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Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
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      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
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  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
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      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
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      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
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      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
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      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
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      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
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      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
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      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
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      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
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  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
makheda

South African Exploration - 3 views

  • II. Smith, Eider, and Co., London, 1838. This is t
    • makheda
       
      This Article portrays the Theme of the Natural History in Africa. Dr. Smith who was a zoologist explorer explored the Central and Southern Africa to study the natural beauty and animals in Africa.
  • It i
  • s
  • ...93 more annotations...
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey.
  • t is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journe
  • election from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
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  • t. It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
    • makheda
       
      * It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the expedition that ventured into Central Africa some years ago under the care and supervision of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are primarily indebted for the entire planning and execution of the journey.
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey. Th
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  • Dr. Smith,
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  • hat gentleman w
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, n
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Unive
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • reer as a student in the Univer
  • ieve spent some part of his early ca
  • as a private lec.
  • sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • es
  • turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a seri
  • es of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the
  • e by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel
  • novel at the
  • f lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures,
  • o
  • time
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • o the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the
  • .
  • called
  • alled on at an early period to go abroad
  • Many began to trace the
  • Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
    • makheda
       
      This shows the Dr. Smith`s exploration about the natural beauty In Africa was influenced by the lectures he was taught when he was still in University.
  • eautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of
  • he
  • he singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • imbibed
    • makheda
       
      Imbibed * It is to absorb something. * The process of swallowing something or to consume it
  • zeal
    • makheda
       
      Zeal * It is the great energy or enthusiasm in pursuit of a cause or an objective
  • Museum at Cape Town
    • makheda
       
      Cape Town is a city In South Afrca
  • Sparrman
    • makheda
       
      Sparrman published several works, the best known of which is his account of his travels in South Africa and with Cook, published in English as A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Antarctic polar circle, and round the world: But chiefly into the country of the Hottentots and Caffres, from the year 1772 to 1776 (1789). He also published a Catalogue of the Museum Carlsonianum (1786-89), in which he described many of the specimens he had collected in South Africa and the South Pacific, some of which were new to science. He published an Ornithology of Sweden in 1806.
  • Le Vaillant,
    • makheda
       
      He was a French author, explorer, naturalist, zoological collector, travel writer, and noted ornithologist. He reported numerous new bird species based on birds he gathered in Africa, and some birds bear his name. He was among the first to use colour plates to illustrate birds and was opposed to Carl Linnaeus's use of binomial nomenclature, preferring to use descriptive French names such as bateleur (meaning "tumbler or tight-rope walker") for the peculiar African eagle. He explored most of the Southern African`s country by his time.
  • ex.
    • makheda
       
      Excursions are trips that are/were taken by explorers around the world.
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • cursion
    • makheda
       
      Question: Why did the Zoologist explorers explored Southern Africa?
katlegomodiba

An Ascent of Kilimanjaro.pdf - 1 views

  • Read at the Meeting of the Society, 27 November 1922. SINCE Africa's highest mountain was first seen and approached by Rebmann in 1848, and since Sir Harry Johnston's pioneer work on the upper slopes in 1884, eighteen men and at least one lady had reached the icy rim of the great crater on its summit. The first Englishman to climb to the top was Mr. W. C. West, of Capetown, whose ascent was accomplished in June 1914. Dr. Foerster, a German settler at Moshi,
    • katlegomodiba
       
      this is a journal article by C. Gillman about some expedition in Mount Kilimanjaro. The writer describes the mount Kilimanjaro and how it was and the conditions there.
  • NCE Africa's highest mountain was first seen and approached by Rebmann in 1848,
  • on the upper slopes in 1884, e
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • t Englishman to climb to the top was Mr. W. C. West, of Capetown, whose ascent was accomplished in June 1914. D
  • anjaro, and t
  • anjaro, and th
    • katlegomodiba
       
      Mount Kilimanjaro is located in the country Tanzania which in the Eastern part of the continent Africa. Kilimanjaro is one of Africa's tallest mountains at about 5, 895 meters and 19,340 feet. Many explorers, explored this mountain because it is well known in Africa and this mount changed how many explorers viewed Africa, it is well known that most Europeans viewed Africa as a continent that is
  • AN ASCENT OF KILIMANJARO 3 line 5200 metres above the surrounding plains (800 metres) to the summit of Kibo (5930
    • katlegomodiba
       
      Of course, many of the tallest mountains in the world and a number of volcanoes on the central and South American plateaus are higher than Kilimanjaro at sea level, but their bases, whether mountain chains or plateaus, are already at a significant altitude, whereas here the slopes rise uninterruptedly for 5,200 meters above plains below(800 meters) to the summit of Kibo.
  • ly ste
    • katlegomodiba
       
      a summit can be described as the highest point of a hill or a mountain.
  • y ste
  • aphical base to the top. Many peaks of the world's big fold mountains, several volcanoes on the Central and South American plateaus are of course actually higher above sea-level than Kilimanjaro, but their base, be it a chain or a plateau, lies already at a considerable altitude, whilst here t
  • AN ASCENT OF KILIMANJARO 3 line 5200 metres above the surrounding plains (800 metres) to the summit of Kibo (5930
  • bove. From a base about 80 kms. in diameter, the slopes rise very gently at first, and, gradually steepening towards the summit, produce that slightly concave outline so characteristic of Kilimanjaro and of strato-volcanoes generally, and indicating the fact that the earlier lavas have been poured out in a much more liquid state than the younger ones, which were m
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The slopes rise very gently at first, gradually steepening towards the summit to create that slightly concave outline so distinctive of Kilimanjaro and of strato-volcanoes generally, and indicating that older lavas have been poured out in a much more liquid state than the younger ones, which were more viscous. The slopes begin at a base that is about 80 km in diameter.
  • -volcano. The three cones whose centres of eruption lie on an almost straight line running west to east, are Shira in the west, Kibo in the centre, and Mavenzi in the east. Shira, the oldest, 4000 metres high, is to-day only a ruin with the remains of its former crater-wall forming a ragged more or less horizontal spur protruding from the western slope of its
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The three cones are namely Shira, Kibo and Mavenzi. Shira is the oldest and is only 4000 meters high, while Mvenzi is only 5270 meters high and Kibo is the highest with 5930 meters high.
  • Structurally Kilimanjaro consists of three single strato-volcanoes, each of which has had its own
    • katlegomodiba
       
      Here the writer simply tells us that mount Kilimanjaro is made up three separate starti-volcanoes and each have their own history and origin
  • eighbour. The second in age is Mavenzi, 5270 metres high, whose former crater, though much destroyed by erosion, is still well recognizable and opens by two deep barrancos towards the north-east. The centre is taken up by Kibo, 5930 metres, the youngest and highest of the three component volcanoes, and the only one which still shows an intact crater and a perpetu
  • rin
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The Kibo summit is the highest point of climbing Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania located in the mountain's arctic zone.
  • called Sa
    • katlegomodiba
       
      A plateau is a flat, elevated landform that rises sharply above the surrounding area on at least on side. Plateaus occur on every continent and take up a third of the Earth's land.
  • tless small parasitic cones the .middle and lower slopes of the main massif. One of these cones, right down at the foot of the mountain in its south-east corner, has a large crater fllled by the beautiful emerald-green waters of lake Chala.
  • limatic features of Kilimanjaro are determined by three main factors: (1) the mountain's position in the equatorial region of continuous trade winds; (2) the isolation of a huge mass of rock rising from a level plain; and (3) the great height above this plain which brings the upper regions of the mountain well within the zone of the anti-tr
    • katlegomodiba
       
      Anti-trades are prevailing winds from the west toward the east in the middle latitudes between 30 and 60 degrees latitude. They are also called westerlies.
  • ins. The results are ascending winds during the day and descending winds at night, the mountain winds being stronger over the southern than over the n
    • katlegomodiba
       
      This are the results of trades that bring vapour from the Indian Ocean that blows and that's what happens as soon as they approach the mountain.
  • slopes, because the former, being less steep than the latter, are more extended and therefore the air-column influenced by them much larger. It is these mountain winds which, by altering the horizontal direction of the trade as it strikes Kilimanjar
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The daily cycle is controlled by the mountain's winds, which change the trade's horizontal direction as it approaches Kilimanjaro.
  • slopes, because the former, being less steep than the latter, are more extended and therefore the air-column inf
  • alt
    • katlegomodiba
       
      it is difficult to understand this word, so it makes the whole sentence not to be understandable.
  • opes, to arctic
    • katlegomodiba
       
      the weather there is drier, with less snow in the winter and sunny summer days
  • o well dis
    • katlegomodiba
       
      discernible means to be visible or noticeable.
  • KILIMANJARO FROM THE NORTH-EA
  • KILIMANJARO FROM THE NORTH-EAST
    • katlegomodiba
       
      This picture shows how the mount Kilimanjaro looks like when one is viewing it from the north-east side. its a picture by C. Dundas
  • MAVENZI AND THE SADDLE PLATEAU FROM THE CAVE ON KIB
    • katlegomodiba
       
      A picture of how Mavenzi summit and saddle plateau looks like
  • n the surrounding plains and on the lower slopes up to 1100 metres, xerophile grass- and bush-steppe. (2) From 1100 to 1800 metres, a broad belt of agricultural land from which the original vegetation?lower tropical rain-forest?has been largely exterminated by man. The rainfall averages 1 metre. (3) The forest belt between 1800 and 3000, with its two subdivisions of upper tropical rain-forest and temperate mountain rainforest, and an annual rainfall of from 2 to 3 metres. (4) The alpine grass and shrub vegetation from 3000 to 4400 metres, with a rainfall of less than 1 metre; and finally, (5) The alpine desert, where lichens are the only plant form that can subsist, on the whole extremely dry and with all precipitations falling in the shape of snow o
  • the surrounding plains and on the lower slopes up to 1100 metres, xerophile grass- and bush-steppe. (2) From 1100 to 1800 metres, a broad belt of agricultural land from which the original vegetation?lower tropical rain-forest?has been largely exterminated by man. The rainfall averages 1 metre. (3) The forest belt between 1800 and 3000, with its two subdivisions of upper tropical rain-forest and temperate mountain rainforest, and an annual rainfall of from 2 to 3 metres. (4) The alpine grass and shrub vegetation from 3000 to 4400 metres, with a rainfall of less than 1 metre; and finally, (5) The alpine desert, where lichens are the only plant form that can subsist, on the whole extremely dry and with all precipitations falling in the shape of snow or
    • katlegomodiba
       
