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manhefnawi

The Planet King: Philip IV and the Survival of Spain | History Today - 0 views

  • The continuing military, as maritime, supremacy of Spain could hardly have been more sensationally demonstrated than by these twin events
  • dramatic evidence of Spain's right to universal empire, but had also caused, by their determination and devotion
  • the twenty-year-old Philip IV deserved to be called 'el Rey Planeta' – the Planet King
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  • penultimate Habsburg ruler of Spain
  • The Decline of Spain' summarised what he considered to be the salient causes of that phenomenon, which for many years maintained the status of a decalogue. Amongst them figured 'the progressive decline in the character of the Habsburg kings'
  • The Spanish monarchy and system inherited by Philip IV in 1621 have long been accepted as being in a state of full decline
  • At Philip's accession to the throne, Spanish drama was enjoying a high summer of achievement fully equal to that of Jacobean England. Philip was entranced by its diversions, the escapist yet profoundly relevant worlds of courtly love, honour, revenge, cloak-and-dagger violence, salvation and damnation
  • The future Planet King played the role of Cupid in a court masque at the age of nine, in 1614
  • Of the five Austrian [i.e. Habsburg] kings, Charles V inspires enthusiasm, Philip II respect, Philip III indifference, Philip IV sympathy, and Carlos II pity
  • For most of the 1620s, the only major issue on which the King seems to have criticised his valido was the question of the Austrian alliance
  • Without Portugal and its immense colonial empire, Philip's pretensions to the title of 'Planet King' were hollow
  • The long reign of the Planet King thus ended in disillusion and dissolution
  • an age of chronic political instability and violence was dawning
manhefnawi

Fighting For The Falklands in 1770 | History Today - 0 views

  • have demanded inordinate attention from European governments, taking Britain to the brink of war with either Spain, France, or Argentina at least five times and witnessing a decisive naval battle with Germany in 1914
  • After the Seven Years War (1756-1763) Britain and, now, France sought to improve their position in the South Atlantic, and – unknown to each other – landed on the islands
  • A war scare which neither Spain nor Britain fully understood ended abruptly in late December when Louis XV took fright at the course of events, and warned Charles III on December 21st, 1770, 'My minister wishes for war, but I do not', and dismissed Choiseul on December 24th
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  • Spain and France were recovering from their humiliation in the Seven Years War, while Britain was allowing her armed forces to run down. It seemed an opportune moment to test Britain's resolve. For her part Britain was still smarting from France's annexation of Corsica in 1768 and the suppression of its partisan movement before Britain could intervene.
  • The evidence for Spain's unwillingness to go to war is implicit in the conventional sources used to study the crisis: the records of the English and Spanish Foreign Offices on direct dealings between the two governments. It is explicit, however, in a source not previously quoted in England – the dispatches of the Austrian ambassador to Versailles, Count Mercy-Argentau. Austria was France's other principal ally
  • In September his opponents on Council began a campaign to convince Louis XV that Choiseul was in league with the fractious provincial parlements, they have already propagated the notion that the duc de Choiseul prompts the parlements [and] that by sacrificing him, as the instrument of commotion, the tranquillity of the kingdom may be restored
  • n December Choiseul's bluff was called, first by Britain's refusal to acquiesce to the Spanish invasion as he demanded, then by his opponents' refusal to be distracted by the Falklands, and finally by Louis XV's own fear of war
  • Choiseul's own memoirs reveal nothing of the detail of these events. He blamed his downfall on the malice of his enemies and Louis XV's gullibility
manhefnawi

Battle of Jena | European history | Britannica.com - 0 views

  • Battle of Jena, also called Battle of Jena-Auerstädt, (Oct. 14, 1806), military engagement of the Napoleonic Wars, fought between 122,000 French troops and 114,000 Prussians and Saxons, at Jena and Auerstädt, in Saxony (modern Germany). In the battle, Napoleon smashed the outdated Prussian army inherited from Frederick II the Great, which resulted in the reduction of Prussia to half its former size at the Treaty of Tilsit in July 1807.
  • Frederick William III placed 63,000 men under Duke Charles William Ferdinand at Auerstädt and about 51,000 under Prince Friedrich Ludwig of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen on a 15-mile (24-kilometre) front between Weimar and Jena.
  • The double victory of the French cost them about 12,000 casualties to about 24,000 Prussian and Saxon casualties and about 20,000 more captured. Napoleon completed his conquest of Prussia within six weeks, before Russia could act to aid its ally.
Javier E

How politics is shaping Biden's infrastructure proposal - The Washington Post - 0 views

  • e new administration’s governing style. Rather than seek the perfect policy answer — an approach touted by the Obama administration — they are focused on solutions that can muster a broad base of support.
  • The plan also includes funding electric vehicles without setting a timeline for when the nation will stop selling gas-powered cars and trucks, and funding highly subsidized inland waterways without spelling out how much industry will pay for new locks and dams.
  • “We have to pass policies that people actually want,” said Leah Stokes, an assistant professor of political science at the University of California at Santa Barbara. “In an economics textbook, it’s efficiency all the time. That’s not the way it is in politics. The goal should be improving people’s lives.”
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  • Many influential interest groups and lawmakers are fighting to include different ideas.
  • Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee Chairman Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) said he supported the infrastructure plan’s inclusion of the Pro Act, which would make it easier for workers to unionize
  • The fraught politics of personal cars, SUVs and diesel trucks, meanwhile, meant some highly effective climate policies didn’t make it into Biden’s plan.
  • White House Deputy National Climate Adviser Ali Zaidi said in a phone interview. “It’s about making sure that the investments are made in a way that stretches the geography of opportunity to every Zip code, that fully avails the environmental justice upside and totally leans into the supply- chain and domestic manufacturing opportunities that all this presents.”
  • “The focus across the board is to try to deliver the upside in small towns and big cities and all the places in between, with an emphasis on communities that are very often left behind and left out,
  • “In the climate space, if we cared only about optimizing economic efficiency we’d probably only consider a carbon price,” he added. “But as we’ve learned from over 15 years of carbon-pricing around the globe, that works out better on economists’ whiteboards than it does in reality.”
  • Josh Freed, who leads the climate and energy team at the center-left think tank Third Way, said in an email, “The 'best’ use of taxpayer funds isn’t always the one that maximizes economic efficiencies.”
  • Some of the biggest emissions savings in transportation would come from ending the sale of gas-powered cars by 2035, followed soon after by heavy trucks. The plan avoids those politically dicey mandates.
  • The incentives and other policies mirror those championed by Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.), who has called for major rebates when drivers buy electric vehicles.
  • The president’s infrastructure ambitions depend on Schumer’s ability to shepherd a package through the evenly split Senate.
  • Even supporters of the infrastructure push say it has elements that bend to political forces. Some economists, for instance, believe the plan’s call for “Buy American” provisions to ensure infrastructure is made by American workers will drive up the cost of the measures for the federal government. But those provisions are fiercely supported by unions and other liberal groups because they boost the amount of federal spending that has to be directed to American workers.
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