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makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
amahlemotumi

Firearms in South Central Africa.pdf - 7 views

  • They originated in unions between Khoikhoi and white hunters, traders and farmers, and probably never existed without firearms; from an early date they also acquired horses.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Khoi-khoi white had access to guns and horses from an early period.
  • Khoikhoi peoples, whose economic basis and political structure had been broken by various aspects of white settlement amongst them, were being armed by the whites to take part in commando expeditions against the San
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Khoi military unit was trained for hit and run raids into the Sans territory.
  • Great Tre
    • amahlemotumi
       
      movement of Dutch speaking colonists up into the interior of Southern Africa in search of land where they establish their own homeland, independent of British rule.
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  • They were also long distance hunters and traders, for ivory and cattle in exchange for guns among other goods
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Griqua people traded ivory and other goods for guns.
  • In the i820s and I830s the Griqua and other Khoikhoi groups extended their operations over much of the highveld, giving the Ndebele their first whiff of gunpowd
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the griqua attacked the ndebele exposing them to the new weapon which is the gun.
  • Many Tswana chiefs appreciated the significance of firearms, as did Mzilikazi: firearms were military weapons which upset (or were rumoured to upset) balances of power, making the possessing group superior to its neighbours and equal to the Griqua and the whites; economically, firearms were efficient means of hunting, which for the Tswana was a necessity until well into the twentieth centur
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were much appreciated because owning them meant that specific group was superior to another group that did not own any. Power lied with gun possessor.
  • e the migration of the Boers on to the highveld at the end of the I830s. Although the Afrikaner settlements formally forbade the trade of firearms to Afric
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the ownership of guns by blacks was prohibited
  • Boe
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Afrikaans name used to refer to the British people.
  • embargo
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ban on trade
  • Africans had to have a magistrate's permit to buy guns, but such was the demand for labour on the diamond diggings and in railway construction that these permits were either readily granted or were ignored by traders
    • amahlemotumi
       
      if Africans wanted to own a gun they had to obtain a legal permit from magistrate claiming that they needed the gun for work purposes in the mines or construction of railways.
  • The great increase in the number of firearms on the highveld and in Tswana country from the middle years of the nineteenth century probably aggravated the political instability of the are
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the increase of gun ownership in the area led to an unstable government and its structures.
  • agents provocateurs
    • amahlemotumi
       
      person who induces others to be violent or commit an illegal act in order to incriminate or discredit a cause
  • Tswana chiefs and Boer leaders jockeyed for position amongst themselv
    • amahlemotumi
       
      battle for position of higher power between the two.
  • veld-cornet
    • amahlemotumi
       
      local government or military officer.
  • e LMS
    • amahlemotumi
       
      London Missionary Society.
  • vociferou
    • amahlemotumi
       
      loud and forceful.
  • Anglo-Boer wa
    • amahlemotumi
       
      war between the British Empire and two Boer republics over the Empires influence in Southern Africa.
  • The Langeberg Rebellio
    • amahlemotumi
       
      revolts against British land annexations in the Griqualand west area
  • armed with guns were also mounted, but not to the same extent as the Sotho. It seems that firearms were most successful when used in defenc
    • amahlemotumi
       
      for some like the Sotho, firearms only benefited them in defense.
  • Africans would come to work on the diggings, and upon the railways which were being built from the Cape ports to the interior, only for cash with which to buy guns and ammunitio
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Africans started working in the mines and constructions site of railways for money so they could trade it for guns.
  • y this time Africans were well aware of the technicalities of firearms, and (for example) in both the I878 Xhosa-Cape war and the Sotho Gun War white officers complained that Africans had better rifles than the colonial force
    • amahlemotumi
       
      by the late 19th century the Africans had obtained better models of guns that surpassed the colonial officers guns.
  • nservatism' of the Ndebele, guns were not generally issued to the impi. Despite this, guns were obviously thought to be an important weapon by the Ndebele, if only because their neighbours were becoming armed and more able to withstand the raids of the impi
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns played a pivotal role in the wars that broke out because the Ndebele's could now withstand the war and use firearms just like their enemies.
  • Bechuanaland Protectorate proclamation of i892.32
    • amahlemotumi
       
      protectorate that safe guards against further expansion by Germany , Portugal or Boers
  • swana's claim that guns were 'vital to their customary economic activity of huntin
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns became a big part of the way Tswanas hunted to secure a good economy.
  • An eyewitness account of the early nineteenth century Rozvi court relates that the Mambo had 'several guns' and four somewhat rusty cannons.43 Many of the guns traded from the Portuguese were muzzle-loaders known by the Shona as 'migigw
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Shona people were introduced to firearms early in the 1800s so they were familiar with them.
  • The Ndebele acquired firearms at a much later stage of their history than did the Shon
  • heir neighbours (Kalanga, Lozi) were putting guns to good economic use in the mid-nineteenth century. The ivory trade (and also the trade in cattle) in the Tswana and trans-Limpopo country was especially advantageous to the Ngwato capital, Shoshong, 'the largest, most prosperous and hence best armed town in the interi
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ownership of firearms led to good economy and security in the kingdoms.
  • he variety of guns was truly impressive. While muzzle-loaders dominated the Shona collection, the Ndebele possessed mainly breech-loading rifles, mostly Martini-Henry rifles.53 Other rifles found among the Ndebele included Sniders, Enfields, and those manufactured by Reilly, Rigby and Gibbs of Brist
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Africans had access to different varieties of guns.
  • gun society
    • amahlemotumi
       
      involves the three ways in which the Shona sourced out their guns.
  • They were also able to manufacture gunpowder from local materials, and for ammunition they used almost any missile that the particular
    • amahlemotumi
       
      in late 1800's the Africans had grown familiar with the weapons and had started producing gun powder to fire the weapons.
  • At the first battle there is evidence that the carrying of heavy firearms hampered the Ndebele in their night attack and there is a suggestion that premature firing gave away their position to the white forces
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the heavy weapons hindered the attacks planned silent of the Ndebele .
  • The use of firearms by the Ndebele in the Matopos was probably an important factor in inducing Rhodes to come to terms with them, terms which were not altogether unfavourable, certainly when seen in the light of settler demands, and of the treatment that was meted out to the Sho
    • amahlemotumi
       
      they were able to use the guns to their advantage by making certain tribes give in to what they want
  • le, firearms were most effective when used by societies that had little or no formal military s
    • amahlemotumi
       
      less structured military forces stood a better chance at winning a war because of the not uniformed dispersal they took on at the battle field.
  • frican people who did not fit in with this stereotype were not only considered to be lacking in military virtues and competency, but also to be greatly inferior in social and cultural attainmen
    • amahlemotumi
       
      if a particular kingdom or chiefdom did not own guns, they were seen as inferior and not possessing any power.
nrtmakgeta

