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Blantyre Mission stephen green.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 6 THE NYASALAND JOURNAL BLANTYRE MISSION By Rev. Stephen Green T was appropriate that the Scottish missionaries who came to the Shire Highlands in 1876 should call their settlement Blantyre, the name of David Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire. For Scotland had some three years before been deeply moved by the story of Livingstone's death at Ilala and of the devotion of his African friends who carried his body to the coast that it might be brought home to lie in Westminster Abbey. Livingstone had spoken with enthusiasm
    • nhlangotisn
       
      Livingstone - refers to David Livingstone, a Scottish missionary and explorer who passed through the Shire Highlands in 1859 and spoke highly of the area for missionary settlement. Blantyre - the name of the settlement founded by Scottish missionaries in the Shire Highlands in 1876. The name comes from Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire, Scotland. Church of Scotland - refers to the Presbyterian denomination of Christianity that sent the Scottish missionaries to the Shire Highlands. The Free Church of Scotland had already sent pioneers to Livingstonia Mission in 1875. Henry Henderson - the missionary sent by the Church of Scotland to find a suitable site near Lake Malawi for a new mission, but who eventually settled on the Shire Highlands. Magomero - the site of the Universities' Mission, which had been founded in response to Livingstone's challenge and appeal fifteen years prior. Medical officer - Dr. T. T. Macklin, who accompanied the mission party from Scotland to the Shire Highlands in 1876 and was handed leadership of the mission upon arrival. Artisan missionaries - refers to the five skilled tradesmen who accompanied the mission party from Scotland and were tasked with construction and manual work for the mission. Challenge - the mission to continue the work that Livingstone had begun in the area, as he had spoken highly of the Shire Highlands as a suitable location for missionary settlement
  • Henderson left them encamped by the Shire while he went up to make preparations for their arrival. He found at the place of his choice half-ruined huts, the owners of which had fled to the hills to escape a raid of the Angoni. Some of these he repaired sufficiently to be of service as temporary shelter, and then returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. It was reached by them on the 23rd. October,
    • nhlangotisn
       
      On October 23rd, 1936, Sir Harold Kittermaster unveiled a memorial tablet set in a cairn of stones on the spot where the fig tree had stood. The cairn is made up of sixty stones, each one bearing the name of one of the congregations of the Presbytery of Blantyre, which at that date numbered sixty. Henderson repaired half-ruined huts at the chosen site and returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. They arrived at Blantyre on October 23rd, and encamped under a large fig tree. Dr. Macklin took over the leadership of the mission after Henderson handed it over to him, and he began making friends with neighbouring chiefs and headmen. African helpers were instructed in various kinds of manual work, and a school was opened. Sons of the Makololo chiefs down on the River attended the school as boarders, and they brought slaves with them to wait upon them, which Dr. Clement Scott promptly stopped. Refugee slaves sought asylum at the mission and were received and assured of protection, which led to bitter hostility to the mission on the part of chiefs who had a direct interest in the slave trade. The original pioneer band contained no ordained missionary, and one was not appointed until 1878. Dr. Laws and Dr. Stewart came from Livingstonia for temporary duty as Head of the Mission, and Mr. James Stewart, a civil engineer, was also lent for a time from Livingstonia, and his services were of great value in the laying out of the station and the garden.
  • THE NYASALAND JOURNAL The first minister to be appointed to Blantyre was the Reverend Duff Macdonald, afterwards Minister of South Dalziel, Mother well. In a remarkably short time he acquired a good knowledge of Yao and produced Yao schoolbooks and translations. He also made a special study of local customs and folklore, and his book Africana is still a leading authority.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph describes the establishment of the Blantyre settlement by Scottish missionaries in Nyasaland (now Malawi) and the challenges they faced. The first minister appointed was Reverend Duff Macdonald, who quickly gained knowledge of the local language (Yao) and customs, producing schoolbooks and translations. Mission work also began at Zomba, but was later abandoned for Domasi station. The missionaries faced hostility from some local chiefs due to their anti-slavery policy and their need to exercise civil jurisdiction over Africans. The inexperience of the missionaries led to the adoption of measures inconsistent with Christian aims, and some in Scotland advised withdrawal. However, the Head of the Mission and two others were recalled, and a new minister, David Clement Ruffelle Scott, was sent out. Scott was a versatile man with qualities of leadership who re-organized the Mission's work. He designed Blantyre Church and produced an encyclopedic dictionary of the Mang'anja language, widely known as Scott's Dictionary. Under his leadership, the Mission compensated slave owners who established claims to slaves in sanctuary at the Mission, and formed friendly relations with chiefs.
