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baileycj2

The making and unmaking of an unknown soldier - 0 views

sss.sagepub.com/...631.full.pdf+html

cemetery evergreen

shared by baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    For 18 years, from 1984 to 1998, the Vietnam crypt of the Tomb of the Unknowns in Arlington National Cemetery housed the remains of a soldier whose anonymity helped shoulder a nation's grief and fuel its memory. They were those of First Lieutenant Michael J. Blassie, an Air Force pilot shot down over hostile territory in southern Vietnam in 1972. On 14 May 1998, Blassie's then-unrecognized remains became the only set at the memorial to be disinterred and identified - an act that signaled an important shift in forensic practice and the state's means of commemorating its missing and unknown members of the military. Tracing the story of the Vietnam Unknown's (de)identification, this article examines the gradual though foundational reframing of the connection between national memory and identity expressed through care for those who 'made the ultimate sacrifice'. Whereas memorials of the past, such as the Tomb of the Unknowns, emphasized collective or anonymous groupings of war dead in articulating national identity, the changing technology of identification, particularly brought about by advances in DNA testing, has enabled individuated memorializing. Naming each dead soldier, returning each set of remains to surviving families, no matter how partial or delayed, personalizes the ideals of sacrifice and honor embodied in the fallen soldier and invites localized, communal remembrance. The shifts in technology and memory that have rewritten the story of the Vietnam Unknown not only altered modes of national commemoration, but also lay bare the connections between how war itself is waged, death justified, and a nation defined through its care for war dead.
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    For 18 years, from 1984 to 1998, the Vietnam crypt of the Tomb of the Unknowns in Arlington National Cemetery housed the remains of a soldier whose anonymity helped shoulder a nation's grief and fuel its memory. They were those of First Lieutenant Michael J. Blassie, an Air Force pilot shot down over hostile territory in southern Vietnam in 1972. On 14 May 1998, Blassie's then-unrecognized remains became the only set at the memorial to be disinterred and identified - an act that signaled an important shift in forensic practice and the state's means of commemorating its missing and unknown members of the military. Tracing the story of the Vietnam Unknown's (de)identification, this article examines the gradual though foundational reframing of the connection between national memory and identity expressed through care for those who 'made the ultimate sacrifice'. Whereas memorials of the past, such as the Tomb of the Unknowns, emphasized collective or anonymous groupings of war dead in articulating national identity, the changing technology of identification, particularly brought about by advances in DNA testing, has enabled individuated memorializing. Naming each dead soldier, returning each set of remains to surviving families, no matter how partial or delayed, personalizes the ideals of sacrifice and honor embodied in the fallen soldier and invites localized, communal remembrance. The shifts in technology and memory that have rewritten the story of the Vietnam Unknown not only altered modes of national commemoration, but also lay bare the connections between how war itself is waged, death justified, and a nation defined through its care for war dead.
baileycj2

Remembering and Forgetting: The Relationship Between Memory and the Abandonment of Grav... - 3 views

web.a.ebscohost.com/...pdfviewer

cemetery evergreen

shared by baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    his paper examines the concept of commemoration as an expression of social memory and its relationship to time and space as manifested through the mortuary evidence from Modern Greek cemeteries. Of particular interest is the act of commemoration itself: who remembers whom and the length of time that this type of memory endures. Based on evidence collected from a number of different cemeteries in northern Kythera and the eastern Corinthia, I argue that memory at the nuclear family level determines the length of time a grave is remembered as a physical location. Once this memory ceases to exist, the grave gradually enters a process of neglect, which ultimately leads to its abandonment. Some abandoned graves are recycled for use by other families who, in the absence of any recollection or memory of the grave, remove and destroy the old monuments (if they exist) and the remains of the previous occupants. Particular burial spaces are, thus, reclaimed by new groups.
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    his paper examines the concept of commemoration as an expression of social memory and its relationship to time and space as manifested through the mortuary evidence from Modern Greek cemeteries. Of particular interest is the act of commemoration itself: who remembers whom and the length of time that this type of memory endures. Based on evidence collected from a number of different cemeteries in northern Kythera and the eastern Corinthia, I argue that memory at the nuclear family level determines the length of time a grave is remembered as a physical location. Once this memory ceases to exist, the grave gradually enters a process of neglect, which ultimately leads to its abandonment. Some abandoned graves are recycled for use by other families who, in the absence of any recollection or memory of the grave, remove and destroy the old monuments (if they exist) and the remains of the previous occupants. Particular burial spaces are, thus, reclaimed by new groups.
baileycj2