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 6 views

  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • By the 1870s, pseudoscientific racism had taken hold among European
  • ...22 more annotations...
  • licymakers, who increasingly believed that it would be difficult to transfer technical skills to colonial subjects. C
  • cal knowledge and practices circulated in complex ways; they were not simply transferred from the European core to the colonial periphery, as the development of local firearms in southern Africa makes clear. People living in the colonies made end-user modifications to both imperialist technologies and imperialist ideologies.31
  • It was precisely in the 1870s - the Scramble for Africa - that Africans became more deeply enmeshed in southern Africa's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      This is the introduction of how guns came in southern Africa , after the Scramble for Africa in 1870s to be precise. African were using their money from their emerging economy to buy guns, this made the Boers and British settlers in Africa to not be settled and they were very concerned about this matter.
  • G. 3 Southern Africa in the 1870s. (Map by author and
  • To understand colonial gun control, it is important to r
  • colonies of
  • olitics. The commission's investigations did overturn one stereotype. Throughout the English-speaking world, settlers on the frontier were supposed to be heavily armed and skilled with weapons. Yet the testimony before the commission revealed that settlers in the Eastern Cape were lightly armed and inexperienc
  • ces. According to the 50th Ordinance of 1828, all Cape citizens were equal before the law
  • y. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitne
  • n Africa had different native policies. There were two independent Boer republics across the Orange River from the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal). These restricted citizenship to European men and deprived Africans of all civic rights, including any right to possess weapons. To the east, in the British colony of Natal, guns had to be registered with British magistrates who supervised African chiefs. (African chiefdoms remained substantially intact so that chiefs might administer customary law under the supervision of the colony's lieutenant governor.) Chiefs retained a degree of autonomy in certain other regions along the Cape Colony's borders, such as the Transkei, Lesotho, and Griqualand East, while the Mpondo remained indepen
  • s.35 In 1876 the British settlers of the Eastern Cape began to protest what they considered irregularities in the regulation of African gun ownership. The debates that ensued acquired a broad significance for South African politics, and their prominence, in parliament and in newspapers, accented the importance of skills in the use of firearms and highlighted the everyday practice of carrying weapon
  • more stringent gun control. Most witnesses opposed the arming of Africans.36 Witnesses and commissioners linked gun ownership to broader policy debates about citizenship that had been going on for some time in the Cape Colony, and that were intensifying dur
  • ractically with them if the danger becomes real, are not inclined to agree."37 One regular officer of the British army, Lieutenant Colonel Crossman of the Royal Engineers, agreed with Froude. In a confidential report to Carnarvon on diamond miners in Kimberley, he argued that only long-serving Africans ought to be permitted to purchase guns. "For my own part," he continued, "I would not allow guns to be sold to the natives at all. They do not purchase them for hunting but for purposes of war. They are not satisfied with the common exported article, but endeavour to obtain the best rifles they can purchase, saying 'that as the red [British] soldier uses good rifles they also must have th
  • rship. The problem Ella saw was not that guns themselves would make Africans more dangerous, but that the "possessor of [a gun] gets thoughts into his head which might not otherwise get there." Africans did not buy guns with the idea of attacking Europeans, but "when a lot of men with guns get together they might get ideas of that nature into their heads."43 A superficial analysis of these settlers' statements would dismiss them as deterministic. But if we accept the Comaroffs' claim that the everyday material practices of colonialism were associated with hotly contested changes in ontology and epistemology, they take on new significance. Ideas about the use of guns were instrumental in ra
  • Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits
  • In 1876, as fear of a Xhosa attack mounted, some settlers and soldiers fretted about whether the Europeans living in the Eastern Cape were well-enough trained in the use of firearms. E. B. Chalmers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police testified that few Eastern Cape settlers even owned gun
  • Several other settlers also called attention to the state of affairs. According to two witnesses, fewer than half the settlers owned guns, although more knew how to use them, and more of the young men were learning.45 According to another witness, "farmers and their sons" not only lacked arms, they had also lost the skill of riding while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or wor
  • while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or work at a craft, and settlers frequently lacked the leisure to hunt or take tar
  • p. In the 1878 session of the Cape Parliament, Sprigg succeeded in steering through a set of bills that created an all-white militia. He also secured passage of the Peace Preservation Act, which provided for disarming parts of the population; the governor was empowered to proclaim certain districts subject to the act, and could then instruct magistrates to determine who should
  • urn in their arms and who might keep them. The act was not in itself discriminatory, but it was understood that Europeans in proclaimed districts would keep their arms and that Africans would turn theirs in. Those who were forced to surrender their weapons would be compensated. According to Sprigg, this measure was necessary "for getting arms out of the hands of disloyal na
  • Cape Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, embodied the full range of colonial rhetoric. When liberals challenged the disarmament of Basutoland, Frere mocked liberal arguments that "a native tr
  • armed with firearms [is] less formidable than one armed after their own fashion with assegai
  •  
    This is a JSTOR article. It speaks about how the economy of Africans was emerging(newly formed or prominent) basically their economy was growing and they got to buy guns. Them (Africans) buying and owning guns came as a threat to the Boers and the colonizers' as they thought that Africans cannot or do not have the skills needed to use guns and they will use them in a bad way influencing each other to misuse their guns. Hence the process of disarming African was introduced whereby they had to have permits to own guns and only whites were allowed to own guns .
makofaneprince

Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 7 views

  • Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolete',
    • makofaneprince
       
      the use of guns in south africa came with the settlers
  • Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolet
  • 'an overwhelming military superiori
    • makofaneprince
       
      possession of guns meant many victories in wars
  • ...12 more annotations...
  • From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses
    • makofaneprince
       
      the boers were able to triumph in many wars since the natives had no acces to guns, however, since the xhosas were able to steal their masters' firearms the wars changed and this affected how the boers were comfortable with having a weapon they could use to win most of their wars
  • The demands of the diamond fields for African labour in the I 87os-demands which apparently could only be met by allowing the labourers to purchase guns-greatly increased the availability of firearms to all the highveld African
    • makofaneprince
       
      purchasing of guns by natives were restricted, however with the need of labour, the restriction had to be removed, since many natives wanted guns and would even trade their cattles for guns
  • In the I830s when conflict between the Nama and Herero was sharpening over the grazing lands of Okahandja, the Red Nation Nama, being worsted in the warfare, invited Jonker Afrikaner18 and his followers, known to be well-armed with guns, across the Orange River, to intervene on their beha
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns changed the ways of wars in South Africa, those with access to guns would always be of victory.
  • . From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses.
  • Hottentot
    • makofaneprince
       
      it was name used to refer to a Khoikhoi person by the first Dutch's/Germans. it is a German term which means to 'stutter', the name was used with reference to the Khoi people's language in which clicking sounds are used.
  • As a result of the long duration of the warfare, the Xhosa were able to adapt their tactics to deal with and utilize firearm
    • makofaneprince
       
      the xhosa had no knowledge of using firearms, but the prolonged period of wars led to them utilizing and eventually knowing how to operate the guns.
  • r. All of them were organized for a specialized form of raiding warfare against their African neighbours and were, on the whole, extremely successful at this without the use of firearms.4
  • Similarly, even Gungunyane and the Gaza, who had acquired large numbers of firearms from British, Portuguese and Indian traders, some of which they had used against their Chopi enemies, confronted the Portuguese army at the battle of Manjacazane in the traditional manner, and were simply mown down by machine guns and field artiller
    • makofaneprince
       