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  • sister of Dr. John Bowie, had also contracted it. On his way, through torrential rains and across rivers in flood, he received the news that Mrs. Henderson was dead and Dr. Bowie, who had sucked the tracheotomy tube in a desperate effort to save the child's life, was down with diphtheria. All that Affleck Scott and Dr. Henry Scott, who had come from Domasi, could do was of no avail, and Bowie also died. Very soon after, Henry Henderson on his way home with Mrs. Bowie and Mrs. Clement Scott (another sister of Dr. Bowie) died at Q
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the history of the Scottish Presbyterian mission in Nyasaland (now Malawi) during the late 19th century. The mission aimed to spread Christianity to the local population while also attempting to curb the practice of slavery. The text describes several missionaries who played important roles in this effort, including Robert Cleland, Clement Scott, and William Affleck Scott. The paragraph begins by recounting an event in which Scott and Henderson attempted to persuade the Angoni chiefs to cease raiding the Shire Highlands, which was successful in preventing future attacks. The narrative then shifts to describe the establishment of a sub-station at Chiradzulu and the difficulties encountered by Cleland when attempting to found a new station at Mlanje. The paragraph notes that Cleland passed away from illness before he could fully establish the new station. The text then describes the efforts of William Affleck Scott, who joined the mission in 1889 and devoted himself wholeheartedly to spreading the Gospel. Although he did not achieve his ambition of founding a station in Angoniland, he served at several locations in Nyasaland and also participated in expeditions to Portuguese East Africa. The paragraph ends with a tragic account of Henry Henderson's family members succumbing to diphtheria while on their way back to Blantyre, with Affleck Scott and Henry Scott unable to save them despite their efforts
  • he vernacular. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the natural effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi only ten miles distant. The latter, with its square mile of mission land offering facilities for school boarding, evangelists' training, teachers' refresher courses, etc., was much more suitable as the head? quarters of a large district, but as staffing difficulties increased it was the station that suffered more than any other from lack of staff. Work was developed from Domasi in the district to the north-east between Chikala Hill and Lake Chiuta, and for long the dream was cherished of transferring the station to a central site in that district. An exchange of land could have been
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the development of the Blantyre Church, which was built between 1888 and 1891, with Dr. Affleck Scott describing the various people involved in its construction. Despite criticism of the elaborate building, Dr. Scott defends it as a means of bringing more people to the area and teaching them about the benefits of hard work and beauty. The year 1891 also saw the beginning of the administration of Nyasaland as a British protectorate, which had an impact on the work of the Mission. Means of communication improved, making it easier for various Christian forces in the country to make contact. In 1900, the first of a series of missionary conferences was held, with representatives from various missions in attendance. These conferences have been valuable in discussing issues and demonstrating spiritual unity. In 1904, the Federation of Missions was formed with a Consultative Board, which discussed questions of common interest. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi. The dream of transferring the station to a central site in the district to the northeast was never realized, despite repeated appeals from the people.
  • In this matter the missions were very greatly indebted to the Reverend W. H. Murray of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission, who was set free for a time by his Church for translation work, and who not only did much of it himself, but also co-ordinated the work of the other translators. Later Dr. Murray earned the further gratitude of the Church in the Central and Southern Provinces by revising the whole of the text, introducing the new orthography, and adding marginal references, work in which he was ably assisted by Mrs. Murray. Thus Nyanja-speaking Christians in Nyasaland and far beyond its bounds have an admirable version of the whole of the Scriptures which, thanks to the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society, can be bought for the modest
    • nhlangotisn
       
