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gabrielle verdier

Tunisiens, ce que nos enfants ne nous pardonneront jamais ! - 2 views

  • Récupération de la révolution et exclusion de la jeunesse
  • Cette élite (à quelques rares exceptions), même quand elle apparaissait dans une posture d’opposition, s’est largement impliquée dans le processus de récupération du pouvoir, et d’exclusion de la jeunesse révolutionnaire
  • Une scandaleuse collision est observée entre l’oligarchie politico-financière, et une élite – formatée dans les écoles françaises ou anglo-saxonnes, aussi prétentieuse que stérile,
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  • L’espace public a été inondé par des débats subalternes, enrobés dans une phraséologie révolutionnaire, et décliné en slogans creux («modernité», «liberté», «égalité», «démocratie»...
Ed Webb

Tahrir's late night conversations - Opinion - Al Jazeera English - 2 views

  • the leaders of Tahrir want to institutionalise the incredible creativity of the revolution, from musical performances and film to artwork, poetry and story-telling. These activities have sustained protesters during the darkest days of violence and have helped to attract hundreds of thousands of "ordinary Egyptians" to the Meidan during each of the occupations since January. This would constitute a permanent counterpoint to the state media and other mechanisms that the government and elite have at their disposal, through which they try to convince Egyptians that the Tahriris are little more than "thugs" who don't have their interests at heart.
  • one of the major problems of Tahrir today (similar to the situation during the last major occupation, in July, and different from the January-February protests), is that it has clearly been infiltrated by the security services with provocateurs. Their job is to keep the Meidan constantly on edge, and in so doing, keep the pressure on, drive people away, and encourage the degradation of life in Tahrir to the point that it either dissolves on its own, or an be "cleaned out", Zuccotti Park-style.
  • "People have to learn for themselves," one explained to me this morning. "And they will. In the meantime, we will produce another proposal and figure out how more forcefully to deal with the infiltrators. I know who they are, after ten months of doing this, I can smell them." I have no doubt he can, but the real question is whether Egyptians more broadly can not merely smell, but root out, the precise infiltration of their embryonic democracy by the forces of crony capitalism and corruption that have for so long dominated the country. "Power is attractive and parliament comes with a lot of money," one long-time activist put it to me in justifying the anger at the betrayal of the principles and of the revolution's martyrs by the emerging political elite.
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  • "The only place the people really trust is Tahrir."
Ed Webb

Brian Whitaker's blog, January 2011 - 1 views

  • without extreme vigilance on the part of the Tunisian public, the country might find itself, a few months from now, with another RCD president and a parliament still dominated by Ben Ali's party. Tunisians are going to have to remain very watchful, and keep up the pressure for change.
gabrielle verdier

.:Middle East Online:.Tunis museum flourishes after Ben Ali fall - 1 views

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    "major renovation project gives new space for heritage. "
gabrielle verdier

L'ombre de Ben Ali plane sur la presse tunisienne - La Sentinelle de Tunisie - 1 views

  • A la télévision, rien de neuf. Aucune nouvelle chaîne n'a été lancée depuis la chute de l'ancien régime
  • Dans les kiosques, deux ou trois nouveaux titres seulement
  • A Radio Sfax ou Radio Monastir, deux stations publiques régionales, l'information vit encore sous l'ère Ben Ali
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  • Pire: dans certaines radios, les dirigeants —fervents défenseurs de Ben Ali avant sa chute le 14 janvier 2011— se vantent d'être aujourd'hui les vrais révolutionnaires
  • Des pages Facebook ont par exemple été censurées à la demande de la justice militaire
  • Les partis politiques hostiles aux libertés n'ont pas déserté la Tunisie.
Ed Webb

Summer's here and it's time to call the 'Arab spring' a revolution | Ed Rooksby | Comme... - 1 views

  • plenty of commentators are drawing direct comparisons between the current events and the collapse of the eastern bloc. This approach performs an ideological function, in that it discursively integrates the current upheaval into a pre-existing approved ideological narrative – the dictatorships of the Middle East are merely the latest in a long line of tyrannies to have been undermined by the relentless march of progress and liberal democracy. Thus these upheavals represent further confirmation of the moral and organisational superiority of the western order.
  • The dynamic of change in countries such as Egypt is much more radical. In Marxist terms, the "political revolution" (reorganisation of the political institutions and changes among the leading state personnel) threatens to carry over into a "social revolution" (a more far-reaching reconfiguration of social relations and of the economic system). This can be seen in the way the focus of struggle, post-Mubarak, has shifted from Tahrir Square to the political-economic space of factories as workers organise strikes, articulate demands that are both political and economic, and start to challenge the power of Egypt's "little Mubaraks" – the country's economic elites. The revolution is deepening and taking on a definite class dynamic.
  • the pressures which are driving the revolts in north Africa are just as much systemic, economic ones as they are to do with political repression in Arab states
gabrielle verdier

Hosni Mubarak « OFAC SDN List Removal Lawyers - 1 views

  • The U.S. does not currently have a country-based sanctions program for Egypt. Therefore, in order to freeze Mubarak’s assets by placing him on the SDN List, OFAC would have to designate him under one of the subject matter areas. Specifically, OFAC would have to designate Mubarak as a terrorist, narcotics trafficker, diamond trader or a proliferater of weapons of mass destruction, which seems extremely unlikely.
Ed Webb

BBC News - Inside Tripoli's Rixos hotel as rebels close in - 1 views

  • Outside the Rixos hotel we still don't believe the streets are safe. And Gaddafi men are outside with guns, waiting. We still can't leave. Elsewhere I can hear gunfire - not in celebration, but in battle.
Ed Webb