      despite the use of guns many tribals still used their old way/traditional tactics in their wars, even though they had a large amount of guns. this can be due to the fact that most of the white authorities were unfamilliar with such tactics, does they would be of good advantage to the natives. the continuation use of their traditional tactics in wars can be to the fact that they were still learning how to operate the guns and how to use them effectively, it might also be that they were not having enough ammunition to use the guns. and also most tribes were proud of their traditiion and were comfortable with how things were does it can be said that the use of guns at large was seen as a way of leaving their ancestors teachings and tactics used in wars.
  • firearms were used increasingly from the mid-century onwards for huntin
    • makofaneprince
       
      the introduction of guns also changed the way the natives used to hunt, with guns their hunting was effective.
  • . In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with guns. These they were able to use to good effect against Swazi and Boer raiders. As late as I876, they were able to hold Boer commandos at bay: by then their armoury had been improved and replenished by service on the diamond fields, where they were reputed to be the most numerous African group
    • makofaneprince
       
      the pedi tribe was able to survive and grow in numbers with the use of guns in their wars. the tribe got hold of many guns from the diamond fields and trading of cattles for guns. the tribe was also good with using guns
  • . In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with gun
  • As Dr Miers shows in her article on 'The Arms Trade and Government Policy in southern Africa between I 870-90'49 a great volume of arms and ammunition was shipped to southern Africa for sale to Africans, in spite of official regulations to the contrary. The trade was highly profitable, not least to the governments of the white colonies whose regulations forbade the traffi
    • makofaneprince
       
      south africa had the highest trade of guns due to the persisting period of resistence and independence.
amahlemotumi

Full article: 'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural ... - 7 views

  • Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      War between the Zulus and British because the Zulus did not want to submit to British law.
  • he iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Singcofela who was part of the war between british and zulu explains that when killing with a gun a person does not get the insanity that one who kills with an assegai has an aftermath effect of war
  • ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving
  • ...55 more annotations...
  • A single technology such as that of firearms may be taken up and employed by different societies in a great variety of ways and with fluctuating levels of success.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      societies used guns differently, some used them to gain more success in both political and economic ways.
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona,Spear that is red even on the handle [...]The young viper grows as it sits,Always in a great rage
    • amahlemotumi
       
      praise song
  • otho thoroughly embraced firearms, considerably modified their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of firearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Sothos changed the battle techniques upon having access to guns but the Zulu stuck to their old ways of fighting in battle but introduced a new weapon , the gun.
  • he battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fired at him with his revolver and missed:
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports. Although indigenous peoples like the Xhosa, Sotho, Pedi and Zulu gradually adopted firearms during the course of the nineteenth century, they did so with varying degrees of eagerness.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      gun ownership spread in a slower pace in South Africa due to the lack of ports for ships to arrive in.
  • makhanda (military homesteads)
  • individuals in each of these companies (amaviyo)
  • ew ibutho (age-grade regiment)
  • amakhanda,
    • amahlemotumi
       
      STATES WITH FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS
  • adets
    • amahlemotumi
       
      OFFICER TRAINEE
  • to giya, or to perform a war dance,
  • In battle, the Zulu tactical intention was to outflank and enclose the enemy in a flexible manoeuvre, evidently developed from the hunt, which could be readily adapted to a pitched battle in the open field or to a surprise attack
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Zulu on battelfield resembled them hunting down prey. The same tactics to corner enemy
  • abaqawe [heroes or warriors of distinction]
  • he king ordered them to wear a distinctive necklace, made from small blocks of willow wood (known as an iziqu),
  • ormed Stuart that coward’s meat ‘would be roasted and roasted and then soaked in cold water. It was then taken out of the water and given to the cowards, while the king urged them on to fight. Upon this they would begin to steel themselves, saying, “When will there be war, so that I can leave off this meat?”’ If the coward was then reported to have acquitted himself fiercely in battle, the king ‘would then praise him and say, “Do not again give him the meat of the cowards; let him eat the meat of the heroes.”
    • amahlemotumi
       
      any warrior who became cowardice was punished and made to eat of the deceased cowards who flunked in war, only if they excelled in war were they granted the opportunity to outgrow the roasted coward meat
  • he traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets
  • This stick which they carry, what is it for?
    • amahlemotumi
       
      EARLY ZULU PEOPLE WERE NOT FAMILIAR WITH GUNS
  • deed, it was reportedly Shaka’s far-fetched intention ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
  • 1826, he used the limited but alarming firepower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their firepower in subduing the Khumalo peopl
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SHAKA STARTED USING THE GUNS AS A WEAPON TO DEFEATED HIS ENEMIES
  • uring the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner.
  • He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket
    • amahlemotumi
       
      MISSIONARIES TRIED SPREADING THE WORD OF GOD BUT FAILED BECAUSE THE ZULU WERE ONLY INTERESTED IN GUNS
  • mercenaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SOLDIERS PAID BY FOREIGN COUNTRY TO FIGHT IN ITS ARMY
  • emigrant farmers (or Voortrekkers)
  • ingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successfu
  • The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fire, in neither battle could they could get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fighting to which they were accustomed
    • amahlemotumi
       
      THEY COULD ONLY ATTACK ENEMIES AT CLOSE RANGE BECASUE THEY HAD SPEARS AND STICKS
  • eadrick argued that colonial warfare only became truly asymmetric with the introduction between the late 1860s and 1880s of breech-loading rifles, quick-loading artillery and machine guns
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confirmed the chilling efficacy of firearms and the need to possess the new weapons
    • amahlemotumi
       
      BECAUSE OF THE MANY DEFEATS THE ZULU THOUGHT ABOUT POSSESING A NEW WEAPON, GUNS.
  • (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gu
  • weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, firearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa,
  • ince they were not in a position to obtain many through trade, young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought firearms from gun- traders with their earnings.
  • etshwayo had to import firearms thorough traders.
  • he enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the firearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun trafficki
  • ancillaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      supporting weapon
  • 20,000 guns entered Zululand during Cetshwayo’s reign
  • he Zulu army, or impi,
  • What this evidence makes clear is that firearms were not necessarily widely dispersed into the hands of ordinary warriors, and that many had little (if any) practical training in their use.
  • h the unskilled way in which they were maintained, with the often poor quality of their gunpowder and shot, and with shortages of percussion caps and cartridges.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus could not maitain the guns and had poor ammunition and skill of suing the gun
  • Put simply, most Zulu did not shoot well because they had scant practice in it
    • amahlemotumi
       
