engage in processes of democratization; they formed a new organization, the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism.
  • NO MOVEMENT IS static. Contemporary Black activism has also largely been informed by the concurrent agitation surrounding trans and queer rights,
  • oth forces that have pushed back against the staunchly cis and heteronormative values that have dominated mainstream Black politics.
  • Though briefly married to a man in the early ’80s, Davis came out as a lesbian in 1997 and now openly lives with her partner, the academic Gina Dent.
  • There would have been no way to imagine that trans movements would effectively demonstrate to people that it is possible to effectively challenge what counts as normal in so many different areas of our lives.
  • A part of me is glad that we didn’t win the revolution we were fighting for back then, because there would still be male supremacy. There would still be hetero-patriarchy. There would be all of these things that we had not yet come to consciousness about.”
  • There’s a tendency to define racial progress in America by the upward mobility of various “minority groups” — to count and celebrate how many members have entered the middle class, have graduated from college or have multimillion-dollar deals with streaming services.
  • Davis, however, finds those signifiers meaningless. Racism, she believes, will continue to exist as long as capitalism remains our secular religion.
  • The elephant in the room is always capitalism,”
  • Capitalism has always been racial capitalism.
  • We do need free education. Why is it that people pay fifty, sixty, seventy thousand dollars a year to study in a university? Housing: That’s something sort of just basic. At a time when we need access to these services more than ever before, the wealth of the world has shifted into the hands of a very small number of people.”
  • It may be easy to be cynical about Communism and claim that America won the Cold War, but it’s also impossible to deny that this country’s financial system breeds income inequality, homelessness and divides us into warring camps separated by class, sex and race.
  • Does she think the Democratic Party could be a vehicle for transforming America? “To be frank, no,” she says, but then adds, “I think it’s important to push the Democrats further to the left,” expressing great enthusiasm for the four progressive female congresswomen — Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib — elected in 2018.
  • Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011
  • Black Lives Matter movement.
  • this is a moment many years in the making, based in grass-roots organizing that’s been happening outside the world of party politics and thus underrecognized by the mainstream media.
  • It’s also the kind of organizing that doesn’t always bear fruit quickly.
  • there are no guarantees, to use Stuart Hall’s phrase, that our work will have an immediate effect,” she says. “But we have to do it as if it were possible.”
  • She’s heartened, too, by the diversity of participants in Black Lives Matter marches and the willingness of white protesters to embrace the battle against white supremacy
  • As we looked at the damage that the pandemic was doing, people began to realize the extent to which Black communities, brown communities and Indigenous communities were sustaining the effect of a pandemic in ways that pointed to the existence of structural racism.
  • AMERICANS ARE TERRIBLE at understanding history.
  • We buy all too easily into the jingoism of Hollywood movies and our politicians’ pious platitudes. We possess an unjustified sense of self-regard. The effects of an inflated ego are pernicious; they stifle our ability to clearly see the world outside of ourselves, or our own role in it.
  • Davis, though, has never accepted the myth of American exceptionalism. Rather, she has consistently argued that our triumphant narrative of Manifest Destiny is simply a cover for an exploitive financial system that corrupts our public life and represses our humanity
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