      he paragraph provides a historical account of the Blantyre Mission's work in Portuguese East Africa, particularly in the establishment of mission stations and the growth of the Church of Scotland's congregation. In 1898, an effort was made to extend the work to the east of Lake Chirwa, but the Portuguese authorities objected to the founding of a mission until they had pacified the country. The Mihecani station was finally opened in 1913, while the Panthumbi station was later moved to Bemvu, where it was under the leadership of Harry Matecheta. The policy of centralization was adopted in 1904, and technical and industrial training was concentrated in Blantyre, while other stations were free to develop evangelistic and junior school work. The Henry Henderson Institute was built to accommodate extra pupils. The mission played an essential role in training carpenters, builders, gardeners, and clerks, who found employment in government offices and commercial concerns. The Mlanje Mission was removed to a new site in the early 1930s. In 1924, the Presbyteries of Livingstonia and Blantyre entered into an incorporating union in the Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian), and the first Synod of that Church was constituted at Livingstonia. Blantyre missionaries played a significant role in Bible translation.
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
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      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
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  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
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      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
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      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
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      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
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      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
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      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
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      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
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      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
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      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
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  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
andiswamntungwa

slavery_other_forms_of_social_oppression_in_ankole_1890_1940.pdf - 1 views

  • bomas
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      A boma is a livestock enclosure, community enclosure, stockade, corral, small fort or district government office.
  • For Patterson the key to understanding the nature of slavery is the idea of what he calls ‘natal alienation’ and the lack of honour suffered by the slave. 15 In the case of Ankole, the central manifestation of these constituent elements of slavery was the sense of humiliation and degradation experienced by the slaves that continues to embitter the social relations and political struggles of contemporary Nyankole society. Let us now turn to the various forms of servile labour, first in precolonial Nkore and its environs and then in the colonially created ‘Kingdom of Ankole’.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The concept of what Patterson refers to as "natal alienation" and the lack of honor the slave experiences are crucial to understanding the essence of slavery, in Patterson's opinion. In the instance of Ankole, the sense of humiliation and degradation felt by the slaves permeated social interactions and political conflicts in modern Nyankole culture, serving as the primary manifestation of these characteristics of slavery. Now let's discuss the various sorts of servile labor, first in precolonial Nkore and its surroundings and then in the colonially established "Kingdom of Ankole."
  • Abashumba were and are destitute peasants or, more usually, herdsmen, who voluntarily seek employment herding the cows of rich cattle owners. From the perspective of the owners of large herds, there was need for men to do the arduous and ‘dirty’ work of tending to the cattle and the kraal. The daily tasks of watering and grazing the cattle, of sweeping the enclosure and removing cow dung were those most frequently assigned to abashumba. Various domestic tasks such as churning milk into ghee (clarified butter), collecting grass for mats and so on would be assigned to abashumbakazi (female servants). 17 It would appear, however, that Hima households required far more male than female labour, because of the arduous nature of herding and grazing cattle.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Abashumba were and are poor peasants who voluntarily seek jobs herding the cows of wealthy cattle owners. They are more frequently herdsmen. Owners of vast herds saw a need for mento to perform the difficult and "dirty" task of caring for the cattle and the kraal. The daily chores that were most frequently given to Bashumba were cleaning the enclosure, removing cow dung, and drinking and grazing the cattle. Abashumbakazi (female servants) would be given a variety of domestic jobs, such as turning milk into ghee (clarified butter), gathering grass for mats, and so on. Due to the laborious nature of herding and grazing cattle, it seemed that Hima households required significantly more male than female labor.
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  • One important distinction in the treatment and status of abahuuku was the fact that they could be and generally were ‘branded’ by the excision of all or part of one or both ears. Initially this was done to prevent them from escaping and mixing unnoticed among free Banyankore, who were no different in appearance or language from the slaves from neighbouring areas. But it is also clear that ‘cutting the ear’ was a form of humiliation and an expression of the absolute power of the owner over the person of the omuhuuku. 2
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Being 'tagged' by having all or a portion of one or both ears removed was a significant distinction in how abahuuku were treated and classified. This was first done to stop them from fleeing and blending in with the free Banyankore, who were identical in appearance and language to the slaves from surrounding districts. However, it is also obvious that "cutting the ear" was a humiliation tactic and a demonstration of the owner's total control over the omuhuuku's person.Abahuuku also had to perform the dehumanizing duty of accompanying his master during sexual acts and supporting him by "holding the thigh" of his partner, who was frequently a female slave (omuzaana).
  • As with the children of abashumba born within the household of the patron, the children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, ‘the children of the house’, alongside the children of his wives and daughters-in-law. It is very revealing that unmarried abazaana who gave birth within their patron’s household were not punished
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, not punished.
  • The second issue was whether the killing of pregnant, unmarried Bahima women was done out of shame and the loss of family honour or out of the purely economic consideration of the loss of value in bridewealth that would be suffered by the family and specifically by the ‘favourite’ brother, who would now lose a large proportion of his sister’s bridewealth cattle that he would have used to obtain his own bride
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The second concern was whether the murder of pregnant, unwed Bahima women was motivated by disgrace and a loss of family honor or by purely economic considerations related to the family's loss of something valuable in bridewealth, particularly for the "favorite" brother who would now lose a substantial amount of his sister's bride wealth cattle which he would have utilized to find his own bride.
  • The limited commercial impact of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankole slavery was matched by the marginal effect that both the slave trade and slave raiding had in the region. The principal object of the east coast merchants who came to Nkore and its neighbourhood appears to have been to procure ivory rather than slaves, the demand for which could be more readily satisfied elsewhere
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The minor impact of both the slave trade and slave raiding in the area matched the negligible commercial influence of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankoleslavery. Since the demand for slaves could be more easily met elsewhere, it appears that the main goal of the east coast traders who traveled to Nkore and its surrounding areas was to acquire ivory. Coastal traders gave cloth, cowrie shells, weapons, and powder in exchange for the ivory. However, only the wealthiest mainly and pastoral households were impacted by these items in Ankole cultures, which had a very shallow penetration.
  • The connection between nineteenth-century anti-slavery ideology and the exploration and colonisation of Africa is a commonplace. Uganda was no exception, and opposition to the slave trade was prominent among the justifications for the sending of both missionaries and administrators to Buganda and its environs in the last half of that century. 42 Even the most egotistical and eccentric of Uganda’s early European explorers, men like Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found in the anti-slavery impulse a useful ally
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Africa's discovery and colonization and nineteenth-century anti-slavery philosophy are frequently linked. Uganda was no exception, and during the latter half of that century, opposition to the slave trade was a key pretext for sending missionaries and officials to Uganda and its surroundings. Even Uganda's most pompous and eccentric early European explorers, such Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found a handy ally in the anti-slavery movement.
  • The problem with the emancipation of slaves was compounded by two imperatives of colonial rule. The first was the need to entrench alliances of collaboration with the occupying power by bolstering chiefs who had been appointed or recognised by the colonial state.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Two colonial imperatives exacerbated the issue of the emancipation of slaves. The first was the requirement to strengthen collaboration relationships with the occupying power by supporting chiefs who had been nominated or acknowledged by the colonial administration.
  • The First World War and the recruitment of Banyankole for military service as porters and menial labourers seemed to have brought akashanju to an end. Its demise may also have been hastened by the increasing availability of cash in the economy and the decreasing need for head porterage and road construction workers as a basic network of rudimentary roads and motorised transport was completed. Road maintenance, though, would remain a major source of demand for unpaid labour for many years under the postwar system called ruharo.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The First World War and the enlistment of Banyankole as porters and manual laborers for the armed forces appeared to put an end to akashanjuto. As a rudimentary network of primitive roads and motorized transport was constructed, the economy's increased cash availability and the resulting decline in the demand for headporterage and road construction employees may have expedited its collapse. However, the post-war system known as ruharo would continue to be a significant source of demand for unpaid labor for many years.
amahlemotumi