      This is something interesting about the explorers who were able to identify the five zones of Kilimanjaro and the meters they all have.
  • ent-da
    • katlegomodiba
       
      A glacier is a slowly moving mass or river of ice formed by the accumulation and compaction of snow on Mountains. glaciers were found in summit Kibo all present day.
  • n or meteorological con
    • katlegomodiba
       
      meteorological conditions are determined by the wind velocity and direction, the air temperature and humidity, atmospheric pressure and the stabilityy class.
  • a peculia
  • Kibo, however, shows a peculiarity, unique as far as our knowledge goes, in that its large central crater forms an island-like region of fusion, interrupting the region of feeding, t
    • katlegomodiba
       
      peculiarity is a strange or unusual feature or habit
  • l
  • latter thus being of annular shape and enclosing a dischargeless glacier ar
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The summit Kibo exhibits a characteristic that is unique to our knot in that its massive center crater divides the feeding zone into an island-like region of fusion and an annular region that is surrounded by a discharge-free glacier area.
  • ior Commissioner of Moshi, Messrs. P. Nason and F. J. Miller, and myself. The first day's march of seven hours took us through cultivated Chaga Land in an easterly direction to the little kingdom of Marang'u, which had supplied the porters for most of the former expeditions, and whence a good path leads through the forest belt. This march across the lower slopes of the mountain entailed a good many ups and downs caused by the deeply eroded radial valleys, but it also afforded us a fair insight into the life of a most interesting people. Nowhere in East Africa have I seen anything approaching the high standard of culture that is exhibited by the sturdy inhabitants of the cultivated zone of Kilimanjaro
    • katlegomodiba
       
      the mountain was fascinating
  • little chieftaincies
  • Grouped together in a number of little chieftaincies, the Wachaga are certainly a happy blend of the agricultural Bantu and the Hamitic herdsman. This is very probably due to the initiative of powerful and despotic rulers who, by imposing their will, led the masses to more intensive labour and thus to higher forms of civilization, and have understood how to make the best of the very favourable conditions which the well-watered mountain
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The explorers viewed the Wachagga as unquestionably a successful fusion of the agricultural Bantu and the Hamitic herdsman, grouped together in a number of small chieftaincies. This is very likely a result of the initiative of strong, despotic rulers who, by imposing their will, drove the populace toward more intense labour and, consequently, toward higher forms of civilization, and who also knew how to make the most of the favorable conditions that the well-watered mountain sloped offered. it is interesting that the slopes are watered
  • o abe
    • katlegomodiba
       
      abeyance means a state of temporary disuse or suspension
  • rd but healthy work are well built, sturdy, and tough. To see their women balancing huge bundles of thatch descend along a steep and slippery path, slim and erect, is a fine sight. And as to the men, our porters gave a good exhibition of their staying powe
  • tropical forest, we rested on the lowest patch of grass at about 2000 metres. A further climb of a little more than an hour took us through the temperate rain-forest to the lowest of Dr. Foerster's huts (2730 metres), which we reached soon after noo
  • e advantages of the cool dark shade. It probably requires the trained eye of the botanist to distinguish between the lower and upper tropical rain-forest. As far as I could see they both agree in their main characteristics, i.e. tall trees growing out into the light from a dense undergrowth, and large smooth shiny leaves adapted to a highly increased transpira
    • katlegomodiba
       
      It was difficult for explorers to distinguish the difference between the lower and upper tropical forest because they had similar features
  • The abundance of moisture with which the plants have to deal during most of the year up there in the mean altitude of the daily mists is aggravated by the comparative coolness of the climate. Mere enlarging of the transpiring leaf surface and the tropical devices for letting the water drip off no longer suffice. Other means had to be developed to deal with the altered environment. The leaves again become smaller and are often covered with thin hair, which, while allowing the surplus water to drip off easily, may also be regarded as pro
  • ht and heat there. The uppermost portion of the temperate forest consists almost entirely of tree-heather growing to a height of io to 15 metres. A most curious fact, and one which requires further investigation, is the absence of that bamboo belt which is found everywhere in East Africa above the rain-forest and, according to Uhlig, is particularly well developed on Mount Meru, only some 80 miles distant from
  • I wish to add a few words on the economic function of the forest be
  • he agriculture of the Wachaga, and with it their further progress towards civilization, but also the development of the European plantations in the lower regions of Kilimanjaro, depend in the first instance on that continuous and ample supply of water which the mountain guarantees them. It seems, therefore, of the utmost importance to understand clearly the agencies which influence this life-spending ele
    • katlegomodiba
       
      The mountain supplies the lower regions plantations of the Europeans with water. The question is why can't they just get water from rivers or even from the rainfall?
  • e perennial stre
    • katlegomodiba
       
      perennial streams are streams that have continuous flow of surface water throughout the year in at least parts of its catchment during seasons of normal rainfall
  • usal n
    • katlegomodiba
       
      a central or focal point
  • But the meteorological conditions of the mountain are such that a considerable portion of the vapour-laden atmosphere reaches the
  • regions above the forest before condensation has taken place, and the same is the ease with most of the moisture which the forest plants them? selves exhale again in the course
  • regions above the forest before condensation has taken place, and the same is the ease with most of the moisture which the forest plants them? selves exhale again in the cours
    • katlegomodiba
       
      Did the explorers actually watch everything that happened in the mountains
  • d awa
olwethusilindile

zulu and their langauge.pdf - 1 views

  • THE ZULU AND OTHER DIALECTS,
  • IN the following article, I propose to communicate such facts concerning the languages or dialects of this part of Africa, as I have been able to ascertain, either by my own study and observation, or from the works of others more learned and experienced on the subject than myself
  • I shall, in the first place, endeavor to present some of the more important characteristics and principles of the Zulu dialect, which is the language of the natives in the colony of Natal, and of the Amazulu, to the north-east of this colony; and shall afterwards speak of the dialects of Southern Africa, generally.
    • olwethusilindile
       
      Zulu dialect, Amazulu, and Southern African dialects discussed.
  • ...25 more annotations...
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT.
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT
  • The elementary sounds of the Zulu are twenty-six in number, which we represent by the letters of the English alphabet: a, b, c, d, e,
    • olwethusilindile
       
      !!!!
  • They are divided into vowels, consonants, and clicks. The vowels are five in number, viz: a as in father; e as a in name; i as ee in meet; o as in pole; and u as oo in pool. The consonants are nearly the same as in English, except that g is always hard, as in give, and r is a guttural; g and j sometimes become nasalized by the sound of n put before them, as gi or ngi, je or nje; and by some tribes y is substituted for 1, as sila or siya, to grind; p and b are interchangeable, as ibetya or ipetya.
    • olwethusilindile
       
      Vowels are five, consonants are similar to English, and clicks are interchangeable. Vowels are hard, consonants are nasalized, and clicks are interchangeable.
  • Syllabification.
    • olwethusilindile
       
      It is the division of words into syllables, either in speech or in writing
  • Syllabification
  • Euphony
    • olwethusilindile
       
      pleasing or sweet sound; especially : the acoustic effect produced by words so formed or combined as to please the ear
  • Euphony
  • This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus, according to some variety of color, redundancy or deficiency of members, or some other peculiarity; thus, one noun signifies "a cow," another "a red cow," another "a brown cow," another "a white cow," another "a barren cow," etc. Abstract nouns are generally derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, as: kulu, great; ubukulu, greatness. Proper names are taken from some object or incident in common life, thus: Untaba comes from intaba, a mountain; Ubalekile signifies "she has run away." There are very few nouns expressing the abstractions of mind, or spiritual things. Every noun consists of two parts: the initial, and the radical. The initial, whether a single letter or a syllable, is that part of the noun, which, in a modified form, re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it; from which also its pronoun is derived; and by which the number, class, and condition of the noun are determined. The rest of the noun is called the radical, or root. For example: um is the initial, andfazi the root, of the noun urnfazi, a woman; in the initial, and to the root, of the noun into, a thing. This initial element has sometimes been called a prefix. It is not, however, a prefix, but an essential part of the noun, without which the noun is not a noun, is not complete, and has no signification. The initial of a noun, in impressing its image upon an adjective, and in undergoing various inflections to assist in indicating the number and condition of the noun, bears a strong resemblance to the terminations of a noun in Latin and Greek. The initial elements and euphonic letters of the several classes are as follows:
    • olwethusilindile
       
      summary This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus. Abstract nouns are derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, and proper names are taken from common life. Nouns consist of two parts: the initial and the radical. The initial element is an essential part of the noun, and is re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it.
  • Accentuation.
    • olwethusilindile
       
      the act of emphasizing a particular feature of something or making something more noticeable, or an instance of this
  • Nouns.
  • The euphonic or alliteral concord causes the initial element of the noun, a letter, a syllable, or syllables, to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with the noun; requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands; and detaches the important part of the initial of the governing noun, to assist in forming a bond of connection with and control over the noun, or pronoun, governed in the genitive. This often causes the repetition of the same letter or letters at the beginning of several words, and points out all the various modifications and limitations of the subject or the object in a sentence; alike promoting in a high degree a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation, and imparting distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas. Take, for example, izimvu zami zi ya li zua ilizui lami, literally, (the) sheep of me they do it hear (the) voice of me, i. e. my sheep hear my voice. Here the euphonic letter z in zami, and the pronoun zi, point directly to the initial izim of the noun izimvu; while the pronoun li, and the euphonic letter I in lami, point to the initial
    • olwethusilindile
       
      summary The euphonic or literal concord causes the initial element of the noun to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with it, and requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands. This helps to promote a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation and impart distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas.
  • The negative idea is affixed to verbs chiefly by means of the particles a and nga, thus: (1) a is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or e in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the indicative past; (3) nge is often used for nga in the potential; (4) the auxiliary ya, or za, is always omitted in the negative form of the indicative present. See the paradigm,
    • olwethusilindile
       