      had little practice in shooting
  • he Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of firearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus named the guns according to the shapes and sizes
  • Xhosa were skilled in their use of firearms, and made for formidable foes.
  • the Zulu elite came to regard them as significant indicators of power and prestige, and recognized their efficacy in hunting and fighting
  • est firearms went to men of high status and, according to Bikwayo, double-barrelled ones seemed to have been the most prestigious
  • nceku, or personal attendan
  • aluable, dangerous, and exotic as they were, firearms inevitably conferred the mystique of power upon the possessor
  • sigodlo (or private household
  • ade all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ritual done to enhance the aim on European and kill him
  • the nineteenth century, firearms became increasingly essential for hunting, one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers
  • ory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits filled with stake
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were used to kill elephants and it was easier to obtain ivory
  • weapons themselves still had to be incorporated into the ceremonies of ritual purification and strengthening that preceded battle.
  • inyanga, or war doctor,
  • rince Cetshwayo ‘succeeded in killing someone there, by shooting him when he was in caves among the rocks [...] on the hillsid
  • Mystical forces, in other words, would compensate for lack of practical skill in hitting a target, just as they would protect a man from wounds and death.
  • tshelele ka Godide told Stuart of a hunter who accidentally shot himself in the stomach and died when the butt of his cocked gun touched the ground. Cetshwayo ordered his izangoma (diviners) to hold a ‘smelling out’ (umhlahlo) and they pronounced that the victims’ brother ‘had worked evil (lumba) on the gun’.
  • e Zulu adoption of firearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were easily familiar with firearms, and knew how to use them.
  • e bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fighting began. Why, we might ask, did they not make more effective use of them in 1879,
  •  
    John Laband's article explores the cultural complexities of the transfer of firearms technology to the Zulu Kingdom in the 19th century. While initially resistant to firearms due to their reliance on traditional close combat tactics, the Zulu eventually embraced the technology and incorporated it into their military strategies. However, Laband argues that the adoption of firearms was not a straightforward adoption of Western technology, but rather a complex process of cultural adaptation and appropriation. Despite relying on firearms, the Zulu continued to value traditional warrior virtues, resulting in a hybridization of Zulu and Western military traditions. This unique blend of traditions played a significant role in the Zulu's success in battle against colonial powers. The article highlights the nuanced and complex nature of cultural exchange and technological transfer, and how these processes are shaped by cultural values and traditions.
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
nrtmakgeta

9780521885096_excerpt_001.pdf - 5 views

  • In 1971, the historians Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore wrote that during the colonial period South Africa became a “gun society.”
  • the role of firearms in southern African society deserves at least one major study.
  • Their challenge is taken up by the present study, which focuses on the history of South Africa prior to 1910. 2
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • In South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. Colonists and Africans alike – particularly the men – considered guns necessary tools for hunting and fighting. In the nineteenth century, the focus of the present study, guns were associated with the depopulation of game animals; the development of capitalism; and the establishment of new colonies, republics, and chiefdoms. Legal restrictions on gun ownership came to mark who was a citizen and who was not.
  • This book does more than assess the influence of guns over historical outcomes, as other scholars have done. It explores the ways in which people involved guns in changes in society, politics, and ecology. All the while, firearms were undergoing a technological revolution.
  • increasing lethality of guns persuaded South Africans to reconsider ideas about citizenship, institutions, and identities.
  • People who owned
  • guns came to support ideologies that they associated with technological changes
  • the Dutch East India Company (VOC) encouraged settlers to procure firearms and to serve in the militia
  • Until the end of the eighteenth century, gun ownership and militia service were encouraged and even required by the VOC, but the Boers who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior were forbidden from selling guns to Africans. These regulations were ineffectual yet remained in force even after the advent of British rule in 1795
  • Merchants and missionaries encouraged Africans to take up firearms as a way to gain security on a violent frontier
  • Guns were also a means
  • for killing game animals
  • During the nineteenth century, Africans and settlers saw
  • guns as hallmarks of modernity, yet for most people in South Africa there was precious little security
  • The republics prohibited Africans from gun ownership, while the Cape and Natal imposed various restrictions on ownership and trade, including licensing and fees.
  • As Europeans were settling South Africa, firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries between European states as well as by the American Civil War. Firearms became much more effective
  • First, hunters and
  • soldiers replaced flintlock ignition systems with percussion caps. Next, smoothbore muzzle-loaders were replaced by more accurate rifled muzzleloaders. Then, rifled muzzle-loaders were replaced by quick-firing rifled breechloaders.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      As Europe was busy settling South Africa the types of guns were changed and improved from old ones to new advanced and fast ones.
  • e uptake of new weapons flooded world markets with secondhand muzzle-loading muskets and rifles that sold at cut-rate prices.
  • At the same time as these weapons were becoming easily available, more Africans migrated to Cape farms and to the Kimberley diamond diggings, where they earned cash to buy guns
  • In 1859, Natal required all Africans to register their firearms with the lieutenant governor. This did not totally disarm Africans, but it was a crucial first step. In 1878,t h e Cape passed legislation allowing the governor to disarm entire districts. Disarmament occurred at the same time as Britain was attempting to unify the chiefdoms, colonies, and republics of South Africa under one form of government. Confederation became a famous failure, while disarmament became a patchy success.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      The disarmament of guns by cape colonizers. This was the start of disarming Africans of their guns.
  • Many Africans had to surrender their guns under the terms of a new Peace Preservation Act passed in 1878.T h i s diminished their ownership of guns but it did not sever the ideological ties between the bearing of arms and the performance of civic duties.
  • The new gun control measures of the 1870s pushed legal discrimination further: the Cape took a step in the direction of the Boer republics, which denied Africans all rights of citizenship, including the right to own a weapon. Africans could not be citizens of the republics, nor could they own weapons, although the intricate relations of paternalism included the idea that servants helped masters to bear arms.
  • guns often had significant social and political consequences.
  • Marks and Atmore argued that starting in 1652 the acquisition of guns, shooting skills, and martial organization played an important role in the extension of settlements and colonial rule. Under the Dutch, and later under the British, the Cape Colony became a gun society, where the balance of power reflected the possession of guns by states and societies.
  • Old muskets had their limitations, while in the early years there were some people without firearms who managed to defeat people with firearms.
  •  
    INCORRECT SOURCE!!
xsmaa246

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Afric
    • xsmaa246
       
      in this article, I will focus on firearms (guns ) in Southern Africa specifically in South Africa.
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us when guns were introduced in South Africa, it also tells us that it was introduced because the Dutch East India Company wanted the European settlers to obtain the firearms so that they serve as civilian soldiers ( this is what militia means, its civilians being trained as soldiers)
  • itia. The European farmers (called Boers) who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior distributed guns to Africans, in spite of company regulations fo
  • ...14 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain se
    • xsmaa246
       
      the reason why africans took firearms was for security and to hunt.
  • s. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Africans as skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Africans as racially infe
    • xsmaa246
       
      seems that even though the british thought lowly of africans they started to see them as skilled and armed because of their possession of firearms.
  • pean settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military adva
    • xsmaa246
       
      even though this does not relate to firearms in south africa , this is highlighted because it tells us that when guns are introduced to natives it seems that natives adapt fast to using firearms and use them on nature first, just like earlier when it was said guns were used to catch game then it was used as a means for security.
  • There is only one place to find a scholarly discussion of shooting skills in southern Africa: a special issue of the Journal of African History, published in 1971, on the social history of firearms. The contributors greatly advanced our knowledge of firearms in southern Africa, but they arrived at some unexamined and contradictory conclusions about skill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a w
    • xsmaa246
       
      although this speaks about findings that were published in 1971 does not mean that the information collected was not before 1890 this simply is talking about how skillful could the south african natives be with firearms.
  • redcoat deserter
    • xsmaa246
       