Full article: 'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural ... - 7 views

  • Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      War between the Zulus and British because the Zulus did not want to submit to British law.
  • he iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Singcofela who was part of the war between british and zulu explains that when killing with a gun a person does not get the insanity that one who kills with an assegai has an aftermath effect of war
  • ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving
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  • A single technology such as that of firearms may be taken up and employed by different societies in a great variety of ways and with fluctuating levels of success.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      societies used guns differently, some used them to gain more success in both political and economic ways.
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona,Spear that is red even on the handle [...]The young viper grows as it sits,Always in a great rage
    • amahlemotumi
       
      praise song
  • otho thoroughly embraced firearms, considerably modified their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of firearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      Sothos changed the battle techniques upon having access to guns but the Zulu stuck to their old ways of fighting in battle but introduced a new weapon , the gun.
  • he battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fired at him with his revolver and missed:
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports. Although indigenous peoples like the Xhosa, Sotho, Pedi and Zulu gradually adopted firearms during the course of the nineteenth century, they did so with varying degrees of eagerness.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      gun ownership spread in a slower pace in South Africa due to the lack of ports for ships to arrive in.
  • makhanda (military homesteads)
  • individuals in each of these companies (amaviyo)
  • ew ibutho (age-grade regiment)
  • amakhanda,
    • amahlemotumi
       
      STATES WITH FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS
  • adets
    • amahlemotumi
       
      OFFICER TRAINEE
  • to giya, or to perform a war dance,
  • In battle, the Zulu tactical intention was to outflank and enclose the enemy in a flexible manoeuvre, evidently developed from the hunt, which could be readily adapted to a pitched battle in the open field or to a surprise attack
    • amahlemotumi
       
      the Zulu on battelfield resembled them hunting down prey. The same tactics to corner enemy
  • abaqawe [heroes or warriors of distinction]
  • he king ordered them to wear a distinctive necklace, made from small blocks of willow wood (known as an iziqu),
  • ormed Stuart that coward’s meat ‘would be roasted and roasted and then soaked in cold water. It was then taken out of the water and given to the cowards, while the king urged them on to fight. Upon this they would begin to steel themselves, saying, “When will there be war, so that I can leave off this meat?”’ If the coward was then reported to have acquitted himself fiercely in battle, the king ‘would then praise him and say, “Do not again give him the meat of the cowards; let him eat the meat of the heroes.”
    • amahlemotumi
       
      any warrior who became cowardice was punished and made to eat of the deceased cowards who flunked in war, only if they excelled in war were they granted the opportunity to outgrow the roasted coward meat
  • he traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets
  • This stick which they carry, what is it for?
    • amahlemotumi
       
      EARLY ZULU PEOPLE WERE NOT FAMILIAR WITH GUNS
  • deed, it was reportedly Shaka’s far-fetched intention ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
  • 1826, he used the limited but alarming firepower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their firepower in subduing the Khumalo peopl
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SHAKA STARTED USING THE GUNS AS A WEAPON TO DEFEATED HIS ENEMIES
  • uring the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner.
  • He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket
    • amahlemotumi
       
      MISSIONARIES TRIED SPREADING THE WORD OF GOD BUT FAILED BECAUSE THE ZULU WERE ONLY INTERESTED IN GUNS
  • mercenaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      SOLDIERS PAID BY FOREIGN COUNTRY TO FIGHT IN ITS ARMY
  • emigrant farmers (or Voortrekkers)
  • ingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successfu
  • The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fire, in neither battle could they could get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fighting to which they were accustomed
    • amahlemotumi
       
      THEY COULD ONLY ATTACK ENEMIES AT CLOSE RANGE BECASUE THEY HAD SPEARS AND STICKS
  • eadrick argued that colonial warfare only became truly asymmetric with the introduction between the late 1860s and 1880s of breech-loading rifles, quick-loading artillery and machine guns
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confirmed the chilling efficacy of firearms and the need to possess the new weapons
    • amahlemotumi
       