      The particles a and nga are primarily used to add the negative idea to verbs, as shown below: (1) an is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, with a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or ein in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the consider the paradigm
  • Prepositions.
    • olwethusilindile
       
      a word governing, and usually preceding, a noun or pronoun and expressing a relation to another word or element in the clause, as in 'the man on the platform', 'she arrived after dinner', 'what did you do it for ?'
  • manme! mamo! Derivation of Wo
  • I have thus endeavored to present some of the leading features of the Zulu dialect, as fully as time would allow; and so to do it, that a comparison between this and any other languages of the Continent, of which a similar account should be given, might be intelligibly instituted. I shall next condense such information as I have been able to obtain either here, or at Cape Town, respecting the dialects of Southern Africa gener
    • olwethusilindile
       
      the Zulu dialect is compared to other languages of the Continent, and the dialects of Southern Africa are discussed.
  • II. CLASSIFICATION OF DIALECTS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA.
  • the Alliterative
  • ul. Its most remarkable and distinguishing feature is its alliteration, or euphonic concord, which is a peculiar assimilation of initial sounds, produced by prefixing the same letter, or letters, to several words in the same proposition, related to, or connected with one another. This principle has been already briefly presented in my remarks upon the Zulu dialect, where it is found in one of its most perfect for
  • e Zulu dialect is spoken by the natives in Natal colony; b
  • o tribes from which the names of the dialects are taken. The Zulu being the farthest removed from foreign tongues, especially the Hottentot, is comparatively free of clicks and words of foreign extraction, in both which the Kafir abounds.
  • north-west of the Amazulu, and extending nearly to Delagoa bay. The language of the Amaswazi has been reckoned as of the Fingo branch, though in many of its features it rather resembles the Zulu dialect. Indeed, all the dialects of the Fingo branch seem to approximate nearer to the Zulu than to the Kafir, in every respect, with the exception of consonantal changes, which are its peculiar feature.
  • oman umfazi masari masari. 3. The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes which dwell on the western coast of Africa, between Benguela and Namaqualand, or from about 17? to 23? of South Latitude, and from the coast to about 19? of East Longitulde. The Damaras are divided into two branches, called the Hill Damaras, and the Cattle Damaras or Damaras of the Plain. The dialect of the Hill Damaras, who live immediately to the north and north-east of Namaqualand, is the same as that of the Namaquas, and is therefore included in the Click Class of African tongues. But the dialect of the Damaras of the Plain, who dwell beyond the Hill Damaras, is evidently cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families. This affinity was first noticed by Rev. Mr. Archbell, for a time a missionary among the Bechuanas, and the author of a Sechuana grammar, who made the Damaras two visits, one by way of Walwich bay, and the other by way of Namaqualand; and his opinion has since been confirmed by
    • olwethusilindile
       
      The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes on the western coast of Africa, divided into two branches: the Hill Damaras and the Cattle Damaras. The Hill Damaras dialect is the same as the Namaquas, while the Damaras of the Plain dialect is cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families.
  • The language of the Koniunkues is soft and musica
  • The foregoing is the amount of the most authentic and recent information which I have been able to obtain, here and in Cape colony, respecting the languages of those numerous aboriginal tribes of Africa which dwell south of Jebel elKumr, or the Mountains of the Moon. I have already drawn out the subject to such an extent that I will say nothing of their probable orig
    • olwethusilindile
       
      The most important idea is that the languages of the various African tribes are authentic and recent.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
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  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  •  
    Non-academic source
nhlangotisn

Blantyre Mission stephen green.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 6 THE NYASALAND JOURNAL BLANTYRE MISSION By Rev. Stephen Green T was appropriate that the Scottish missionaries who came to the Shire Highlands in 1876 should call their settlement Blantyre, the name of David Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire. For Scotland had some three years before been deeply moved by the story of Livingstone's death at Ilala and of the devotion of his African friends who carried his body to the coast that it might be brought home to lie in Westminster Abbey. Livingstone had spoken with enthusiasm
    • nhlangotisn
       
      Livingstone - refers to David Livingstone, a Scottish missionary and explorer who passed through the Shire Highlands in 1859 and spoke highly of the area for missionary settlement. Blantyre - the name of the settlement founded by Scottish missionaries in the Shire Highlands in 1876. The name comes from Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire, Scotland. Church of Scotland - refers to the Presbyterian denomination of Christianity that sent the Scottish missionaries to the Shire Highlands. The Free Church of Scotland had already sent pioneers to Livingstonia Mission in 1875. Henry Henderson - the missionary sent by the Church of Scotland to find a suitable site near Lake Malawi for a new mission, but who eventually settled on the Shire Highlands. Magomero - the site of the Universities' Mission, which had been founded in response to Livingstone's challenge and appeal fifteen years prior. Medical officer - Dr. T. T. Macklin, who accompanied the mission party from Scotland to the Shire Highlands in 1876 and was handed leadership of the mission upon arrival. Artisan missionaries - refers to the five skilled tradesmen who accompanied the mission party from Scotland and were tasked with construction and manual work for the mission. Challenge - the mission to continue the work that Livingstone had begun in the area, as he had spoken highly of the Shire Highlands as a suitable location for missionary settlement
  • Henderson left them encamped by the Shire while he went up to make preparations for their arrival. He found at the place of his choice half-ruined huts, the owners of which had fled to the hills to escape a raid of the Angoni. Some of these he repaired sufficiently to be of service as temporary shelter, and then returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. It was reached by them on the 23rd. October,
    • nhlangotisn
       
      On October 23rd, 1936, Sir Harold Kittermaster unveiled a memorial tablet set in a cairn of stones on the spot where the fig tree had stood. The cairn is made up of sixty stones, each one bearing the name of one of the congregations of the Presbytery of Blantyre, which at that date numbered sixty. Henderson repaired half-ruined huts at the chosen site and returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. They arrived at Blantyre on October 23rd, and encamped under a large fig tree. Dr. Macklin took over the leadership of the mission after Henderson handed it over to him, and he began making friends with neighbouring chiefs and headmen. African helpers were instructed in various kinds of manual work, and a school was opened. Sons of the Makololo chiefs down on the River attended the school as boarders, and they brought slaves with them to wait upon them, which Dr. Clement Scott promptly stopped. Refugee slaves sought asylum at the mission and were received and assured of protection, which led to bitter hostility to the mission on the part of chiefs who had a direct interest in the slave trade. The original pioneer band contained no ordained missionary, and one was not appointed until 1878. Dr. Laws and Dr. Stewart came from Livingstonia for temporary duty as Head of the Mission, and Mr. James Stewart, a civil engineer, was also lent for a time from Livingstonia, and his services were of great value in the laying out of the station and the garden.
  • THE NYASALAND JOURNAL The first minister to be appointed to Blantyre was the Reverend Duff Macdonald, afterwards Minister of South Dalziel, Mother well. In a remarkably short time he acquired a good knowledge of Yao and produced Yao schoolbooks and translations. He also made a special study of local customs and folklore, and his book Africana is still a leading authority.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph describes the establishment of the Blantyre settlement by Scottish missionaries in Nyasaland (now Malawi) and the challenges they faced. The first minister appointed was Reverend Duff Macdonald, who quickly gained knowledge of the local language (Yao) and customs, producing schoolbooks and translations. Mission work also began at Zomba, but was later abandoned for Domasi station. The missionaries faced hostility from some local chiefs due to their anti-slavery policy and their need to exercise civil jurisdiction over Africans. The inexperience of the missionaries led to the adoption of measures inconsistent with Christian aims, and some in Scotland advised withdrawal. However, the Head of the Mission and two others were recalled, and a new minister, David Clement Ruffelle Scott, was sent out. Scott was a versatile man with qualities of leadership who re-organized the Mission's work. He designed Blantyre Church and produced an encyclopedic dictionary of the Mang'anja language, widely known as Scott's Dictionary. Under his leadership, the Mission compensated slave owners who established claims to slaves in sanctuary at the Mission, and formed friendly relations with chiefs.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • sister of Dr. John Bowie, had also contracted it. On his way, through torrential rains and across rivers in flood, he received the news that Mrs. Henderson was dead and Dr. Bowie, who had sucked the tracheotomy tube in a desperate effort to save the child's life, was down with diphtheria. All that Affleck Scott and Dr. Henry Scott, who had come from Domasi, could do was of no avail, and Bowie also died. Very soon after, Henry Henderson on his way home with Mrs. Bowie and Mrs. Clement Scott (another sister of Dr. Bowie) died at Q
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the history of the Scottish Presbyterian mission in Nyasaland (now Malawi) during the late 19th century. The mission aimed to spread Christianity to the local population while also attempting to curb the practice of slavery. The text describes several missionaries who played important roles in this effort, including Robert Cleland, Clement Scott, and William Affleck Scott. The paragraph begins by recounting an event in which Scott and Henderson attempted to persuade the Angoni chiefs to cease raiding the Shire Highlands, which was successful in preventing future attacks. The narrative then shifts to describe the establishment of a sub-station at Chiradzulu and the difficulties encountered by Cleland when attempting to found a new station at Mlanje. The paragraph notes that Cleland passed away from illness before he could fully establish the new station. The text then describes the efforts of William Affleck Scott, who joined the mission in 1889 and devoted himself wholeheartedly to spreading the Gospel. Although he did not achieve his ambition of founding a station in Angoniland, he served at several locations in Nyasaland and also participated in expeditions to Portuguese East Africa. The paragraph ends with a tragic account of Henry Henderson's family members succumbing to diphtheria while on their way back to Blantyre, with Affleck Scott and Henry Scott unable to save them despite their efforts
  • he vernacular. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the natural effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi only ten miles distant. The latter, with its square mile of mission land offering facilities for school boarding, evangelists' training, teachers' refresher courses, etc., was much more suitable as the head? quarters of a large district, but as staffing difficulties increased it was the station that suffered more than any other from lack of staff. Work was developed from Domasi in the district to the north-east between Chikala Hill and Lake Chiuta, and for long the dream was cherished of transferring the station to a central site in that district. An exchange of land could have been
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the development of the Blantyre Church, which was built between 1888 and 1891, with Dr. Affleck Scott describing the various people involved in its construction. Despite criticism of the elaborate building, Dr. Scott defends it as a means of bringing more people to the area and teaching them about the benefits of hard work and beauty. The year 1891 also saw the beginning of the administration of Nyasaland as a British protectorate, which had an impact on the work of the Mission. Means of communication improved, making it easier for various Christian forces in the country to make contact. In 1900, the first of a series of missionary conferences was held, with representatives from various missions in attendance. These conferences have been valuable in discussing issues and demonstrating spiritual unity. In 1904, the Federation of Missions was formed with a Consultative Board, which discussed questions of common interest. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi. The dream of transferring the station to a central site in the district to the northeast was never realized, despite repeated appeals from the people.
  • In this matter the missions were very greatly indebted to the Reverend W. H. Murray of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission, who was set free for a time by his Church for translation work, and who not only did much of it himself, but also co-ordinated the work of the other translators. Later Dr. Murray earned the further gratitude of the Church in the Central and Southern Provinces by revising the whole of the text, introducing the new orthography, and adding marginal references, work in which he was ably assisted by Mrs. Murray. Thus Nyanja-speaking Christians in Nyasaland and far beyond its bounds have an admirable version of the whole of the Scriptures which, thanks to the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society, can be bought for the modest
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph provides a historical account of the Blantyre Mission's work in Portuguese East Africa, particularly in the establishment of mission stations and the growth of the Church of Scotland's congregation. In 1898, an effort was made to extend the work to the east of Lake Chirwa, but the Portuguese authorities objected to the founding of a mission until they had pacified the country. The Mihecani station was finally opened in 1913, while the Panthumbi station was later moved to Bemvu, where it was under the leadership of Harry Matecheta. The policy of centralization was adopted in 1904, and technical and industrial training was concentrated in Blantyre, while other stations were free to develop evangelistic and junior school work. The Henry Henderson Institute was built to accommodate extra pupils. The mission played an essential role in training carpenters, builders, gardeners, and clerks, who found employment in government offices and commercial concerns. The Mlanje Mission was removed to a new site in the early 1930s. In 1924, the Presbyteries of Livingstonia and Blantyre entered into an incorporating union in the Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian), and the first Synod of that Church was constituted at Livingstonia. Blantyre missionaries played a significant role in Bible translation.
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
kwanelealicia