Don't Cut the Grass - 2 views

www.tandfonline.com/...13576275.2013.820178

cemetery evergreen

shared by baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    The reported absence of distinguishing features upon British Gypsy-Traveller memorials has been used to support the widely accepted, and influential, argument that dead people are not the focus of social continuity within Gypsy-Traveller society. However, based upon cemetery surveys and interviews with members of the Gypsy-Traveller community in Sheffield, England, this paper demonstrates that explicit displays of ethnicity are now common upon memorials, and describes their characteristics. The reasons behind this apparent shift in mortuary practices are discussed in relation to wider socio-political factors. Based upon these findings, we argue for a reconsideration of the relationship between living and dead people within British Gypsy-Traveller society, and a recognition of the importance of commemoration in the negotiation of identity and social reproduction within these communities.
  • baileycj2 on 07 Oct 14
     
    The reported absence of distinguishing features upon British Gypsy-Traveller memorials has been used to support the widely accepted, and influential, argument that dead people are not the focus of social continuity within Gypsy-Traveller society. However, based upon cemetery surveys and interviews with members of the Gypsy-Traveller community in Sheffield, England, this paper demonstrates that explicit displays of ethnicity are now common upon memorials, and describes their characteristics. The reasons behind this apparent shift in mortuary practices are discussed in relation to wider socio-political factors. Based upon these findings, we argue for a reconsideration of the relationship between living and dead people within British Gypsy-Traveller society, and a recognition of the importance of commemoration in the negotiation of identity and social reproduction within these communities.
cnhairston

Stereotypes in the Media: So What? - 0 views

web.a.ebscohost.com.proxy.library.vcu.edu/...pdfviewer

notaspire Memory myth stereotypes television

shared by cnhairston on 20 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • cnhairston on 20 Oct 14
     
    This paper is an attempt to provide a satisfying theoretical framework for how stereotypical representations in media texts can link social-level racial myths with individual-level cognition. Barthes' theories about semiotic signs and myths are examined and linked with models from cognitive psychology concerning human memory and processing of categorical information. Using language as a medium, Livingstone's interpretive framework is proposed as the link that connects mythical social understandings with real cognitive processing phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
marquezfrf

The City of the Dead: The Place of Cultural Identity and Environmental Sustainability i... - 1 views

muse.jhu.edu.proxy.library.vcu.edu/...30.2.jones01.html

evergreen preservation cemetery

shared by marquezfrf on 10 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • marquezfrf on 10 Oct 14
     
    Mount Auburn Cemetery in Baltimore, Maryland is more than a place of rest and reflection. It is a place of environmental and cultural sustainability and an expression of an attitude toward nature and environment unique to African-American culture. Through the more than hundred-year cultivation of an African-American cultural overlay, the Cemetery has been transformed from graveyard to a unique burial ground. Founded in 1872, Mount Auburn Cemetery is the last remaining African-American burial space in Baltimore, and it celebrates this transformative layering. Holding the remains of some 43,000 Baltimoreans, the cemetery represents the paradoxes of a culture defined by a century of interaction with the sacred as defined by rural experience, and that has favored the urban landscape as a necessary post-slavery gesture. In addition to its cultural and historic burial functions, Mount Auburn creates an ecological balance by providing designed green spaces, a cultural connection to nature and landscapes of memory, and a respite from the urban setting in which it is consciously located. This paper proposes that the African-American expression of form visible in Mount Auburn is marked by improvisation and an often superficial, chaotic appearance. This expression of form contributes to the sustainability and preservation of a uniquely diverse urban landscape, creating an attitude and perspective about place. This complex environmental attitude is defined by both positive and negative feelings toward the natural surroundings of humankind, including air, water, land, wildlife, and the systems existing between the natural environment and human society (Parker, 1999).
courtmulligan12