      BECAUSE OF THE MANY DEFEATS THE ZULU THOUGHT ABOUT POSSESING A NEW WEAPON, GUNS.
  • (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gu
  • weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, firearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa,
  • ince they were not in a position to obtain many through trade, young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought firearms from gun- traders with their earnings.
  • etshwayo had to import firearms thorough traders.
  • he enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the firearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun trafficki
  • ancillaries
    • amahlemotumi
       
      supporting weapon
  • 20,000 guns entered Zululand during Cetshwayo’s reign
  • he Zulu army, or impi,
  • What this evidence makes clear is that firearms were not necessarily widely dispersed into the hands of ordinary warriors, and that many had little (if any) practical training in their use.
  • h the unskilled way in which they were maintained, with the often poor quality of their gunpowder and shot, and with shortages of percussion caps and cartridges.
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus could not maitain the guns and had poor ammunition and skill of suing the gun
  • Put simply, most Zulu did not shoot well because they had scant practice in it
    • amahlemotumi
       
      had little practice in shooting
  • he Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of firearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands
    • amahlemotumi
       
      zulus named the guns according to the shapes and sizes
  • Xhosa were skilled in their use of firearms, and made for formidable foes.
  • the Zulu elite came to regard them as significant indicators of power and prestige, and recognized their efficacy in hunting and fighting
  • est firearms went to men of high status and, according to Bikwayo, double-barrelled ones seemed to have been the most prestigious
  • nceku, or personal attendan
  • aluable, dangerous, and exotic as they were, firearms inevitably conferred the mystique of power upon the possessor
  • sigodlo (or private household
  • ade all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him
    • amahlemotumi
       
      ritual done to enhance the aim on European and kill him
  • the nineteenth century, firearms became increasingly essential for hunting, one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers
  • ory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits filled with stake
    • amahlemotumi
       
      guns were used to kill elephants and it was easier to obtain ivory
  • weapons themselves still had to be incorporated into the ceremonies of ritual purification and strengthening that preceded battle.
  • inyanga, or war doctor,
  • rince Cetshwayo ‘succeeded in killing someone there, by shooting him when he was in caves among the rocks [...] on the hillsid
  • Mystical forces, in other words, would compensate for lack of practical skill in hitting a target, just as they would protect a man from wounds and death.
  • tshelele ka Godide told Stuart of a hunter who accidentally shot himself in the stomach and died when the butt of his cocked gun touched the ground. Cetshwayo ordered his izangoma (diviners) to hold a ‘smelling out’ (umhlahlo) and they pronounced that the victims’ brother ‘had worked evil (lumba) on the gun’.
  • e Zulu adoption of firearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were easily familiar with firearms, and knew how to use them.
  • e bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fighting began. Why, we might ask, did they not make more effective use of them in 1879,
  •  
    John Laband's article explores the cultural complexities of the transfer of firearms technology to the Zulu Kingdom in the 19th century. While initially resistant to firearms due to their reliance on traditional close combat tactics, the Zulu eventually embraced the technology and incorporated it into their military strategies. However, Laband argues that the adoption of firearms was not a straightforward adoption of Western technology, but rather a complex process of cultural adaptation and appropriation. Despite relying on firearms, the Zulu continued to value traditional warrior virtues, resulting in a hybridization of Zulu and Western military traditions. This unique blend of traditions played a significant role in the Zulu's success in battle against colonial powers. The article highlights the nuanced and complex nature of cultural exchange and technological transfer, and how these processes are shaped by cultural values and traditions.
maureennompumelelo1

Recent explorations in the territories of the African Lakes Company.pdf - 5 views