      British soldiers who deserted their posts.
  • both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction fr
  • To load a muzzle-loading flintlock, the gunner measured out a quantity of coarse black powder (or opened a premeasured charge) and poured it down the barrel. Next he placed the ball on a patch (typically made of something like linen) and pushed it down the barrel with the ramrod to rest on top of the powder. He then primed the lock by placing a pinch of powder in the pan, cocked the hammer, aimed, and pulled the trigger. It was a slow (thirty seconds even for a reasonably skilled gunner) and awkward procedure, which left soldiers exposed to enemy fire. Flintlock muskets were vulnerable to wet weather as well. To further complicate matters, fouling of the barrel caused by the black powder, which does not burn cleanly, made the weapon progressively more difficult to load during a battle or other prolonged use. To compensate, soldiers often loaded with balls that were smaller than the caliber (diameter of the barrel) nominally used by the weapon. See Malone (n. 3 above), 31-35, for rich descriptions and illustrations of matchlock and flintlock muskets.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is a description of the guns that were used in south africa at the time. the flintlock muskets
  • ents. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloaders.13
  • 1. In a percussion lock, a percussion cap containing fulminate is placed over a nipple on top of the touchhole; the hammer strikes the cap, which explodes and ignites the charge in the barrel. This is a much more reliable ignition system, especially in damp weather, and it allows a weapon to be more quickly loaded, takes less skill, and entails fewer risks than the flintlock. By the 1850s most armies had switched to the percussion loc
  • areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunition.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an excellent take on firearms by south Africans as they used these guns to hunt and find food and in turn, this helped them trade what they hunted for other things. so this tells us that is how Southerners used the guns. also this passage tells us that many Africans worked for European traders who gave them guns.
  • 5. While Burchell was living among the Tlhaping, a man offered eight oxen in exchange for one gun, which seemed a high price until one considered the gun's usefulness for hunting. Guns remained relatively rare in this part of southern Africa until the 1850s. By the 1870s they were widespread, thanks in part to the availability of wage labor at the nearby Kimberley diamond mines. There, an old (but still powerful) rifled percussion musket could be bought for four pounds sterling, the equivalent of three months' wages, while a modern breechloader might cost twenty-five pound
    • xsmaa246
       
      this shows how guns were traded.
  • The relationship of hunting skills and marksmanship to the political, economic, and ecological transformation of southern Africa can only be understood fully when we consider the ways in which guns were adapted to the local environme
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is saying that the use of guns changed in different environments.
  • hybrids. The sheer size of African game animals, especially the much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of
    • xsmaa246
       
      they used bigger guns or military type guns to hunt for bigger game
  • . It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • xsmaa246
       
      the british and the boers think that they should disarm africans of their guns as they want to be the only ones in control of guns. as they think africans are dangerous.
Oreneile Maribatze

Firearms in Africa: An Introduction.pdf - 1 views

  • THAT
  • not be denied, but the nature of that impact is more questionable. There has been little research on the subject and no way in which to assess assertions about the influence of guns on any particular period or area.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Firearms have had an important influence on the course of Africa's history is beyond doubt however there has been little consensus on the the issue beyond basic acknowledgement
  • firearms have had an impact on African histo
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      the use of guns was very significant in Africa, being items of trade.
  • ...17 more annotations...
  • 'Guns and firearms in the Ottoman Empire', and it became apparent that firearms were of little use without appropriate tactic
  • First, the impact of firearms in African warfare was not as decisive as had been expected. Perhaps the expectation itself was the product of some unhistorical ideology. The collection and lore of firearms have attracted impartial scholars and enthusiasts, but they have also attracted devotees who regard firearms as symbols of industrial or social or other prowess.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The impact of guns is that they radically changed the strategies and tactics used by the armies in African countries.Having a gun in the olden days meant that people would respect you as guns symbolized having power and influence in the community. The arrival of guns assisted the expansion of hunting of both animals and men and made warfare more murderous
  • t is impossible for those with firearms to lose battles to those without firearms, and to some it is impossible for those who have not developed or made firearms to maintain or use them properly
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      it was believed that if an army had guns they would be able to defeat another which is funny as the other could defeat them with indigenous tactics and traditional weapons such as spears and being on horseback
  • or abuse of firearms in Af
  • A second tentative conclusion is that firearms in war had an initial success but rapidly declined in significance. This might be through the enemy acquiring equivalent weapons, or evolving tactics to cope with them, or through the original weapons deteriorating or being deprived of ammunition.
  • Gunpowder was more widely made in Africa, though most observers note that the quality obtained was poor.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      From the 17th centuary onward, guns reached the hinterlands of central Africa trading ports and many traders such as the Akan traders bought muskets and gunpowder far in land. The Adal empire developed gunpowder during the Adal-Abyssinian War.
  • African states did have standing armies, but even some of these must have found it expensive to provide musketry practice
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      it was not cheap to train armies as it required at lot of expenses that many countries found it very expensive
  • . From I650 to I700 one should expect Africa to receive a flood of new trade flintlocks, together with old matchlocks released by European armies.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Africa received their supplies from European armies
  • same problem existed in Europe from the age of the long-bow; bowmen were first drawn from hunters and foresters, and archery was then encouraged as a sport
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      This is really suprising that a country like Europe could also not afford to train armies. This country is very powerful so one would expect it to afford to adequately train its people
  • As for Africa, we find some references to firearms used in hunting, though this is mainly in southern Africa
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      In the Southern part it seems like guns were not actually used for war only but hunting was an important activity that guns played a role in.
  • The African trade musket, while produced in greater quantities than every other type, or almost every other type, of firearm,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      It is really suprising that a continent that is viewed as being poor was able to supress the other strong continents in producing and manufacturing guns
  • 'female' guns were made in Birmingham and were valuable only for buying female slave
  • e vast majority of Birmingham guns went to Africa; in I864 it cannot have been more than half, since only II9,503 oUt of 221,726 barrels produced were of 'plain iron' such as might be found in trade gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      Shows the huge numbers that Africa received guns from other states
  • African muskets were priced in Birmingham at gs. in I845, 7s. 6d. in i850, ios. 6d. in I855, and 6s. gd. in i865.41 In I907 the cost of an African barrel was zs. 3d. in Birmingham, and of the whole gun 6s. gd.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The prices that were set for the muskets produced in Africa, changing with the years
  • Guns shipped to South or East Africa were of higher value. In I900 exports of this unidentified gun to West Africa were 8,803, and to East Africa a mere 352, with Cape Colony taking 566, and Natal I,294. In 1905 all figures were half as high again, save for the Cape which stood at 3,989.43
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      The statistics shows how much guns were in demand in Africa and which parts received more guns. In the Cape one can speculate that it was for colonial reasons and forceful taking of livestock and land
  • Effective use of firearms by Africans in war often depended on muskets being used primarily for hunting and crop protection. Availability of firearms may well have made agriculture possible in areas otherwise overrun with game. For these purposes, military arms would be less suitable than the African muskets
    • Oreneile Maribatze
       
      guns were of a significance as they made agriculture (through hunting ) possible for most parts of Africa
  • Availability of firearms may well have made agriculture possibl
Oreneile Maribatze

Africa IOR/L/MIL/17/17/53/5 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