Holmes and Smith: Intergroup dynamics of extra-legal police aggression - 1 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1359178912000286

policebrutality police HUDS policeaggression

shared by courtmulligan12 on 09 Oct 14 - No Cached
  • extra-legally, as informal means of coercive control over those perceived as threats to police authority or personal safety
  • Nowhere is that possibility more apparent than in the treatment of racial and ethnic minorities in disadvantaged locales
  • most commonly (although not exclusively) in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods
  • ...69 more annotations...
  • Some explanations of the behavior identify individual differences among police officers or organizational differences among police departments as primary causal factors, approaches that generally lack empirical support
  • situational
  • exigencies, such as the race and demeanor of citizens, may determine the use of extra-legal police aggression.
  • conflicts of interest
  • tereotyping
  • egregation and discrimination
  • hypothesis that the police employ formal legal authority less vigorously in disadvantaged areas, Kane (2002) argued that, in the socially disorganized neighborhoods where lax enforcement occurs, various forms of police misconduct may become normalized by officers who encounter conflict with citizens and challenges to their legitimacy
  • social psychology of intergroup relations to develop a theory of the underlying causes and ecological variations in the use of various types of extra-legal police aggression.
  • Profanity and racial slurs, racially motivated stops and searches, and excessive physical force would generally constitute violations.
  • uch as police brutality and excessive force, are often used to describe the phenomena under consideration, but these concepts generally refer only to physical force
  • extra-legal police aggression is preferable for several related reasons.
  • ggression
  • any form of behavior that is intended to injure someone physically or psychologically.”
  • Both unconscious and conscious processes may trigger extra-legal aggression by the police.
  • he concept of aggression captures the critical point that the behaviors in question specifically aim to injure citizens.
  • Profanity, racial slurs, and gratuitous verbal threats degrade, humiliate and frighten citizens
  • An investigation conducted in six cities by the NAACP (1995) reported that verbal abuse and harassment are the most common forms of extra-legal police aggression and are standard operating procedure in minority communities.
  • erbal abuses as well as obscene gestures and spitting
  • An emerging focus of research on policing minorities is racial profiling, the practice of stopping and searching citizens on the pretext of suspicious or illegal activity but actually on the basis of racial identity alone.
  • A study of police stops in New York City showed that Blacks and Hispanics were stopped at higher rates than Whites in all areas, but those encountered in neighborhoods with relatively small Black populations were stopped relatively more frequently
  • intrusive searches subsequent to police stops, which likely occur more frequently in areas of concentrated disadvantage
  • The most extreme forms of extra-legal police aggression involve the use of excessive physical force, that which occurs “under color of authority, without lawful necessity”
  • Race appears to be an important correlate of its use.
  • cities of 150,000 or more population, percent Black and percent Hispanic
  • were related positively to criminal complaints against police officers
  • nvestigated by the FBI and reported to the Civil Rights Division of the DOJ from 1985 to 1990, found that
  • some research findings suggest a link between race and neighborhood characteristics.
  • percent
  • Black population and extreme Black segregation were related positively to sustained complaints of excessive force
  • Percent Hispanic was also related positively to sustained complaints, but Hispanic segregation was not.
  • Most studies include a small number of jurisdictions, rely on weak research designs with respect to causal generalizations, and/or use imprecise dependent measures.
  • minority suspects encountered in disadvantaged neighborhoods are at greatest risk of victimization at the hands of police
  • For example, Stewart et al. (2009) maintain that the police may discriminate against Black youth to defend the interests of White neighborhoods
  • Certainly the use of questionable practices by the police, such as stops and searches on the basis of racial profiling, may serve the interests of Whites in maintaining the boundaries of the “racial-spatial divide”
  • These findings support the proposition of a greater incidence and severity of extra-legal aggression in disadvantaged minority neighborhoods, but also suggest that lesser forms, such as unnecessary stops, may be used to handle “suspicious” Black citizens outside their neighborhoods.
  • Relevant dimensions of intergroup relations include complementary processes involving group conflict, emotions, and cognitions.
  • These social–psychological dynamics have been identified as primary contributors to aggressive behavioral responses.
  • he various models of intergroup relations and aggression suggest that distal background conditions of neighborhoods and proximate psychological responses elicited in situational encounters with citizens determine the specific targets (race) and general locations (place) of extra-legal police aggression.