shared by maureennompumelelo1 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • I know that this and other longitudes were determined chronometrically, and are depended upon Blantyre being in long. 34 ° 56' 30" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Longitudes which are imaginary lines dividing the earth and measuring the distance. These lines are measured in degrees, minutes and seconds. The explorers dictated many longitudes in a chronometric way which is the art of measuring time accurately.
  • O'Neill's most careful observations at Blantyre have shifted that place 7' 24" to the east (to 35 ° 3' 54" E.), all Mr. Stewart's chronometric observa- tions have to be shifted to the same extent, and hence I have not hesitated in placing Karonga in long. 33 ° 57' 24" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The explorers had the ability to modify all the longitudes of places since they were the ones who came up with them.
  • 2. A sketch of the road from Tanganyika to Nyassa, June 17 to July 12, 1884, by Mr. E. C. Here. Mr. Here spent 96½ hours on the march, and estimates the distance at 268 English miles. He gives no bearings. 3. MS. notes on the route from Lake Nyassa to the Tanganyika, by Mr. Fred. Moir. Total distance, 231 miles. 4. Lieut. Wissmann's map of his route from Lake Tanganyika to Lake Nyassa, May 12 to June 1, 1887. Scale, 1:927,554. Distance, as measured on the map, 260 English miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This shows that the distance measured by the three different explorers between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyassa is not equal because each explorer measured the distance as per the hours they spent on the journey and on the route they took.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Not a single observation for latitude appears to have been made between Kirenji and the Tanganyika, although this country has been traversed very many times by European travellers.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although many travelers from Europe had crossed Africa, but neither of them has determined the latitude between Kirenji and Tanganyika. Latitude-this is the angular distance of a place , north or south of the earth's equator and is usually measured in degrees and minutes. Unlike the longitudes, it does not include the seconds in its measurements.
  • , has been laid down from a rough Ms. map prepared by the traveller. Mr. Moir, in a note written on the face of his map in 1883, states that Mom- bera's is laid down from actual observations made at that place in let. 11 ° 37' S., and 30 ° 50' 30" E. ; that Mr. Stewart and himself subse- quently took lunars at the place, the result agreeing within a few miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The longitude and latitude measures of Loangwa valley were determined by Mr. Moir and Mr. Steward by t5he moon's revolution in the year 1879. Lunars-of relating to, or resembling the moon.
  • at night, on the 19th, they camped close to Kambomba's town, which lies at the foot of the hills, immediately to the west of Mount Parasinga. There are between four and five hundred huts, and many sheep, but n~> cattle, as the tsetse abounds in the Loangwa valley.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The travelers discovered that in this area there were many people residing but they all kept sheep and no cattle since there were tsetse insects in the area. This might have been that the cattle had died after being bitten by the tsetse tsetse insects because they are the most prone animals to this parasites. Tsetse-this is a large biting fly found normally in the tropical Africa. They feed on the vertebrates blood and their role is to transmit diseases.
  • On the 15th the road led through a level country and past severn} villages, the inhabitants of which were armed with bows and poisoned arrows.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This landmark explained above, led the travelers to a village of hunters who used bows and poisoned arrows as their hunting tools.
  • "pelele,"
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is a labret dummy worn in the upper lip by some native tribes in Africa.
  • Most of the villages are inhabited by Basenga. It then climbed the hills to the village of the chief Chifungwi, a little thin man,
  • wana Hill, where Arabs trading in slaves and ivory, have a station, lies within this district.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      People who lived in Bwana Hill traded slaves and ivory.
  • with a small head, who wore anklets and Bracelets of brass-wire and beads. His people are Wasingwa, but Mangamba and other villages belonging to him are inhabited by fugitives from Unyika, who fled from the dreaded Merere.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Still within the journey, the two travelers came across a chief headed village which included villagers who had fled from their origin villages fearing Merere.
  • Mombera to Kambomba, 27 h. 6 rain. 76"06 miles. Kambomba to Kirenji,. 41 ,, 22 ,, 112'59 ,, Kirenji to Karonga, 18 ,, 14 ,, 54"17 ,,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      is is the time spent by the travelers on their journey from Mombera to Karonga.
  • The western shore of Lake Iqyassa is partly based upon information collected by Mr. Donald Munro during a land journey from Bandawe to Karonga (Aug. 18-30, 1884).
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mr. Donald Munro discovered the Western shore of Lake Nyassa when he was travelling from Bandawe to Karonga.
  • The Luweya forms a small delta, enclosing two swampy islands, fringed along its lake shore by sand-banks about 600 feet wide, which are thickly covered with native huts, Ngombo's people occupying the southern, and Makambiro the northern island. The southern arm of the river (Lnweya-mufwa) leaves the main stream about 2 miles from the lake; it is 30 yards broad, 3 feet deep, and has a slow current. The dimensions of the main branch are similar, but its current is stronger. The northern arm (Chintechi) resembles a swamp rather than a river. The people who crowd the delta live in daily dread of the Mangone, against whom the swamps afford a certain measure of security. Their exhalations, on the other hand, are a source of much disease, and the many recently covered graves in the villages afford evidence of this.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      In this paragraph the measurements of the Luweya River in Malawi are stipulated and how people surrounding this area lived in fear of the Mongone disease.
  • The three rocky islands (" Chirwa," Chirupumbu, and another) in a broad bay to the north are crowded with huts, some of them upon piles. The adjoining mainland has a poor soil, notwithstanding which cassava i.~ cultivated, and food appears to be plentiful.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      These three specified islands mainly consists of rocks and their lands are mostly covered in huts and their soil does not have much nutrients to support plant growth but yet the cassava plant was grown there and many other food plants. Cassava-this is a nutty-flavored starchy, root vegetable used for tiredness, dehydration in people with diarrhea, sepsis, and to induce labor.
  • Leaving this bay, Mr. Munro climbed over steep hills, rising to a height of 1500 feet, and then returned to the lake, which he reached near a small bay dubiously called "Magwina" (" crocodile "). Wretched huts of fugitives cling to the hill- sides further to the north.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered the Magwina Lake where there were huts built closely together belonging to the people who had fled from their villages.
  • Patowtow is a beautiful little harbour, extending about half a mile inlaml, and bounded by steep hills. It affords excellent shelter.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Unlike the Magwina Lake huts, in this area Munro witnessed well-maintained houses.
  • Mr. M'Ewan left Bandawe on April 7, 1885, and, having been joined by Mr. Munro, started from Mombera's on April 14. The travellers eneamped on that day at the foot of the Kabo Rock---a mass of granite covering an area of 160 by 80 yards, and rising to a height of 80 feet. Mount Parasinga, a prominent peak, was clearly visible, bearing 269", and during the progress of the journey proved a valuable landmark.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As these two specified travelers were travelling, they came across an important object marking the land boundary.
  • Five miles to
  • e north of it a river of similar dimensions, the Chiwetwi, enters the lake. The country hereabouts is well cultivated by people from the interior, who spend the rainy season until harvest time in temporary dwellings.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mangone natives cultivated the land and lived in informal settlements during the rainy season until the harvesting period.
  • Ruali, the first village of Uchungu, stands upon the lake shore. Its houses and inhabitants contrast very favourably with what is to be seen among the Atonga to the south.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      From all the other shelters the travelers had seen along their journey, Ruali was the only place with even fine houses.
  • Commander Young
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the explorer who discovered the full measurements of Lake Nyassa.
maureennompumelelo1