  •  
    Just as the Spanish civil war provided a testing ground for German and Italian equipment before the war, so did the South African war provided a similar opportunity for the proving of french and german artillery with which the boers were equipped. These guns were superior to those being used at the time by the british army. Guns were adapted at the battlefield. Guns were usually deployed individually. This was the typical Boer fashion. There was little co-ordination between guns and this made concentration of fire on specific targets very nearly impossible. The cover was used skilfully and the Boers made the most of the superior range (in most instances) of their guns. They would hold their fire until the enemy had been lured into an ambush . Their guns did not normally require an escort, as they would be withdrawn if the enemy got too close. The Boers were reluctant to risk their guns in the open as they were being outnumbered with a ratio of 4:1 by the British army so this was understandable. some of the guns that were used as mentioned by the source include Krupp guns, Creusot , and the maxim automatic machine gun. in a remarkable display of ingenuity guns provided with makeshift field carriages and were dispatched to the battle-front.
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  •  
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
lidya-2

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa on JSTOR.pdf - 3 views

  • The use of firearms has played a significant role in shaping the history of Southern Africa during the 19th century. In his article William K. Storey explores the impact of guns on the region's political and social landscape. Storey examines how guns were introduced to the indigenous groups in Southern Africa by European settlers and how the uneven distribujion of firearms created an imbalance of power. Furthermore, Storey delves into the ways in which gun ownership became a marker of status and skill, particularly for white settlers. He also highlights the role of guns in shaping relationships between black and white populations and the disparities that arose due to access to this technology.
    • lidya-2
       
      NOTE
  • LW\
    • lidya-2
       
      The use of firearms has played a significant role in shaping the history of Southern Africa during the 19th century. William K. Storey explores the impact of guns on the region's political and social landscape's. he also examines how guns were introduced to the indigenous groups in Southern Africa by European settlers and how the uneven distribution of firearms created an imbalance of power. especially between the Africans and British settlers.
  • 
    • lidya-2
       
      The Zulu people faced off against the powerful British Empire in what became known as the Anglo-Zulu War. The British army was equipped with modern rifles and artillery, and was expected to easily defeat the Zulu army, which was armed with little more than spears and shields.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • ZDV
    • lidya-2
       
      it was important to know how to use guns during the 19th century. While owning a gun was a indicator of status and power among African societies, it was the ability to use the gun effectively that truly distinguished one warrior from another. the journal suggests that the possession of guns may have actually led to increased violence and conflict among these societies, as warriors compete to prove their worth by demonstrating they skill on deadly weapon. Furthermore, the article highlights the role of European traders and hunters in teaching African communities how to use guns, thereby establishing a power dynamic where the former held the knowledge and expertise necessary for successful gun use. Overall, this article sheds light on the crucial role that skill played in shaping gun culture in Southern Africa, and highlights the complex social and political dynamics that underpinned its development.
    • lidya-2
       
      evidence for the above note in blue sticker.
    • lidya-2
       
      evidence for the above note in blue sticker.
    • lidya-2
       
      evidence for the above note in blue sticker.
    • lidya-2
       
      evidence from one of the British soldiers
makofaneprince

Indigenising the gun - rock art depictions of firearms in the Eastern Cape, South Afric... - 6 views

  • “... black lightning is that which kills us. . .it resembles a gun. . .”
    • makofaneprince
       
      a very interesting and metaphorical quote.
  • rock art
    • makofaneprince
       
      painting and carvings done by the San/Bushmen. the artwork depicts non-human beings, hunters, and half-human half-animal hybrids. it is now a common heritage of Africans.
  • the confines of the colony and subsisted by hunting, gathering and, most importantly, raiding for livestock (Gordon 1986; Ross 1996; Challis 2012). Those whom we may think of as ‘ethnic’ San today were typically, in the late eighteenth century, referred to as ‘Chinese Hottentots’ (Le Vaillant 1972, 80; Raper and Boucher 1988) as opposed to ‘Bushman’ or ‘Bushman Hottentot’.
    • makofaneprince
       
      this was very educational as I also thought and believed that the Bushmen and the San people were one and the same people.
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • In this paper, following current research, I make a distinction between San and ‘Bushman’ (cf. Challis 2012, 2014, 2017; King 2018, 124). These terms have often been accepted by scholars to refer to the same people; autochthonous hunter-gatherers. Yet when the term ‘Bushman’ was first used by colonists it was to refer to an economic, not racial, category of people who lived beyond Figure 3. RSA CYP005. Figure on horse with a firearm over shoulder, riding behind a sheep Aliwal North. (Photograph: author). TIME AND MIND the confines of the colony and subsisted by hunting, gathering and, most importantly, raiding for livestock (Gordon 1986; Ross 1996; Challis 2012). Those whom we may think of as ‘ethnic’ San today were typically, in the late eighteenth century, referred to as ‘Chinese Hottentots’ (Le Vaillant 1972, 80; Raper and Boucher 1988) as opposed to ‘Bushman’ or ‘Bushman Hottentot’.
  • Khoe-San beliefs held that it was possible to influence the trajectory of projectile weapons by magical means involving ritual observances and the supernatural powers of medicinal substances
    • makofaneprince
       
      ?
  • The Korana were said to have a war-medicine which they put into their pockets and into their ammunition pouches with their bullets. This medicine was believed to make their ammunition hit their enemies while the enemies’ bullets would not hit them (Schapera 1930,3 5 5–356). Another form of Khoekhoe war-magic involves burning a crow’s heart, loading the ashes into a gun and then firing the gun. It is believed that their enemies would flee like crows (Hahn 1881, 90). It is interesting to note that in this example the gun takes on the role of being a ritual tool, thereby further reinforcing the argument that
    • makofaneprince
       
      the Khoi people were able to blend their traditional ways with the use of guns introduced to them in their fights. they had a continuity between beliefs in traditional, and adopted projectile weapons.
  • indigenous southern Africans did not share the same understanding of firearms as Europeans. Rather, they had a spiritual, as well as a practical, relationship with these weapons that was foreign to the Europeans who introduced them.
  • Kagara eventually kills !haunu by using black lightning, which is said to be very powerful and ‘resembles a gun
    • makofaneprince
       
      the Khoi people also compared a gun to a lightning.
  • It could be argued that these bear a strong resemblance to musket balls and may further entrench the link between ‘Herain’ and firearms
    • makofaneprince
       
      this shows us how the Khoi people had a different view of guns and how they mostly associated guns with lightning.
  • Raiding would have increased in danger when coming up against foes with guns, and so ‘Bushman’ groups likely relied on spiritual assistance to increase their odds of success in raids.
    • makofaneprince
       
      people who owned guns were a threat to the Khoi people, and the khoi relied of spiritual assistance for their protection from such people.
  • Firearms gave raiders a marked advantage over those without guns.
  • While they adopted guns, they did not necessarily adopt European understandings of guns. Instead, they worked this new material culture into their own ontology.
    • makofaneprince
       
      this shows how the Khoi people had their own views and beliefs about guns. the Khoi people associated lightning with danger and with the introduction or exposure to guns, lightning and guns were then seen as one thing(DANGER).
magadaniviva

untitled.pdf - 3 views

shared by magadaniviva on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns are both ubiquitous in colonial encounters and occupy an ambiguous place in
  • Guns are both ubiquitous in colonial encounters and occupy an ambiguous place in early imperial enterprise
    • magadaniviva
       
      Storey has written about the history of South African and introduction of guns during colonial era and how guns were many and they were stored in different places.
  • Guns
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • . Guns also, of course, provided a means of self-protection against the carriers of the bad items of European civilisation, such as the slave-owning Boers.
    • magadaniviva
       