WO 106/6135: South Africa: Orange River Free State and Griqualand West - Document - Nin... - 5 views

  • The Orange Free State
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Orange Free State was a Boer republic in southern Africa. The Boers, of Dutch ancestry, had settled the area earlier in the nineteenth century. The 1854 Bloemfontein Convention recognized the independence of the Orange Free State, which was located between the Orange and the Vaal Rivers.
  • To the action of running water the diamond-bearing drifts of the Vaal River are referable.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The gemstone-bearing floats of the Vaal River in South Africa can be attributed to the flow of water.
  • Occasionally there are undula¬ tions, and in some parts conical hills, the sides of. which are covered with large and rounded stones. Very little wood or bush appears anywhere except along the winding river lines.t Hilly, therefore, as is the whole extent of the eastern frontier, the entire country slopes away to low unbroken levels on the west, thus materially modifying not only the physical features, but productions and climate
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The author states that occasionally there are undulations, and in some part's conical hills, the sides of which are covered with large and rounded stones. Very little wood or bush appears anywhere except along the winding river lines.t Hilly, therefore, as is the whole extent of the eastern frontier, the entire country slopes away to low unbroken levels on the west, thus materially modifying not only the physical features, but productions and climate.
  • ...21 more annotations...
  • Griqualand West
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Griqualand West is an area of N South Africa, north of the Orange river, settled after 1803 by the Griquas; annexed by the British in 1871 following a dispute with the Orange Free State; became part of the Cape Colony in 1880.
  • They are of two dates. The older one, apparently Postpliocene, occurs at a higher level than the other, as outliers along the present valley (its present posi¬ tion) indicate that the Vaal has deepened its course since the old drift was deposited." Dunn's Geological Map of South Africa gives some further information concerning this country.* From this it appears that the western half of the Orange River Free State, a line being drawn north and south a little east of Bloemfontein, is classified as " Upper Karroo Beds. " Triassic. " Mesozooic." The eastern half is designated " Stormberg Beds, Coal-bearing. " Triassic. " Mesozooic.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Two dates are involved. As outliers along the existing valley (its present position) suggest that the Vaal has deepened its course after the old drift was deposited, the older one, likely Postpliocene, appears at a higher level than the other. Additional details about South Africa are provided by Dunn's Geological Map of that nation. This suggests that the western part of the Orange River Free State, which can be divided into north and south by a line drawn a little east of Bloemfontein, is referred to as the "Upper Karroo Beds." Mesozoic. Triassic. The eastern portion is referred to as "Stormberg Beds, Coal-bearing." Mesozoic. Triassic.
  • The Stormbsrg Range, in the Cape Colony, acts in the same way on the southern side of the plateau ; while to the north-west and on the west are the arid and sunburnt wastes of the Kalahari Desert. One result of this environment is the frequency of droughts ; another is the suitability of climate to especial forms of chest disease
    • kwanelealicia
       
      New interesting information
  • rivulets
    • kwanelealicia
       
      A rivulet is a small stream.
  • Transvaal
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The name "Transvaal" refers to the province's geographical location to the north of the Vaal River
  • The aspect of the Orange State is not, however, by any means that of a waste desert, worthless and unproductive. Many of the mountains are of that peculiar formation in which small fountains gush out about half-way down their slopes, and the water gradually spreads to the right and the left in small gentle
    • kwanelealicia
       
      By no means, however, does the Orange State have the image of a waste desert that is useless and unproductive. Many of the mountains have an unusual formation whereby small fountains spring up about halfway downward their slopes, and their water then spreads gradually to the right and left in small, gentle rivulets until, at the base, all of the excess water is combined and improves the whole region around it.
  • The Free State contains an area of about 70,000 square miles. It is about 300 miles from the southernmost bend of the Orange River to the point in the north at wiiich the Klip River runs into the Vaal, and about 250 miles from Jacob's Drift on the west, across which Griqualand Weet is entered, to Bezui- denhout's Pass on the east, which is one of the gateways into Natal.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Author describes The Free State as an area of around 70,000 square kilometers. The distance between the southernmost bend of the Orange River and the northernmost point where the Klip River enters the Vaal is about 300 miles, and the distance between Jacob's Drift on the west, through which Griqualand Wet is entered, and Bezuidenhout's Pass on the east, one of the entryways into Natal, is about 250 miles.
  • is divided into 13 districts, as follows :— t 1. Bloemfontein, —Chief town, Bloemfontein, capital of the State, and seat of Government. 2. Boshof. —Chief town, Boshof, of western frontier. 3. Winhurg. —Chief town, Winburg, 60 miles north-east of Bloemfontein. 4. Kronstadt. —Chief town, Kronstadt, half-way between Winburg and the Transvaal boundary. 5. Smitlifield. —Chief town, Smithfield, about 20 miles north of Aliwal North, Reddesberg (between Smithfield and Bloem¬ fontein. 6. Rouxville. —[Not marked on any map,] Chief town, Wepener, between Caledon River and eastern frontier. 7. Harry smith. —Chief town, Harrysmith, close to the Natal border. 8. Bethlehem.— Chief town, Bethlehem, 80 miles east of Winburg, and between Winburg and the Natal frontier. 9. Fauresmith. —Chief town, Fauresmith, south-west of Bloemfontein, and half-way between it and the Orange River. 10. PhilUpolù. — ("hief town, Phillipolis, north of the Orange River (20 miles) on the ( 'elesberg-Bloemfontein route. 11. Betkulie. —Chief town, Bethulie, on the Orange River, near the junction of the Caledon River.,
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Orange Free State is divided into 13 districts, as follows: 1. Bloemfontein, which serves as the state capital and government seat. 2. Boshof. The western frontier's chief town is called Boshof. 3. Winhurg. The chief town of Winburg is located 60 kilometers to the northeast of Bloemfontein. 4. Kronstadt, which is the principal town and located halfway between Winburg and the Transvaal border. 5. Smitlifield. Chief town in Smithfield, Reddesberg, located between Smithfield and Bloem fontein, about 20 miles north of Aliwal North. Rouxville, 6.Wepener is the main town between the Caledon River and the eastern border. 7. Harry Smith. Harrysmith is a main town near the Natal border. 8. Bethlehem. The main city of Bethlehem is located 80 miles east of Winburg and halfway between Winburg and the Natal border. 9. Fauresmith, which is the town's major location and is southwest of Bloemfontein, 10. phillipolis, 11. Bethulie, 12. Jacobsdal and 13. Lady Brand.
  • The air of the Free State is remarkable for its dryness
    • kwanelealicia
       
      How so?
  • The "Flats" of the Free State are cha: ic features of the,. called " Quatlamba" or " Kathlamba
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Interesting
  • sanatorium
    • kwanelealicia
       
      an establishment for the medical treatment of people who are convalescing or have a chronic illness.
  • Here the vegetation bears an appearance of the richest, rankest kind. From the various points from whence the streams originate the inhabitants commence cultivation, and the district is thick with com and other agricultural produce
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The vegetation appears to be of the richest, vilest variety here. The locals start farming at the numerous spots where the streams emerge, and the area is abundant in com and other agricultural products.
  • Dr. J. A. Ross, late Physician to the Newrý Infirmary, who has published the results of his inquiries, says, "I have a strong feeling in favoni· of South Africa. I know what good has been effected by it
  • The State is an oval in shape, and nearly 1,000 miles in circumference. Its nearest peint to the Indian Ocean is ata distance of 150 miles. The point at which the Orange River leaves the above territory is, in a direct line, about 500 miles from the Atlantic Ocean.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Description of the structure of the Free state.
  • The Free State is almost surrounded by rivers. The Klip, a little tributary of the Vaal, the Vaal§ itself, the Orange,|| and the Caledon, form quite five-sixths of its boundary line
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Rivers almost completely encircle the Free State. A tiny tributary of the Vaal named the Klip, along with the Vaal itself, the Orange, and the Caledon, make up around five-sixths of its border.
  • Europeans who have resided in the Cape Colony speak highly of its climate; yet the colonists themselves consider the Free State much superior, and send their invalids there.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Even if the colonists themselves think the Free State is far preferable and send their invalids there, Europeans who have lived in the Cape Colony praise its climate.
  • The Free State is part of the table-land of southern Africa
    • kwanelealicia
       