  • 1) social, emotional, and cognitive preconditions to aggressive behavior, (2) activation of aggressive responses by a target perceived as threatening, and (3) social and individual mediators/moderators of aggressive behavior.
  • Group conflict
  • Several conflict theories hold that complex societies contain various interest groups and that conflict is an inevitable social process with predictable consequences for social organization and behavior.
  • ntergroup conflict arises as a collective reaction to real or perceived threats to group interests. T
  • The conflict theory of law maintains that the deployment of coercive crime mechanisms expressly seeks to regulate threats to the interests of the powerful
  • For example, police use of lesser forms of extra-legal aggression may accommodate the interests of Whites in affluent neighborhoods who can marshal political influence to dictate police practices
  • The police may more freely employ more severe forms of extra-legal aggression in areas of minority disadvantage, as there is less risk and more salient personal interests at stake
  • Realistic group conflict theory calls attention to the reality that the police constitute a distinct social group that possesses unique interests that do not always correspond to the interests of the dominant group of the larger society
  • maintains that the existence of such outgroup threats create hostility toward the source of threat, ingroup solidarity, ingroup identity, tightened ingroup boundaries, punishment of ingroup defectors and deviants, and increased ethnocentrism.
  • African Americans and Hispanics, who constitute the largest and most threatening outgroups in American society
  • hese disadvantaged neighborhoods pose a host of challenging circumstances—social isolation, poverty, crime, drugs, weapon availability, violence, and social disorder/incivilities
  • Much urban police work takes place in such locales.
  • Subcultural conflicts of group interests between police and minority citizens exist in these neighborhoods and create normative rifts that often place them at odds with one another.
  • he mutual perceptions of distrust and threat held by police and minorities in disadvantaged neighborhoods may generate group dynamics that reinforce ingroup solidarity and intergroup conflict that would not occur in more affluent locales.
  • Such intergroup conflict may elicit various less severe forms of extra-legal aggression by the police, which are seen as instrumental to maintaining authority and avoiding danger.
  • Conflict theories offer important insights into the background tensions that precipitate acts of extra-legal police aggression; however, other social psychological dynamics also must be considered.
  • Primary emotions such as fear and happiness comprise the foundation of the complex human emotional repertoire upon which inter- and intra-group relationships are formed—human behavior is deeply rooted in myriad emotional processes
  • Entering areas of concentrated minority disadvantage may routinely activate emotional responses among the police.
  • Police officers may become unconsciously and consciously conditioned to associate such areas, as well as certain types of people, with criminality and danger
  • While humans may become consciously aware of feeling afraid when faced with an aversive stimulus, unconscious mechanisms for acquiring, storing, and retrieving emotional memories may activate both a behavioral response to and the cognitive awareness of the emotion.
  • While emotions comprise internal states of individuals that may affect behavior, they are also social phenomena shaped by society and culture
  • Police use of extra-legal aggression in disadvantaged locales may, in part, reflect subcultural norms about the appropriate targets of anger and the relative power of police over disadvantaged citizens.
  • the challenging conditions of disadvantaged minority locales clearly provide a structural context in which apprehension, fear, and anger are always relatively close to the surface, ready to take hold of a police officer's conduct.
  • pro-social emotional bonds develop among officers who work these areas, amplifying the ethnocentrism that segregates the occupational subculture of policing from outsiders
  • Heightened fear and anger toward citizens, along with emotional bonds to fellow officers, prime the police officer for aggressive responses in the face of perceived threats, whether real or imagined.
  • Cognitions of ingroups and outgroups are analytically separable, and two distinct but closely related research traditions have developed
  • akes place in tasks involving reward allocations in very minimal groups that lack normal features such as face-to-face interaction, norms, and intergroup relationships.
  • he mere perception of group membership may be sufficient to produce biased judgments and discrimination
  • self-categorization theory maintains that intergroup dynamics involving social identity occur whenever group memberships are salient and group comparisons are made
  • Large perceived differences between groups give rise to the process of self-stereotyping, whereby individuals perceive themselves more as undifferentiated, interchangeable parts of a group and less as unique persons characterized primarily by individual attributes.
  • Perceived ingroup similarity enhances elements of group cohesiveness—mutual attraction, esteem, empathy, cooperation, and ethnocentrism—among members of the ingroup and triggers discrimination against outgroups.
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