Recent explorations in the territories of the African Lakes Company.pdf - 4 views

shared by maureennompumelelo1 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • I know that this and other longitudes were determined chronometrically, and are depended upon Blantyre being in long. 34 ° 56' 30" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Longitudes are the imaginary lines dividing the earth and measuring the distance. These lines are measured in degrees, minutes, and seconds. The explorers dictated many longitudes in a chronometric way which is the art of measuring time accurately.
  • Mr. O'Neill's most careful observations at Blantyre have shifted that place 7' 24" to the east (to 35 ° 3' 54" E.), all Mr. Stewart's chronometric observa- tions have to be shifted to the same extent, and hence I have not hesitated in placing Karonga in long. 33 ° 57' 24" E.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The explorers had the abilities of modifying all the longitudes of places since they were the ones who came up with their measurements.
  • 2. A sketch of the road from Tanganyika to Nyassa, June 17 to July 12, 1884, by Mr. E. C. Here. Mr. Here spent 96½ hours on the march, and estimates the distance at 268 English miles. He gives no bearings. 3. MS. notes on the route from Lake Nyassa to the Tanganyika, by Mr. Fred. Moir. Total distance, 231 miles. 4. Lieut. Wissmann's map of his route from Lake Tanganyika to Lake Nyassa, May 12 to June 1, 1887. Scale, 1:927,554. Distance, as measured on the map, 260 English miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This shows that the distance measured by the three different explorers between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyassa is not equal because each explorer measured the distance as per the hours they spent on the journey and on the routes they took.
  • ...19 more annotations...
  • Not a single observation for latitude appears to have been made between Kirenji and the Tanganyika, although this country has been traversed very many times by European travellers.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Although many travelers from Europe crossed Africa, but neither of them has determined the latitude between Kirenji and Tanganyika.
  • latitude
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the angular distance of a place, north or south of the earth's equator and its usually measured in degrees and minutes. Unlike the longitudes, latitudes do not include the seconds in their measurements.
  • Mr. Moir, in a note written on the face of his map in 1883, states that Mom- bera's is laid down from actual observations made at that place in let. 11 ° 37' S., and 30 ° 50' 30" E. ; that Mr. Stewart and himself subse- quently took lunars at the place, the result agreeing within a few miles.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      The longitude and latitude measures of Loangwa valley was determined by Mr. Moir and Mr. Steward by the moon's revolution in the year 1879. Lunars-of relating to, or resembling the moon.
  • with a small head, who wore anklets and Bracelets of brass-wire and beads. His people are Wasingwa, but Mangamba and other villages belonging to him are inhabited by fugitives from Unyika, who fled from the dreaded Merere.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Still travelling, the two travelers came across a chief headed village which included villagers who had fled from their own villages.
  • On the 15th the road led through a level country and past severn} villages, the inhabitants of which were armed with bows and poisoned arrows.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This landmark explained above, led the two travelers in a village of hunters who used bows and poisoned arrows as their hunting tools.
  • "pelele,"
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is a labret dummy worn in the upper lip by some native tribes in Afruica.
  • at night, on the 19th, they camped close to Kambomba's town, which lies at the foot of the hills, immediately to the west of Mount Parasinga. There are between four and five hundred huts, and many sheep, but n~> cattle, as the tsetse abounds in the Loangwa valley.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As the travelers were camping nearby Kambomba's town they discovered that in this area there were many people who resided there, but they all kept sheep and no cattle since there were tsetse insects in the area. This might have been that the cattle had all died from the tsetse insect bites because they are the most prone animals to these parasites. tsetse-this is a large bittng fly found mostly in the tropical Africa. They feed on the vertebrates blood and their role is to transmit diseases.
  • It then climbed the hills to the village of the chief Chifungwi, a little thin man,
  • Mr. M'Ewan left Bandawe on April 7, 1885, and, having been joined by Mr. Munro, started from Mombera's on April 14. The travellers eneamped on that day at the foot of the Kabo Rock---a mass of granite covering an area of 160 by 80 yards, and rising to a height of 80 feet. Mount Parasinga, a prominent peak, was clearly visible, bearing 269", and during the progress of the journey proved a valuable landmark.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      As these two specified travelers were travelling, they came across an important object marking the land boundary.
  • Mombera to Kambomba, 27 h. 6 rain. 76"06 miles. Kambomba to Kirenji,. 41 ,, 22 ,, 112'59 ,, Kirenji to Karonga, 18 ,, 14 ,, 54"17 ,,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the time spent by the travelers on their journey from Mombera to Karonga.
  • The western shore of Lake Iqyassa is partly based upon information collected by Mr. Donald Munro during a land journey from Bandawe to Karonga (Aug. 18-30, 1884).
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mr. Donald Munro discovered the western shore of Lake Nyassa when he was travelling from Bandawe to Karonga.
  • The Luweya forms a small delta, enclosing two swampy islands, fringed along its lake shore by sand-banks about 600 feet wide, which are thickly covered with native huts, Ngombo's people occupying the southern, and Makambiro the northern island. The southern arm of the river (Lnweya-mufwa) leaves the main stream about 2 miles from the lake; it is 30 yards broad, 3 feet deep, and has a slow current. The dimensions of the main branch are similar, but its current is stronger. The northern arm (Chintechi) resembles a swamp rather than a river. The people who crowd the delta live in daily dread of the Mangone, against whom the swamps afford a certain measure of security. Their exhalations, on the other hand, are a source of much disease, and the many recently covered graves in the villages afford evidence of this.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      In this paragraph the measurements of the Luweya River are stipulated and it also explains how the people surrounding this area lived in fear of the Mangone disease.
  • The three rocky islands (" Chirwa," Chirupumbu, and another) in a broad bay to the north are crowded with huts, some of them upon piles. The adjoining mainland has a poor soil, notwithstanding which cassava i.~ cultivated, and food appears to be plentiful.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      These three specified islands mainly consists of rocks and their land is mostly covered in huts and their soil does not have much nutrients to support plant growth, but yet the cassava plant is grown there and many other plants used as food. cassava plant-this is a nutty-flavored starchy , root vegetable used for tiredness, dehydration in people with diarrhea, sepsis, and to induce labor.
  • Leaving this bay, Mr. Munro climbed over steep hills, rising to a height of 1500 feet, and then returned to the lake, which he reached near a small bay dubiously called "Magwina" (" crocodile "). Wretched huts of fugitives cling to the hill- sides further to the north.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered the Magwina Lake where there were huts built closely together belonging to people who had fled from their places.
  • Patowtow is a beautiful little harbour, extending about half a mile inlaml, and bounded by steep hills. It affords excellent shelter.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Unlike the Magwina Lake huts, in this area Munro witnessed well-maintained houses.
  • Bwana Hill, where Arabs trading in slaves and ivory,
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Munro also discovered that in the Bwana Hill they had a slave and ivory trade.
  • The country hereabouts is well cultivated by people from the interior, who spend the rainy season until harvest time in temporary dwellings.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      Mangone natives cultivated the land and lived in informal settlements during the rainy season until the harvesting period.
  • Ruali, the first village of Uchungu, stands upon the lake shore. Its houses and inhabitants contrast very favourably with what is to be seen among the Atonga to the south.
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      From all the other shelters from the travelers journey, Ruali was the only place with even fine houses.
  • Commander Young
    • maureennompumelelo1
       