      This is new interesting information to me.
  • The proximity of the State to the tropics secures for it a tropical degree of warmth, which, however, is so tempered by winds and by the elevation of the country above the level of the sea, that the effect of the heat is not of a paralyzing nature
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The State enjoys a tropical degree of temperature thanks to its proximity to the tropics; the effect of the heat is not paralyzing, though, thanks to the country's elevation above sea level and the prevailing breezes, which also help to moderate the heat.
  • The seasons date conversely to the corresponding periods in England. For instance, the summer begins in October, and ends in March ; the winter is the dry season, the Slimmer the wet. Owing to the latitude there is comparatively little difierence in the length of the days, the longest day being about 14 hours in duration and the shortest 10.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      New interesting information
  • until at the base the whole of the surplus water is united, and enriches the entire surrounding country
    • kwanelealicia
       
      continuation from the yellow highlight, I could not highlight the entire paragraph because of the blue sticky note.
  • For a considerable distance along both banks of the above- mentioned rivers there are broad belts of sweet grass, which, on the Modder especially, alternate with low bushes,1T mimosas, and a species of bastard ebony.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Broad bands of pleasant greenery, particularly on the Modder, overlap among low shrubs, mimosas, and a kind of bastard ebony for considerable length along both banks of the aforementioned rivers.
  •  
    This article was printed for H.M Stationary office, by Harrison and Sons, ST. Martins Lane in 1878.
  •  
    Page 1-18 only.
sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
andiswamntungwa

slavery_other_forms_of_social_oppression_in_ankole_1890_1940.pdf - 1 views

  • bomas
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      A boma is a livestock enclosure, community enclosure, stockade, corral, small fort or district government office.
  • For Patterson the key to understanding the nature of slavery is the idea of what he calls ‘natal alienation’ and the lack of honour suffered by the slave. 15 In the case of Ankole, the central manifestation of these constituent elements of slavery was the sense of humiliation and degradation experienced by the slaves that continues to embitter the social relations and political struggles of contemporary Nyankole society. Let us now turn to the various forms of servile labour, first in precolonial Nkore and its environs and then in the colonially created ‘Kingdom of Ankole’.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The concept of what Patterson refers to as "natal alienation" and the lack of honor the slave experiences are crucial to understanding the essence of slavery, in Patterson's opinion. In the instance of Ankole, the sense of humiliation and degradation felt by the slaves permeated social interactions and political conflicts in modern Nyankole culture, serving as the primary manifestation of these characteristics of slavery. Now let's discuss the various sorts of servile labor, first in precolonial Nkore and its surroundings and then in the colonially established "Kingdom of Ankole."
  • Abashumba were and are destitute peasants or, more usually, herdsmen, who voluntarily seek employment herding the cows of rich cattle owners. From the perspective of the owners of large herds, there was need for men to do the arduous and ‘dirty’ work of tending to the cattle and the kraal. The daily tasks of watering and grazing the cattle, of sweeping the enclosure and removing cow dung were those most frequently assigned to abashumba. Various domestic tasks such as churning milk into ghee (clarified butter), collecting grass for mats and so on would be assigned to abashumbakazi (female servants). 17 It would appear, however, that Hima households required far more male than female labour, because of the arduous nature of herding and grazing cattle.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Abashumba were and are poor peasants who voluntarily seek jobs herding the cows of wealthy cattle owners. They are more frequently herdsmen. Owners of vast herds saw a need for mento to perform the difficult and "dirty" task of caring for the cattle and the kraal. The daily chores that were most frequently given to Bashumba were cleaning the enclosure, removing cow dung, and drinking and grazing the cattle. Abashumbakazi (female servants) would be given a variety of domestic jobs, such as turning milk into ghee (clarified butter), gathering grass for mats, and so on. Due to the laborious nature of herding and grazing cattle, it seemed that Hima households required significantly more male than female labor.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • One important distinction in the treatment and status of abahuuku was the fact that they could be and generally were ‘branded’ by the excision of all or part of one or both ears. Initially this was done to prevent them from escaping and mixing unnoticed among free Banyankore, who were no different in appearance or language from the slaves from neighbouring areas. But it is also clear that ‘cutting the ear’ was a form of humiliation and an expression of the absolute power of the owner over the person of the omuhuuku. 2
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Being 'tagged' by having all or a portion of one or both ears removed was a significant distinction in how abahuuku were treated and classified. This was first done to stop them from fleeing and blending in with the free Banyankore, who were identical in appearance and language to the slaves from surrounding districts. However, it is also obvious that "cutting the ear" was a humiliation tactic and a demonstration of the owner's total control over the omuhuuku's person.Abahuuku also had to perform the dehumanizing duty of accompanying his master during sexual acts and supporting him by "holding the thigh" of his partner, who was frequently a female slave (omuzaana).
  • As with the children of abashumba born within the household of the patron, the children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, ‘the children of the house’, alongside the children of his wives and daughters-in-law. It is very revealing that unmarried abazaana who gave birth within their patron’s household were not punished
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, not punished.
  • The second issue was whether the killing of pregnant, unmarried Bahima women was done out of shame and the loss of family honour or out of the purely economic consideration of the loss of value in bridewealth that would be suffered by the family and specifically by the ‘favourite’ brother, who would now lose a large proportion of his sister’s bridewealth cattle that he would have used to obtain his own bride
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The second concern was whether the murder of pregnant, unwed Bahima women was motivated by disgrace and a loss of family honor or by purely economic considerations related to the family's loss of something valuable in bridewealth, particularly for the "favorite" brother who would now lose a substantial amount of his sister's bride wealth cattle which he would have utilized to find his own bride.
  • The limited commercial impact of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankole slavery was matched by the marginal effect that both the slave trade and slave raiding had in the region. The principal object of the east coast merchants who came to Nkore and its neighbourhood appears to have been to procure ivory rather than slaves, the demand for which could be more readily satisfied elsewhere
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The minor impact of both the slave trade and slave raiding in the area matched the negligible commercial influence of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankoleslavery. Since the demand for slaves could be more easily met elsewhere, it appears that the main goal of the east coast traders who traveled to Nkore and its surrounding areas was to acquire ivory. Coastal traders gave cloth, cowrie shells, weapons, and powder in exchange for the ivory. However, only the wealthiest mainly and pastoral households were impacted by these items in Ankole cultures, which had a very shallow penetration.
  • The connection between nineteenth-century anti-slavery ideology and the exploration and colonisation of Africa is a commonplace. Uganda was no exception, and opposition to the slave trade was prominent among the justifications for the sending of both missionaries and administrators to Buganda and its environs in the last half of that century. 42 Even the most egotistical and eccentric of Uganda’s early European explorers, men like Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found in the anti-slavery impulse a useful ally
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Africa's discovery and colonization and nineteenth-century anti-slavery philosophy are frequently linked. Uganda was no exception, and during the latter half of that century, opposition to the slave trade was a key pretext for sending missionaries and officials to Uganda and its surroundings. Even Uganda's most pompous and eccentric early European explorers, such Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found a handy ally in the anti-slavery movement.
  • The problem with the emancipation of slaves was compounded by two imperatives of colonial rule. The first was the need to entrench alliances of collaboration with the occupying power by bolstering chiefs who had been appointed or recognised by the colonial state.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Two colonial imperatives exacerbated the issue of the emancipation of slaves. The first was the requirement to strengthen collaboration relationships with the occupying power by supporting chiefs who had been nominated or acknowledged by the colonial administration.
  • The First World War and the recruitment of Banyankole for military service as porters and menial labourers seemed to have brought akashanju to an end. Its demise may also have been hastened by the increasing availability of cash in the economy and the decreasing need for head porterage and road construction workers as a basic network of rudimentary roads and motorised transport was completed. Road maintenance, though, would remain a major source of demand for unpaid labour for many years under the postwar system called ruharo.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The First World War and the enlistment of Banyankole as porters and manual laborers for the armed forces appeared to put an end to akashanjuto. As a rudimentary network of primitive roads and motorized transport was constructed, the economy's increased cash availability and the resulting decline in the demand for headporterage and road construction employees may have expedited its collapse. However, the post-war system known as ruharo would continue to be a significant source of demand for unpaid labor for many years.
kwanelealicia

THE ORANGE FREE STATE GOLDFIELD.pdf - 2 views

  • Author(s): Peter Scott
  • Source: Geography , JANUARY, 1954, Vol. 39, No. 1 (JANUARY, 1954), pp. 13-20
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • ...15 more annotations...
  • .2 Although some of the difficulties encountered in development, such as the provision of power, water, labour and transport facilities, recall the early days on the Rand, the scale of operations has been far gr
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Despite elements of the development-related challenges, like the need for labor, water, power, and road networks, are reminiscent of the Rand's early years, the scope of activities has grown significantly.
  • '"THE discovery of the Orange Free State goldfield ranks with the Kimberley diamond and Witwatersrand gold discoveries as one of the most outstanding events in the economic development of South Africa. The new goldfield will shortly assume a major role in the Union's economy, but partly owing to the great depth at which the gold occurs and partly to the intervention of World War II, its exploration and development have been slo
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The Author, Peter Scott argues that the finding of the Orange Free State goldfield is one of the most significant moments in the commercial growth of South Africa, together with the discovery of the Kimberley diamond and the Witwatersrand gold. He continues to state that the newly discovered goldfield will soon play a significant role in the Union's economy, but its exploration and exploitation have been delayed and expensive in part because of how deep the gold occurs and in part because of World War II's interference.
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • Resources Development Council. The Free State goldfield thus provides a striking example, in contrast to all other goldfields and most other mining areas, of regional planning on a large scale.
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Thus, juxtaposed to all other goldfields and the majority of other mining regions, the Free State goldfield offers a stunning illustration of extensive planning for the region.
  • somewhat intermittently
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Intermittently means that in a way that does not happen regularly or continuously, in a way that stops and starts repeatedly or with periods in between.
  • Fig. 1. - Location of the Orange
  • Adverse mining conditions include intense faulting, high rock temperatures, and the presence of underground water. Although the area west of Virginia appears to be comparatively undisturbed,4 on the western flank both block faulting and minor faulting, with vertical displacements ranging from a few feet up to 1,800 feet, are far more prevalent than on the Rand
    • kwanelealicia
       