      Guns owners initially believed that they had to protect themselves from slave owning Boers.
  • He uses the question of who should have the right to own guns as another way of shedding light on the changing politics of race and ‘civilisation’ in South Africa in this period
    • magadaniviva
       
      this question raised by Storey it reveals that during colonia era not everyone was allowed to own a gun especially blacks or South Africans to be specific.
  • to own guns as another way of shedding light on the changing politics of race and
  • guns were integral to South African society
    • magadaniviva
       
      things could not go well in South Africa without guns as it was a frontier society.
  • But, as the experience of the many wars on the eastern Cape frontier demonstrated, the traditional assegai remained a fair match for the old flintlocks and other such guns in the conditions of bush warfare.
  • old flintlocks and other such guns in the conditions of bush warfare
    • magadaniviva
       
      many societies in South Africa were already exposed to the use of guns as they used them during their wars, and they knew how to operate them.
  • The creation of the diamond and then gold industries fostered a great expansion of the market for firearms, and their distribution reached deeper into African society than ever before. Large numbers of African men migrated to the mine fields where they usually picked up guns as items to carry back home.
    • magadaniviva
       
      By the time of the invasion of gold and diamond the industries had many guns market and they were available in the mine fields. when it was time to go home many African many were in possession of guns
lidya-2

Zulu War | National Army Museum - 5 views

  • Zulu War
    • xsmaa246
       
      will find the annotations when you scroll down a bit
  • Formidable enemy
    • xsmaa246
       
      although I did not find an article that talks about firearms and south africa specifically (since there is not much about it) these highlighted passages link to my secondary articles( and primary) by showing that south africans did use guns
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this passage is about how King Cetshwayo had purchased guns before the Anglo-Zulu war as he feared the British would attack. after that the Zulus had old-fashioned muskets and just a few modern guns however, unfortunately, they did not know how to use them and were at a disadvantage. also it says even when they did not use or were unable to use guns they were strong opponents.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army.
  • Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      the army had resources that they could have used effectively and this was the lack of skills when it came to guns. this also let to many people's death.
  • Formidable enemy Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay.
    • lidya-2
       
      South Africa, guns and colonialism went hand in hand. Starting with the earliest contacts between Africans and Europeans, guns became important commodities in frontier trade. trade took place between British settlers and locals. trade took place in exchange for resources like agriculture material for guns or even slaves during the 19th centuary
  •  
    "Fearing British aggression, Cetshwayo had started to purchase guns before the war. The Zulus now had thousands of old-fashioned muskets and a few modern rifles at their disposal. But their warriors were not properly trained in their use. Most Zulus entered battle armed only with shields and spears. However, they still proved formidable opponents. They were courageous under fire, manoeuvred with great skill and were adept in hand-to-hand combat. Most of the actions fought during the war hinged on whether British firepower could keep the Zulus at bay. 'March slowly, attack at dawn and eat up the red soldiers.' King Cetshwayo's orders to his troops at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object The Battle of Isandlwana, 22 January 1879 Defeat at Isandlwana On 22 January 1879, Chelmsford established a temporary camp for his column near Isandlwana, but neglected to strengthen its defence by encircling his wagons. After receiving intelligence reports that part of the Zulu army was nearby, he led part of his force out to find them. Over 20,000 Zulus, the main part of Cetshwayo's army, then launched a surprise attack on Chelmsford's poorly fortified camp. Fighting in an over-extended line and too far from their ammunition, the British were swamped by sheer weight of numbers. The majority of their 1,700 troops were killed. Supplies and ammunition were also seized. The Zulus earned their greatest victory of the war and Chelmsford was left no choice but to retreat. The Victorian public was shocked by the news that 'spear-wielding savages' had defeated their army. View this object This belt was taken from King Cetshwayo after his capture. It was probably worn by a soldier at Isandlwana. View this object Ntshingwayo kaMahole (right) led the Zulus at Isandlwana, 1879 View this object Rorke's Drift with Isandlwana in the distance, 1879 22-23 January Rorke's Drift After their victory at Isandlwana, around 4,000 Zulus pressed on to Rorke's Drift, w
  •  
    The British forces had experienced officers and NCOs and the men were well trained and disciplined; besides they had the well-made and sturdy Martini-Henry rifle. The Natal Native Contingent, however, were badly trained, undisciplined and bad shots, and had little experience of battle conditions. this also resulted in many men dying from using guns they were not ready for to use. this also puts British at a advantage or leverage over the Zulu people as they had more skill and training on using guns.
tln219119163

FIREARMS, HORSES, AND SLAVE SOLDIERS: THE MILITARY HISTORY OF AFRICAN SLAVERY.pdf - 1 views

  • standing. Beyond the range of ships' guns, Europeans held no significant military advantage and enjoyed little success against African forces until the n
    • tln219119163
       
      When the europeans arrived in Angola, they had no advantage over the indigenous people even though they had guns
  • Before the late nineteenth century and the appearance of the Maxim gun, European firearms conferred only a modest ad vantage to their bearers, not a d
    • tln219119163
       
      very little advantage against people native to angola.
  • quences of the huge num bers of firearms imported from Europe to the Atlantic coast of Afri
    • tln219119163
       
      thus resulting in the trading of guns and ammunitions between europeans and africans.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • Although Africans sought to fit firearms into the traditional fighting methods, they also recognized the need for new tech niques to take advantage of the n
    • tln219119163
       
      although guns had a negative impact as it incited violence and death, africans-including Angolans knew this could help them in battles as well as to protect themselves.
  • he introduction of firearms differentially impacted societies of varying complexity; firearms meant some thing quite different to roving bands of hunter-gatherers than they did to states founded on military conquest.25
    • tln219119163
       
      hunter gathers used firearms to kill animals and hunt them for food. the advancement and introduction of firearms made their job easier as they did not have to use self made weapons but rather guns. in terms of military aspects, the introduction and trade of guns resulted in more conflict and a fight for superiority
  • . British 'Angola guns'—cheap, unproved long-barrel flint lock muskets—dominated the weapons trade along the Atlantic coast. Firearms in the eighteenth century were absolutely central to the trade of people for goods. Although they did not usually comprise the bulk of goods traded—muskets and gunpowder accounted for about 10 percent of the cargo offloaded on the Loango coast (present-day Angola) in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, third behind textiles and liquor— trading would seldom take place unless powder and shot were included. Some quantity of guns and gunpowder was a part of virtually every purchase of slaves. No other commodities were so indispensable.26
    • tln219119163
       
      Angola became a place for trading of firearms even though it hadnt gained that much attraction. this is due to angola having a trading port between europe
  • Europeans fostered the slave trade through their control of guns, which they would trade only for slaves, the guns in turn providing the means to acquire more slaves to buy more guns, and so ad infinitum. In this view, Africans conducted war to supply the slave trade, and sold slaves chiefly to obtain the weaponry that allowed them to seize more slaves. Slave exports rose in direct proportion to the quantity of firearms import
    • tln219119163
       
      guns were essential in the slave trade and became a part of the slave trade in angola because guns were needed to control and instil fear on slaves so that they could be traded and more guns were sold to gain more control thus the name gun-slave cycle
nrtmakgeta