Twitter / @Dima_Khatib: Hugo Chavez says that TV p ... - 1 views

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    Virtual reality
Ed Webb

How Revolution Turned Sour in the Birthplace of the Arab Spring | Common Dreams - 1 views

  • a Western instinct to personalize and, in the process, trivialize the Tunisian revolution – only to ignore it as the focus moved on to later rebellions in countries deemed more important
  • "Now they are offering all kinds of help to Libya, which is already a rich country. Here, we get nothing. The economic situation just gets worse, and we wonder why we risked so much in rising up against Ben Ali and his gangsters."
  • They are angry because things are not improving fast
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  • We want justice, we don't want things going back to the way they were
  • the percentage of the population optimistic about the future has fallen to 24 per cent
  • Faith in the electoral process leading to a better future has also dissipated, with less than half of those eligible to vote in the coming polls having so far registered to do so. While Western observers wonder about the emergence of Islamists as a dominant force in parliament, the crucial issue in places such as Sidi Bouzid is stark. "It is about jobs so we can at least feed our family," said Ziad Ali Karimi. "And if the politicians can't provide that there will be another revolution."
Ed Webb

What Egypt's revolutionaries want this January 25 - Politics - Egypt - Ahram Online - 1 views

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    Quite a mess, alas.
Ed Webb

Special Report: In Egypt's military, a march for change | Reuters - 1 views

  • As in the country, so in the barracks. Over the past six months, more than a dozen serving or recently retired mid- and lower-ranking officers have said they and their colleagues see Egypt's revolution as their own chance to win better treatment, salaries, and improved conditions and training. They are tired, they said, of a few very top officers becoming rich while the vast majority of officers and ordinary soldiers struggle.
  • "Military ranks struggle like the rest of Egyptians because, like Egyptian society, the wealth of the military is concentrated at the top and does not trickle down. You have to reach a specific rank before wealth is unlocked," one major said.
  • say they will hold off on pushing their demands further until the ruling military council hands over power to an elected civilian government
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  • Numbering at least 468,000 men - officials refuse to give the exact number saying it could hurt national security - Egypt's combined army, air force, air defense command, navy and paramilitaries make up the largest military force in the Arab world. More than half of those in uniform are conscripts.
  • One of the keys to the military's power is its grip on business, which was strengthened after Egypt's 1979 peace deal with Israel. Under that accord, the military had to shrink its forces. But instead of sacking hundreds of thousands of men, commanders opened factories to employ them. Those plants now produce everything from components for ammunition to pots and pans, fire extinguishers, and cutlery. The military also runs banks, tourism operations, farms, water treatment plants, a petrol station chain, construction firms, and import companies.Businesses owned solely by the military are exempt from tax, and often built on the backs of poorly paid conscripts, who make between $17 and $28 a month, although they are fed by the army and receive basic medical help. "A conscript goes into the army less for training, and more for working in one of the military factories or business schemes,"
  • the military establishment is likely to retain significant powers, no matter who wins the two-round presidential election
  • the armed forces have de facto control over all unused land in Egypt, or about 87 percent of the country
  • Many soldiers feel the U.S. money benefits American arms manufacturers and forces Egypt to buy outdated weaponry. Egypt, they say, needs to be able to make its own money to advance.
  • "The armed forces will not allow any interference into its business projects. This is a matter of national security," said Nasr.
  • "Previously the military budget was subject to specific laws and was not in any constitution," said General Mamdouh Shahine, who is responsible for legal affairs on the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has run Egypt since Mubarak's ouster. "But now we want to bring it under the new constitution to ensure stability. By adding budgetary clauses to the constitution, I am simply asserting a reality that has existed for a long time. What is the problem with that?"
  • The spark for the soldiers' rebellion in Alexandria was a brutal episode in Cairo. On October 9 last year, a group of Coptic Christians converged on Cairo's television station to protest at the burning of a church. In a neighborhood called Maspero, the protesters clashed with soldiers; about 25 civilians were killed.The army says soldiers were also killed in the violence. The lieutenant colonel with direct knowledge of the rebellion at the Air Defence Institute said one officer and 22 soldiers died. Those who survived were seriously injured and some were disabled, according to a source at the military judiciary. Among other things Air Defence Institute officers demanded was financial compensation for the families of those dead.
  • There are also problems with training, which four senior officers said was evident in the poor handling of tanks and armored personnel carriers on the streets during last year's protests. At Maspero, inexperienced soldiers in charge of armored carriers injured protesters inadvertently, one recently retired general responsible for devising training systems for the military said.
  • "stay away from politics or organized religion, don't outshine your commander, don't think about improving the system."
  • While most soldiers and officers are religious, the military does not allow religious organizations to set up within its ranks.
  • "You must remember that at the end of the day, the army is patriotic," said the colonel. "Many of the rank and file refuse to rebel because they feel the country depends on them and they are the last institution standing. They want change but they would rather wait until a civilian government is formed."
gabrielle verdier

The Arab Spring and Its Counterrevolutionaries - 1 views

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    "Marina Ottaway "
Vincent Mimir

France24 - Le vendeur ambulant de Sidi Bouzid est décédé - 0 views

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    05/01/2011 : Le jeune qui s'était immolé par le feu le 17 décembre après s'être fait confisquer sa marchandise par la police a succombé à ses blessures ce mercredi. Il est la quatrième victime du conflit social qui avait démarré après son geste.
Vincent Mimir

France24 - Violences en Tunisie: Ben Ali hausse le ton - 0 views

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    03/01/2011 : La Tunisie est secouée par une vague de contestation...des troubles qui ont poussé le président tunisien à limoger certains de ses ministres. Reportage au Maroc avec une immersion dans la vie quotidienne des bédouins. Visite à Casablanca dans un musée unique en son genre... Il retrace l'histoire de la communauté juive dans le pays.
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