      This is new interesting information.
  • Supply Whereas mine water provides about half the water requirements of the Rand gold mines, in the Free State mine water is generally too saline, except perhaps near the Sand River, for use in reduction plants. Moreover, partly owing to the lower rainfall and higher evaporation rate, the yields are generally too small to repay purification. Consequently, the Free State mines have to be supplied with substantially more water per ton of ore milled than
    • kwanelealicia
       
      It is stated that while mine water meets almost half of the water needs of the Rand gold mines, mine water in the Free State is typically too salty to be used in reduction plants, with the possible exception of the area surrounding the Sand River. Moreover, the yields are typically too low to justify purification, in part due to the reduced rainfall and higher evaporation rate. As a result, the Free State mines need to supply much more water per ton of processed more than the Rand mines do.
  • To supply the electric power requirements of the Free State goldfield, as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines, a power station, designed for an initial output of 210,000 kilowatts and an ultimate output of 300,000 kilowatts, is being built at Vierfontein, about 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus. Although its location was determined primarily by the local occurrence of substantial coal deposits, an important contributory factor has been the proximity of the Vaal River, from which water for cooling purposes will be pumped at the rate of about 3,000 gallons a minute ; in addition, the existence of the railway has facil
    • kwanelealicia
       
      A power station, with an initial output of 210,000 Kilowatts and a maximum output of 300,000 kilowatts, will be constructed at Vierfontein, some 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus, to meet the electric power needs of the Free State goldfield as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines. The Vaal River is close by, and water for cooling reasons will be pumped from it at a rate of about 3,000 gallons per minute. Additionally, the railway's presence made it easier to assemble heavy equipment.
  • will be brought to the surface by endless rope ha
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The rope haulage system is the medium of transportation from the bottom of the mines to the top of the mines or the top of the mines to the bottom of the mines. In this transportation system, Rope, tubs, pulley, motors, tracks, and safety devices are used.
  • Since most of the goldfield is remote from the main roads and railways of the Free State, it has been necessary to augment preexisting lines of communication. The goldfield obtains the bulk of its iron and steel requirements from Pretoria and to a growing extent from Vereeniging and much of its machinery and equipment from engineering plants at Vereeniging and on
    • kwanelealicia
       
      It has been required to expand already-existing connection channels because the majority of the goldfield is isolated from the main highways and trains of the Free State. Pretoria supplies the majority of the goldfield's iron and steel needs, with Vereeniging providing a rising amount as well. Engineering plants in Vereeniging and on the Rand supply the majority of the goldfield's machinery and equipment.
  • The development of gold mining has profoundly changed the settlement pattern. From an essentially dispersed agricultural type, with market towns each housing fewer than 500 Europeans, settlement has become predomina
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The growth of the gold mining industry has significantly altered the settlement pattern. Settlement has evolved from a largely dispersed agricultural type with market towns holding no more than 500 Europeans.
  • . Already one of the largest towns in the Free State, Welkom will soon rank second only to Bloemfontein. Allanridge, another new township, was started in 1950, and plans for further townships at Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the banks of the Sand River, have been completed. Within the next few years, as the developing mines begin producing, the rate of population increase will be accelerat
    • kwanelealicia
       
      Welkom is already among the largest towns in the Free State and will shortly surpass Bloemfontein in size. Another brand-new township, Allanridge, began construction in 1950, and plans for two more townships, Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the Sand River's banks, have been finalized. The rate of population growth will quicken over the coming years as the newly developed mines start to produce.
  • f detached or semi-detached houses built by the mining companies. Eventually there will be seven villages, each of which, like the hostels, will house about 2,500 people. These resident families will provide the nucleus of a stable labour force, and it is hoped that the Free State will thus be less dependent than the Rand on a fluctuating supply of migrant la
    • kwanelealicia
       
      There will eventually be seven communities, each of which will have roughly 2,500 residents like the hostels. The foundation of a steady labor force will be provided by these local families, and it is believed that the Free State will be less reliant than the Rand on a shifting availability of migrant labor as a result.
  • Population expansion due to the development of mining has not been confined to the goldfield. Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, and Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south, have both undergone striking growth. Although the goldfield at present derives much of its supplies as well as its technical and economic control from the Rand, Bloemfontein, the Free State capital, is steadily gaining importance as an administrative, cultural and su
    • kwanelealicia
       
      The growth of mining has contributed to population growth outside of the goldfield. Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south and Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, have both experienced remarkable expansion. Although the Rand now provides the goldfield with the majority of both its commodities as well as its technical and economic management, Bloemfontein, the capital of the Free State, is slowly gaining importance as an administrative, cultural, and supply center.
amahlemotumi

Full article: 'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural ... - 7 views

  • Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      War between the Zulus and British because the Zulus did not want to submit to British law.
  • he iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Singcofela who was part of the war between british and zulu explains that when killing with a gun a person does not get the insanity that one who kills with an assegai has an aftermath effect of war
  • ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving
  • ...55 more annotations...
  • A single technology such as that of firearms may be taken up and employed by different societies in a great variety of ways and with fluctuating levels of success.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      societies used guns differently, some used them to gain more success in both political and economic ways.
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona,Spear that is red even on the handle [...]The young viper grows as it sits,Always in a great rage
    • amahlemotumi
       
      praise song
  • otho thoroughly embraced firearms, considerably modified their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of firearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Sothos changed the battle techniques upon having access to guns but the Zulu stuck to their old ways of fighting in battle but introduced a new weapon , the gun.
  • he battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fired at him with his revolver and missed:
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports. Although indigenous peoples like the Xhosa, Sotho, Pedi and Zulu gradually adopted firearms during the course of the nineteenth century, they did so with varying degrees of eagerness.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      gun ownership spread in a slower pace in South Africa due to the lack of ports for ships to arrive in.
  • makhanda (military homesteads)
  • individuals in each of these companies (amaviyo)
  • ew ibutho (age-grade regiment)
  • amakhanda,
    • amahlemotumi
       
      STATES WITH FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS
  • adets
    • amahlemotumi
       
      OFFICER TRAINEE
  • to giya, or to perform a war dance,
  • In battle, the Zulu tactical intention was to outflank and enclose the enemy in a flexible manoeuvre, evidently developed from the hunt, which could be readily adapted to a pitched battle in the open field or to a surprise attack
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Zulu on battelfield resembled them hunting down prey. The same tactics to corner enemy
  • abaqawe [heroes or warriors of distinction]
  • he king ordered them to wear a distinctive necklace, made from small blocks of willow wood (known as an iziqu),
  • ormed Stuart that coward’s meat ‘would be roasted and roasted and then soaked in cold water. It was then taken out of the water and given to the cowards, while the king urged them on to fight. Upon this they would begin to steel themselves, saying, “When will there be war, so that I can leave off this meat?”’ If the coward was then reported to have acquitted himself fiercely in battle, the king ‘would then praise him and say, “Do not again give him the meat of the cowards; let him eat the meat of the heroes.”
    • amahlemotumi
       
      any warrior who became cowardice was punished and made to eat of the deceased cowards who flunked in war, only if they excelled in war were they granted the opportunity to outgrow the roasted coward meat
  • he traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets
  • This stick which they carry, what is it for?
    • amahlemotumi
       
      EARLY ZULU PEOPLE WERE NOT FAMILIAR WITH GUNS
  • deed, it was reportedly Shaka’s far-fetched intention ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
  • 1826, he used the limited but alarming firepower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their firepower in subduing the Khumalo peopl
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SHAKA STARTED USING THE GUNS AS A WEAPON TO DEFEATED HIS ENEMIES
  • uring the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner.
  • He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket
    • amahlemotumi
       
      MISSIONARIES TRIED SPREADING THE WORD OF GOD BUT FAILED BECAUSE THE ZULU WERE ONLY INTERESTED IN GUNS
  • mercenaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SOLDIERS PAID BY FOREIGN COUNTRY TO FIGHT IN ITS ARMY
  • emigrant farmers (or Voortrekkers)
  • ingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successfu
  • The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fire, in neither battle could they could get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fighting to which they were accustomed
    • amahlemotumi
       
      THEY COULD ONLY ATTACK ENEMIES AT CLOSE RANGE BECASUE THEY HAD SPEARS AND STICKS
  • eadrick argued that colonial warfare only became truly asymmetric with the introduction between the late 1860s and 1880s of breech-loading rifles, quick-loading artillery and machine guns
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confirmed the chilling efficacy of firearms and the need to possess the new weapons
    • amahlemotumi
       
      BECAUSE OF THE MANY DEFEATS THE ZULU THOUGHT ABOUT POSSESING A NEW WEAPON, GUNS.
  • (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gu
  • weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, firearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa,
  • ince they were not in a position to obtain many through trade, young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought firearms from gun- traders with their earnings.
  • etshwayo had to import firearms thorough traders.
  • he enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the firearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun trafficki
  • ancillaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      supporting weapon
  • 20,000 guns entered Zululand during Cetshwayo’s reign
  • he Zulu army, or impi,
  • What this evidence makes clear is that firearms were not necessarily widely dispersed into the hands of ordinary warriors, and that many had little (if any) practical training in their use.
  • h the unskilled way in which they were maintained, with the often poor quality of their gunpowder and shot, and with shortages of percussion caps and cartridges.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus could not maitain the guns and had poor ammunition and skill of suing the gun
  • Put simply, most Zulu did not shoot well because they had scant practice in it
    • amahlemotumi
       
