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Lisa Tansey

The Riddle of the Human Species - NYTimes.com - 0 views

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    Mentioned by Howard Rheingold who said: Wilson is controversial, but the rarity of what he calls "eusocial" species and the coincidence of the advent of hunting-gathering in cooperative groups with the acceleration of human cognitive, cultural, and social capabilities supports his hypothesis: "The riddle of the human species."
Charlotte Pierce

Wired for Culture: The natural history of human cooperation - YouTube - 0 views

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    Week 2, #COOPLIT Mark Pagel, one of the world's leading experts on human evolution and development, visits the RSA to investigate our species' capacity for culture, cooperation and community.
Lisa Tansey

The Evolution Of Cooperation Edge Master Class 2011 | Conversation | Edge - 0 views

  • In this beautiful book by Ernst Mayr, What Evolution Is, he points out very elegantly, loosely speaking, ‘we talk about the evolution of genes, the evolution of species, the evolution of the brain, but none of these things actually carry the evolutionary process.  The only thing that really evolves are populations.’
  • There is one thing that I have learned in my studies of cooperation over the last 20 years: there is no equilibrium. There is never a stable equilibrium. Cooperation is always being destroyed and has to be rebuilt. How much time you spend on average in a cooperative state depends on how quickly you can rebuild it. The most important aspect is really how quickly you can get away from the Always defect again.
  • What is very important for efficient indirect reciprocity is language.  Indirect reciprocity leads to the evolution of social intelligence and human language.  In order to evaluate the situation, you have to understand who does what to whom and why.  And we have to have a way to talk about what happened, to gain experience from others.
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  • for Indirect reciprocity you need a name
  • I cooperate with the people in the set and I try to join sets of successful individuals
  • five mechanisms for cooperation:  kin selection: the idea is cooperation with genetic relatives; direct reciprocity: I help you, you help me; indirect reciprocity: I help you, somebody helps me; spatial selection: clusters of cooperators or neighbors to help each other; group selection: groups of cooperators out compete other groups.
  • they must be generous, hopeful and forgiving.
  •  If we need to imagine some other entity that we're playing the game against in order to cooperate in a larger group than before.
  • In principle there would be an equilibrium when I say that I start to defect as soon as one person defects. It then would actually force everybody to cooperate with Nash equilibrium, but the problem is, this is not realized by people.
  • What defines in the US and Western Europe is many people use punishment to punish defectors. But in Eastern Europe, in the Arab world, in essence, defectors punish cooperators, and this is called antisocial punishment.
  • In the US, reward works amazingly well.  Reward leads to efficient cooperation. The reward that we gave was the following; we play the public goods game, and afterwards we can have bare base productive interaction. We can play repeated Prisoner's Dilemma, and that ends up being good for us in private, and in public. People who cooperate in public will also get his private deals.
  • What does strike me as quite plausible is that at any given time there's some state of equilibrium within a population of, say, psychopaths and saintly ascetics and probably the largest percentage of generous tit-for-tat-ers who keep track but also show a big generosity, probably some firm but fair people who stick by the rules.
  • NICHOLAS PRITZKER: I'm kind of like cooperate, but keep a loaded gun under my belt. That'd be me. In other words, cooperate but watch your back.  I find if you get away from simple A versus B you get to a situation where it's fine to cooperate but it pays to be cynical, you know, trust and verify, something like that. I find in the real world, for me, maybe outside of kinship relationships, or maybe even with, I have to really watch the nuance.  You're not going to defect immediately but you want to keep your running shoes on.
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    Why has cooperation, not competition, always been the key to the evolution of complexity? MARTIN NOWAK is a Mathematical Biologist, Game Theorist; Professor of Biology and Mathematics, Director, Center for Evolutionary Dynamics, Harvard University; Coauthor (with Roger Highfield), SuperCooperators: Altruism, Evolution, and Why We Need Each Other to Succeed. Martin Nowak's Edge Bio Page In July, Edge held its annual Master Class in Napa, California on the theme: "The Science of Human Nature".  In the six week period that began September 12th, we are publishing the complete video, audio, and texts:  Princeton psychologist Daniel Kahneman on the marvels and the flaws of intuitive thinking; Harvard mathematical biologist Martin Nowak on the evolution of cooperation; UC-Santa Barbara evolutionary psychologist Leda Cosmides on the architecture of motivation; Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker on the history of violence; UC-Santa Barbara neuroscientist Michael Gazzaniga on neuroscience and the law; and Princeton religious historian Elaine Pagels on The Book of Revelations. For publication schedule and details, go to Edge Master Class 2011: The Science of Human Nature.
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    Transcript of fabulous presentation on the evolution of cooperation with great Q&A at the end.
Charlotte Pierce

http://www.umass.edu/preferen/A%20Cooperative%20Species/ACS%20Ch%201%20A%20Cooperative%... - 0 views

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    In the pages that follow we advance two propositions. First, people cooperate not only for self-interested reasons but because they are genuinely concerned about the well being of others, care about social norms, and wish to act ethically. People punish those who exploit the cooperation of others for the same reasons. Contributing to the success of a joint project for the benefit of one's group, even at a personal cost, evokes feelings of satisfaction, pride, even elation. Failing to do so is often a source of shame or guilt. Second, we came to have these "moral sentiments" because our ancestors lived in environments, both natural and socially constructed, in which groups of individuals who are predisposed to cooperate and uphold ethical norms tended to survive and expand relative to other groups, thereby proliferating these pro-social motivations. The first proposition concerns proximate motivations for prosocial behavior, the second addresses the distant evolutionary origins and ongoing perpetuation of these cooperative dispositions.
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