Indigenising the gun - rock art depictions of firearms in the Eastern Cape, South Afric... - 2 views

  • Homi Bhabha (1994) observes that the
  • colonised may certainly adopt the material culture of the coloniser, but that it can receive new meaning. This leads to a process of hybridity which can be seen in both material culture and group identity (cf. Blundell 2004). This means that one ought not to approach the epistemology and ontology of firearms among the colonised as one would do among the colonisers. A gun is never just a gun.
  • Indigenous Australians, in Arnhem Land, became gun owners as assistant hunters to Europeans within the buffalo hunting industry in the nineteenth century (Wesley 2013, 237). These muskets were less effective than spears in indigenous hands and instead became interpreted as markers of prestige and status (Wesley 2013, 244).
  • ...11 more annotations...
  • Following a ban on Indigenes owning firearms in the early twentieth century, many weapons were confiscated by authorities. Indigenous Australian men who retained ownership of firearms (muskets or rifles) used their guns as symbols of authority (Wesley 2013, 245).
  • Wesley acknowledges that depictions of firearms in Australian rock art are likely related to these associations; however, he also claims that there is a deeper understanding to this art from an indigenous point of view that is not accessible to non-Aborigines as the indigenes regard this information as secret (Wesley 2013, 246).
  • Michael Klassen suggests that depictions of guns likely relate to warfare and raiding ‘coups’- which refer to the items procured by warriors during war or raids
  • Klassen believes that the gun, much like the shield before it, came to symbolise a powerful object that is imbued with potent medicine and links the indigenous understanding of guns to that of bow-spears due to them both being powerful and destructive weapons (Klassen 1998, 49).
  • The acquisition of an enemy’s gun during a raid was no mean feat, and by doing so a warrior gained prestige as well as spiritual power
  • The works of both Wesley and Klassen demonstrate that it is possible to gain an understanding of indigenous ontologies and epistemologies of firearms when we consider concepts of ownership and prestige, as opposed to any concern with recording the event in western terms. For the Blackfoot, at least, firearms took on attributes of the precolonial material culture (bowspears) while also being defined within the changing colonial world in a way that is certainly not European.
  • Another form of Khoekhoe war-magic involves burning a crow’s heart, loading the ashes into a gun and then firing the gun. It is believed that their enemies would flee like crows (Hahn 1881, 90). It is interesting to note that in this example the gun takes on the role of being a ritual tool, thereby further reinforcing the argument that
  • indigenous southern Africans did not share the same understanding of firearms as Europeans.
  • Firearms gave raiders a marked advantage over those without guns.
  • Raiding would have increased in danger when coming up against foes with guns, and so ‘Bushman’ groups likely relied on spiritual assistance to increase their odds of success in raids.
  • In fact, it is likely that the artists were depicting themselves, because many ‘Bushmen’ acquired their own firearms. While they adopted guns, they did not necessarily adopt European understandings of guns. Instead, they worked this new material culture into their own ontology.
  •  
    TAYLOR AND FRANCIS SOURCE
tendaim

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views

  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
    • tendaim
       
      how colonial South Africa got access to guns
  • uring the early
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
    • tendaim
       
      real reasons for africans procuring guns
  • ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
    • tendaim
       
      africans were labeled according to their efficacy with firearms this is how colonial rulers categorized them by level of threat to skill
  • By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
  • ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
    • tendaim
       
      above all they wished to convert africans to thie way of euro standards
  • earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
    • tendaim
       
      again at first guns offered a way for people to find food to eat and survive as well as an "income" to be earned by trading certain commodities
  • more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
    • tendaim
       
      competition would have started and i believe that the white settlers wanted to be the only ones who benefitted from this hunting
  • Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
    • tendaim
       
      at some point the white settlers used black labour (slavery) in order to fulfill their demand for guns
  • ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
    • tendaim
       
      enro settlers used african labour to source their commodities (in a way this improved africans use and ability with and of guns)
  • There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
    • tendaim
       
      guns stayed an important piece of trade and value due to the nature of SA, there was much to hunt and kill which also didnt need newer better guns, so the guns in SA stayed "old styled"
  • n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
  • noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
    • tendaim
       
      the Boer had good shooters which were mostly middle aged and young men, i wonder who fought for the africans side and what weapons did they have access to?
  • out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
    • tendaim
       
      because of the decrease of animals and africans to hunt less and less Boers had practice or use for guns and so when they were called up it was hard as only a small percentage of them had the necessary marksmanship and skill to shoot
  • mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
  •  
    this article goes in depth in discussing how firearms reached and stayed in South Africa and why they were such a welcomed commodity and how it turned to war and the idea to take firearms away from Africans
tendaim

Full article: Guns, Race and Power in Colonial South Africa - 4 views

  • Guns are both ubiquitous in colonial encounters and occupy an ambiguous place in early imperial enterprise
    • tendaim
       
      main idea why did guns have such a strong rise and hold during colonial times and why did the british allow Africans to have guns if they were knew that they did not want Africans to have a potential power over them?
    • tendaim
       
      main idea why did guns have such a strong rise and hold during colonial times and why did the british allow Africans to have guns if they were knew that they did not want Africans to have a potential power over them?
  • relationship of guns to notions of race and citizenship throughout the mid and late nineteenth century
    • tendaim
       
      main idea
  • guns were a central part of Xhosa and Zulu polities
    • tendaim
       
      tribal/race theme
  • ...14 more annotations...
  • guns were integral to South African society
    • tendaim
       
      theme of guns
  • relationship of guns to notions of race and citizenship throughout the mid and late nineteenth century
  • The creation of the diamond and then gold industries fostered a great expansion of the market for firearms
  • 1870s with the development of longer-ranged weapons with the capacity to fire repeatedly and quickly.
    • tendaim
       
      theme of guns
  • who should own guns and precisely what that implied now became a central issue of the politics of citizenship.
    • tendaim
       
      tribal/ race theme
  • idea that gun ownership should be controlled along racial lines
    • tendaim
       
      tribal/race theme
  • John Gordon Sprigg, who saw guns in African hands as a threat to imperial rule
    • tendaim
       
      important tribal and racial theme
  • part of the trend to exclude from citizenship those with black skins, even if they qualified in terms of literacy or economic possessions.
    • tendaim
       
      main idea
  • the Hlubi chief Langalibelile and Theophilus Shepstone, the powerful secretary for native affairs, in Natal in the mid-1870s.
    • tendaim
       
      important
  • the Hlubi chief Langalibelile and Theophilus Shepstone, the powerful secretary for native affairs, in Natal in the mid-1870s.
  • the Cape in 1879 when the ninth Xhosa war was used as the excuse to pass the nicely named Peace Preservation Act which effectively provided the legal means to prohibit gun ownership on a racial basis.
    • tendaim
       
      important
  • Cape-Sotho War of 1879–80 which followed the attempt by the Cape government, led by Sprigg, to use the Peace Preservation Act to disarm the Sotho.
    • tendaim
       
      important
  • the Peace Preservation Act succeeded in imposing restraints upon African ownership of firearms
    • tendaim
       
      important
  • he Cape Colony, the home of South African liberalism
    • tendaim
       
      shocking fact I just learned
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