      had little practice in shooting
  • he Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of firearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus named the guns according to the shapes and sizes
  • Xhosa were skilled in their use of firearms, and made for formidable foes.
  • the Zulu elite came to regard them as significant indicators of power and prestige, and recognized their efficacy in hunting and fighting
  • est firearms went to men of high status and, according to Bikwayo, double-barrelled ones seemed to have been the most prestigious
  • nceku, or personal attendan
  • aluable, dangerous, and exotic as they were, firearms inevitably conferred the mystique of power upon the possessor
  • sigodlo (or private household
  • ade all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ritual done to enhance the aim on European and kill him
  • the nineteenth century, firearms became increasingly essential for hunting, one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers
  • ory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits filled with stake
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were used to kill elephants and it was easier to obtain ivory
  • weapons themselves still had to be incorporated into the ceremonies of ritual purification and strengthening that preceded battle.
  • inyanga, or war doctor,
  • rince Cetshwayo ‘succeeded in killing someone there, by shooting him when he was in caves among the rocks [...] on the hillsid
  • Mystical forces, in other words, would compensate for lack of practical skill in hitting a target, just as they would protect a man from wounds and death.
  • tshelele ka Godide told Stuart of a hunter who accidentally shot himself in the stomach and died when the butt of his cocked gun touched the ground. Cetshwayo ordered his izangoma (diviners) to hold a ‘smelling out’ (umhlahlo) and they pronounced that the victims’ brother ‘had worked evil (lumba) on the gun’.
  • e Zulu adoption of firearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were easily familiar with firearms, and knew how to use them.
  • e bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fighting began. Why, we might ask, did they not make more effective use of them in 1879,
  •  
    John Laband's article explores the cultural complexities of the transfer of firearms technology to the Zulu Kingdom in the 19th century. While initially resistant to firearms due to their reliance on traditional close combat tactics, the Zulu eventually embraced the technology and incorporated it into their military strategies. However, Laband argues that the adoption of firearms was not a straightforward adoption of Western technology, but rather a complex process of cultural adaptation and appropriation. Despite relying on firearms, the Zulu continued to value traditional warrior virtues, resulting in a hybridization of Zulu and Western military traditions. This unique blend of traditions played a significant role in the Zulu's success in battle against colonial powers. The article highlights the nuanced and complex nature of cultural exchange and technological transfer, and how these processes are shaped by cultural values and traditions.
lidya-2

South Africa and Its Military Aspect.pdf - 7 views

  • For. a couple of years past South Africa has been engrossing much of the attention of tho British Government and of the country. With the csccption of what might in one sense be called an unofficia1 war with Rrcli, in 1857-58, the country had enjoyed a peace of twenty-four years, when au affrq, at s natiw beerdrinking party, bo;Fond our boundary, lighted tho torch of war, in which wc spccdiIy became involved, and the flame is still nIi& though the scat of m-;\;p lias been shifted.
  • For. a couple of years past South Africa has been engrossing much of the attention of tho British Government and of the country. With the csccption of what might in one sense be called an unofficia1 war with Rrcli, in 1857-58, the country had enjoyed a peace of twenty-four years, when au affrq, at s natiw beerdrinking party, bo;Fond our boundary, lighted tho torch of war, in which wc spccdiIy became involved, and the flame is still nIi& though the scat of m-;\;p lias been shifted.
  • I need not speak of the resources of South Africa-its vast ngri- cnltuml, mineral, and other wealth-that has been done repeatedly by abler hands. Papers have been written and lectures delivered all owr the United Kingdom upon the vast treasure we hnro there; but, to give an idea of the cstent of ow South African possessions, I mill dmm n comparison wliich will the htter familiasize it
    • lidya-2
       
      it details how the British were exchanging resources like minerals, agriculture and animal skins in exchange for resources from British regarding military strengthening materials for the Zulu.
  • ...18 more annotations...
  • But thc morc rcstlcss mcmbcrs of this Dutch community, as cdy a 183G, crossccl thc Pax1 River, and wcrc creeping along tho moun- tins towards thc Limpopo, dcstroying, cnslrwiug, ov pushing bcforc thm tlic ill-armcd tribes, who, entirely without firearms, wcrc 110 mtch for thcm in an open, easy country. Among thosc tlint rctircd wcc thc Natabili, a Iargc branch of tho Zulu nation, undcr MOSC- fehtsc.
  • suffice it to say that, their system mas, firs; a reconnaissance of a given district, and n Trcaty with the tribc to wlic? it belonged ; then a raid upon it when the peoplo were quita off tieir guard, and scattered among their gardcns ; thc shooting of the m-ithout mcrcy, and tho carrjing off the women and children for sdo in thc toms, where they fetched from 151. to 20t. per hcad
  • In 18'1 it was estimated that about 4,000 women and children were in slarzy in the Transvaal, and, commencing with the Griquas on thc wcs'of the Frec State, northward to theLimpopo, and eren bcyond it, thmcc eaatward to tho coast, and then southward to and including tho Zulus with whom we are now at war, all the tribes
  • Tho only question is, why was it not donc bcforc ? 7Vc now fakc over tcrritory saturatcd with blood, dripping from tho hands of nicn &om wo in tho first instance Ict loosc. Lct us bo carcful to pay attention to establishing n just and merciful policy towards tho native tribes, which shall bo worthy of .Z Christian nation, and en- dearour, so far as me arc nblc, to makc amends for all tho blood which hm hccn shed.
    • lidya-2
       
      As the British start taking over more land, by force lots of people loss lives and they possessions. The British began to exert their military might in the late 19th century, using advanced weaponry and tactics to gain control of various regions. In doing so, they established themselves as the dominant colonial power on the continent. The British introduced new military technologies, such as the Maxim gun and the breech-loading rifle, which made them virtually invincible when fighting against local militias. This gave rise to a new era in African warfare, marked by increased bloodshed and destruction.
  • dia and Colonies, Febrnarr 22nd, 1879.) Thus much for thc Frco State, Transvaal, and Basutoland. I now tarn to the history of our dcdings with tho Kafiirs and Fingoes of the cape frontier, and the Zulus of Natal. Not long aftcr our taking possession of thc Cape, we, oxpanding ea8txard6, met the Amamss Kaffirs mo+ng wcstwards, driving the
  • Hottcntots.bcforc them. By a Treaty with the Kaffirs of 1817 the Great River lyns mado tho boundary betwccn US. Graham’s Tom an(2 Jlowcr Albany werc p~opled by 8 batch of settlers in 1820.
  • From tliis tinic to 1850 tlic liistory of our dexlings with thc Kaffrs cxllibits the policy of onc Governor modified. or rcrcrsed by tho poliq- of liis succcssor, or by ordcrs from licmc ; Trcatics mndc and arbitnril1 rc..crisccl, not to say brolicn, whcn wc found thcy did not snit US: tho KntIirs brought under British rule by one Gorernor, and dccIarcc2 indcpcndcnt again by tho iicst ; lmundnrics shifted back- wards axid forivards as if we wcrc at play. !ho important wars, by the first of mliicli any opportunity for good which -iic had secured ~7.w thromn away within a year by w ciimgo of Gorcrnor and n ro-rcrml of policy; and in thc second, also, just when a satisfactoq conclusion promiscd, the Go-m.nor was recalled, operations stopped, and peacc given to tlic &ffirs who Iiad not asked for it
  • hose Chiefs who wero let into the secret went through all tho pantomime of receiving tho ucws with displmsuro and discredit, gradually coming round to believe in it: then they hilled a head or tvio of their own cattlc, and sent tho rest away to distant parts of tho conntg :
  • n they began to urge tlie pcoplc to kill their cattle, and to persecute by witch doctors and other means those who did not, sometimes resorting to murder.
  • Thc nigh Commissioner was naturally cmbnrrasscd between the two accounts. Ho vishcd, nbom a11 things, to woid a Far, and hcrc were two doctors prescribing differcut modes of treatment. HO gar0 his confidence to tho police, and requcstcd thc Commander of the Forces, n-ho was at Capo TOWD, to mom troops to thcir support. h’ox, thc country bctwecn the Kei and thc Bashee 11ad never been proclairncd British tcrritory, and the Kci was our boundary. The Commander of the Forces, therefore, wplicd that hc mas quite ~1%- pard to defcnd tho Colony, but x-ithont preparation and very definite aims and instructioiq Iic could not mow troops across our boundary to precipitate o wnr, but that ho would himself at once tako up tho rclicfs for !Satall, and if thc situation mcro really serious he conld IancI
  • Had me sct our faces against idle refugees, we should have taught tho Znlns to carry their own burden instend of taking it up for thcm, and Cetewayo might possibly hnvc bccn dispwed of by 2L2
  • n the meantime the Zdu nation, l rho liarc in reality bcen feeling for some time the tyranny of their Sorereign, pnrticnlarly on the subjcct of his mni-ringc ~R~TS, might liavc hcttlcd the. question by disposing- of him themselves. They would then hare leaned towards the British Government for counsel and support.
  • I cannot help thinking tht it \could bo a mistake
  • to makc a military body of this forcc. AS policc it lias douc cxdlcnt nlilitq scr\yicc, and thc mc11 are cngagccl to SC1.rc “ cithcr within op 6‘ bepnd t11c b0rdci-s of the Colony.” With Kaflirs, as ~ell as wliitcs, it Iuakes all tlic difference. IVhcn d luoccmcnt of police is made, it onlr bc a theft, dispute, or small disturbance, but when troops come, it is war. Tile Ofiiccrs, inorcorer, if it be made n military bodp, \\.ill be linblc to grow aborc tlic work mliicli they ha~e hitherto doilc ,yell, and thc w.vltolc corps to bcco~llc far less efficient than it used to bc.
  • Natal and the Transvaal will) I coneludc, remaiiri Crown Colonies for a considerable time, as thcrc is rcnlly not sufiicicnt English population from which a reliable Gorcrnnient could be formcd. Their iiiternal nnd external natirc policy sliould, howcwi; comc under the Gomrnor of the Cape in Couiieil, of which body the Commander of the Forces and thc Lieutcnaat-Governors of Katal, Trausranl, and Griqualand should bc crtra meinbeis. This arrangement seems desirable : 1st. To prcl-ent a rcpctition in these Colonies of that frequent cha~~gc of policy towards the iiativcs, which has done so much miscliicif in thc old Colony; and, ‘Znd, to cnsure a uniform policj- in tlic nativo question throughout tlic South African Colonics so fnr as thcir relative circum- stauces will ndniit.
    • lidya-2
       
      The war was fought between the British colonial forces and the Zulu Kingdom, which had managed to build a powerful army that had been successful in battles against neighboring tribes.
  • ad ry. In three-fourths of Natal and Znlnland, and in the idillole of thc T~;tnsrd, mounted iufmtrj arc indispcnsnblc, IIIC~CC~, I caniiot con- cciro anything more tedious or lielplcss in tlic vast cipnnsc of tlic Transvd tcrritory, nntrarerscd RS yet JJJ- a railnvay, than n force ,,mposccl solely of infantry. In the early days of Natal, the import- Illlcc of R mounted force was so recognized, that the light company of the 45th Rcgimcnt mas mounted, and II wry smart and efficicut body JJy first keeping their distance, .?. fcW mountctl infentry can engage any niasscs of footmen, and play with them. It is tiins that dragoons llgd to be taught to lisrass a mob, and thus n handful of Dotcl U0c1-s Tlrc Zulns bad no guns, of conrsc; but, in the present war, the Zulus, with a few jnfcrior arms, arc rclativcly not in D much better Iiosition to our breech-loaders than mlien without firearms they cngngcd tho Boers, who xerc armcd with smooth-boro muzzlc-loadcrs. UuC tlio Doers were mounted, mid could kccp their distpnce
    • lidya-2
       
      Advancements in technology have undoubtedly played a significant role in the evolution of African warfare. Before the introduction of European weaponry, indigenous Africans relied on handmade weapons made from iron, wood, and animal hides. However, the arrival of Europeans in Africa brought with them the introduction of firearms, which revolutionized the way wars were fought. The development of machine guns and artillery allowed for larger armies to be deployed and resulted in more devastating attacks on enemy forces. In the late 19th century, colonial powers would often supply their African allies with modern weaponry, giving them a significant advantage over their enemies.
  • 3hny bclicvcd because they thought that their Chiefs belicwd ; others complied through fear; others carno to me and asked if tho Gorernmcnt would protect thcm if they followed my advice
    • lidya-2
       
      fear amongst the blacks.
  • Zululand mill, 1 apprehend, bc kept for tlie Zulus, but it should b~ governed by its own Chiefs rlndei- ow direction, to such an extent, and in sucli a manncr, as may be de- termined bj Treaty.
andiswamntungwa

Freedom, Economic Autonomy, and Ecological Change in the Cotton South, 1865-1880.pdf - 1 views

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The region emerged from the conflict defeated, physically scarred, and economically handicapped. Its 4 million slaves were free but faced significant obstacles to acquiring capital, land, or agricultural resources. A series of constraints—such as a lack of capital, the war ’s alterations to credit and debt structures, reduced access to livestock and farm machinery, changing labor arrangements in the wake of emancipation, and a series of droughts—complicated farmers’ efforts to resurrect crop production
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The area was disadvantaged as a result of the fight. Although its 4 million slaves were free, they had a difficult time getting money, land, or agricultural resources. Farmer's attempts to revive crop output were impeded by a number of obstacles, including lack of cash, the war's changes to loans and credit systems, decreased access to cattle and farm equipment, shifting labor relations after emancipation, and a string of droughts
  • pplying an environmental lens to the crucial decades between 1860 and 1880 reveals that war and emancipation changed how farmers thought about, manipulated, and organized their land in ways that fundamentally altered the southern economic landscape. Gradual revolutions in land use practices initiated a series of ecological shifts such as increased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases tha t went hand in hand with the economic dislocation of sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites and poor blacks
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      By viewing the important decades between 1860 and 1880 through the lens of the environment, it is clear that the civil war and liberation substantially affected the way farmers in the South viewed, managed, and structured their land. Sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites, and impoverished blacks were all affected economically by gradual changes in land use patterns, which led to ecological changes like decreased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases.
  • T hrough an analysis of agricultural contracts as well as multidisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy, and ecology, this article shows how alter ations to southern labor arrangements tightened natural limits on cotton production
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The study demonstrates how changes to labor agreements in the South reinforced the natural restriction on cotton cultivation through a review of farming contracts and interdisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy and ecology
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Farmers’ continual investment in land maintenance work was more than a way to keep slaves such as Big George occupied while waiting on snows to thaw or cotton to grow. To render the land productive and profitable, these tasks were essential. Ditching, for instance, slowed the loss of topsoil in c ultivated fields. Southern soils are highly erosive: heavily laced with clay, with lower percentages of organic material and base elements, southern “dirt” washes away easily and leaves few nutrients behind. Especially in areas with hillier topogr aphy, such as central Georgia, even gentle rains slowly eroded valuable topsoil once farmers removed vegetation from the land in preparation for planting
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      More than just a means of keeping slaves like Big George busy while they waited for the snow to thaw or the cotton to grow, farmers continually invested in land maintenance work. These actions were crucial to making the land usable and profitable. For example, ditching reduced the rate at which topsoil was lost from cultivated areas. Southern "dirt" washes away readily and leaves little nutrients behind since it is largely clayed, has smaller percentages of organic material, and base elements. After farmers cleared the ground of vegetation in order to prepare it for sowing, even light rainfall steadily eroded valuable topsoil, especially in regions with hillier topography, like central Georgia.
  • During the antebellum period, the foundation of southerners’ extensive land use regime was shifting cultivation. Called “clearing new ground” in plantation records and agricultural journals, this technique meant that farmers typically cultivated a third of the land they owned or rented. 14 They kept the remainder of the land in reserve to be cleared and burned periodically; in this way, farmers created new fields once the old ones were exhausted
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Shifting cultivation served as the cornerstone of Southerners' broad land use regime during the antebellum era. In plantation records and agricultural journals, this method-known as "clearing new ground"-meant that farmers routinely maintained a third of the land they owned or rented. Farmers built new fields as the old ones became tired by holding back the remaining land to be regularly cleaned and torched.
  • Walston’s hired laborers’ refusal to perform tasks such as fence repair without additional wages was not an isolated labor dispute. After emancipation, contradictory ideas of “free labor” between landowners and exsla ves made land maintenance and the day-to-day autonomy of workers the subject of frequent clashes. Just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies around the globe, “the process of defining, categorizing, and selecting forms of tenure was the result of contention be tween planters, who hoped to reinstate large-scale and centralized gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who valued economic autonomy
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The unwillingness of Walston's hired laborers to complete chores like fixing fences without additional pay was not a separate labor conflict. Following emancipation, conflicting views of "free labor" held by landowners and former slaves led to disputes about worker autonomy and upkeep of the workplace. The process of determining, arranging, and choosing forms of tenure "was the result of assertion between farmers, who anticipated to reinstate large-scale and concentrated gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who appreciated economic autonomy," just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies within the world.
  • The growing popularity of certain forms of agricultural tenure, such as the half-share or cash tenancy, helped standardize e xpectations for the terms of labor over time. By the 1870s, contracts less frequently assumed slack-time tasks were part of crop cultivation. Land maintenance work such as clearing new ground, ditching, and fence repair became jobs for which landlords had to pay additional wages or apply a credit to a laborers’ account. Contracts that stated laborers would “do all necessary repairs about the place” became significantly less frequent, unless it was included as rent for a piece of land. 37 The timeline of these changes varied from place to place, but a survey of almost forty plantations in seven states reveals a general pattern
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Over time, demands for the conditions of labor contributed to standardization as some agri-cultural tenure arrangements, including the half-share or cash tenancy, gained favor. By the 1870s, slack-time duties were less frequently included in contracts as part of agricultural cultivation. Landlords had to pay extra salaries or credit laborers' accounts for land upkeep tasks like dredging ditches, repairing fences, and clearing fresh ground. Except when it was included as part of the rent for a piece of land, contracts that stipulated laborers would "do all necessary repairs about the place" became substantially less common. While the timing of these modifications varied depending on the location, a survey of nearly 40 plantations across seven states showed a consistent trend.
  • Land use changes after emancipation reflected the new reality of the postwar southern economy as well as freed slaves’ abilities to control their own labor. However, these changes had severe and unintended ecological consequences. Eschewing onerous tasks that did little to increase their share of the crop or benefit their assigned plot was doubtless an important step in achieving some autonomy in black laborers’ work. Nevertheless, disputes over arranging and paying for land maintenance encouraged landlords to let their fences rot just a little longer or allow ditches to fill up, contributing to ongoing problems of soil erosion and crop damage by livestock
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Following liberation, changes in land use represented both the ability of freed slaves to manage their own labor and the new realities of the postoperative southern economy. But these modifications had negative and unforeseen ecological effects. Getting some autonomy in black laborers' employment required them to avoid burdensome chores that did little to raise their part of the harvest or benefit their designated plot, which was undoubtedly a crucial step. However, disagreements over who would arrange and pay for land upkeep led owners to let their perimeters deteriorate for a little while longer or let their ditches to fill up, adding to the ongoing issues of soil erosion and livestock damaging crops.
  • Planters’ records, agricultural publications, and other sources dis cussed the growing crisis of soil quality on cotton lands with regularity, but reduced land maintenance had other effec ts unrelated to erosion. For instance, the struggle over fence repair added momentum to a region-wide push for eliminating the open range
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Regular discussions of the worsening soil quality crisis on cotton plantations were found in planters' records, agricultural periodicals, and other sources, but neglected land maintenance had other repercussions unrelated to erosion. For instance, the conflict over fence upkeep fueled a regional campaign to end the open range.
  • Ultimately, the social, political, and economic upheavals of emanci pation, as manifested in the introduction and evolution of agricultural contr acts, had ecological consequences. Whereas the ecological regime of slavery reinforced the extensive land use practices of the antebellum period, the end of slavery significantly weakened them. One way it did this was by reducing the amount of time dedicated to land maintenance (or the upkeep and clearance of the land), especially in the cotton-growing regions of the lower South. Ex-slaves expected freedom to completely transform every aspect of their lives, and for many, this meant either forgoing agri cultural labor altogether or working their own land however they chose. Doing the same labor under the same mas ter, now landlord, on the same terms was not the transformation desired.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      In the end, the introduction and development of agricultural contracts as a result of the social, political, and economic changes brought about by emancipation had an impact on the environment. The broad land use practices of the antebellum era were strengthened by the ecological system of slavery, but they were considerably undermined by its abolition. Reduced time spent on land maintenance (or clearing and maintaining the land), particularly in the lower South's cotton-growing districts, was one method it accomplished this. Ex-slaves anticipated that freedom would fundamentally revolutionize every area of their lives, and for many, this meant either completely forgoing agricultural labor or using their own property anyway they saw fit.
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