      This is the explorer who discovered the full measurements of Lake Nyassa.
makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  •  
    Non-academic source
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
  •  
    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
Francis Jr Mabasa

A Few Remarks on Zanzibar and the East Coast of Africa.pdf - 2 views

  • 345 taken by the Mission; we went as far south as Mozambique, touching, either on our way down or returning, at most places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, and at the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. From Mozambique we crossed to Madagascar, visiting Majunga in" Bembatooka Bay, Nossi Beh in Passandava Bay, Mayotta, Johanna; returning by Kilwa-Kavinja to Zanzibar, thence to Bagamoyo to assist in starting Cameron's expedition; Mombas, whence we visited the Missionary stations of Eibe and Kissoludini, Lamoo, and Eas Hafun. Thence across to Maculla
  • taken by the Mission; we went as far south as Mozambique, touching, either on our way down or returning, at most places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, and at the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. From Mozambique we crossed to Madagascar, visiting Majunga in" Bembatooka Bay, Nossi Beh in Passandava Bay, Mayotta, Johanna; returning by Kilwa-Kavinja to Zanzibar, thence to Bagamoyo to assist in starting Cameron's expedition; Mombas, whence we visited the Missionary stations of Eibe and Kissoludini, Lamoo, and Eas Hafun. Thence across to Maculla, Shehur, Muscat, Kurachee, and Bombay, and so back to Europe.
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
       
      This sentence provides a detailed account of the author's travels, including the various places he visited in Africa and Asia. The author indicates that he and his party traveled as far south as Mozambique, and visited many places of importance on the mainland between Eas Hafun and Mozambique, as well as the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Monfia. After leaving Mozambique, the author and his party crossed over to Madagascar, where they visited several places, including Majunga, Nossi Beh, Mayotta, and Johanna. They then returned to the African mainland, passing through Kilwa-Kavinja on their way back to Zanzibar, where they helped to start Cameron's expedition. From Zanzibar, they went on to Mombasa, where they visited several Missionary stations, including Eibe and Kissoludini, as well as the towns of Lamoo and Eas Hafun. The author and his party then traveled across the Indian Ocean to Maculla, Shehur, Muscat, Kurachee, and Bombay, before returning to Europe. The level of detail in this sentence suggests that the author is attempting to provide a comprehensive account of his travels, possibly for the purpose of documenting his experiences or sharing them with others.
  • The principal caravan routes have been fully described by General Eigby, Captain Burton, and others; but I may mention that I am assured by Dr. Hildebrand that he met at Zeila and Berbera, traders who had come from the Lake Eegion, and who told him that the route thither was annually traversed by small caravans from the slaves with cotton manufactures, brass wire, and b
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
       
      This sentence describes the knowledge of caravan routes in the region as described by General Eigby, Captain Burton, and others. The author also adds that traders who had come from the Lake Eegion informed Dr. Hildebrand that small caravans annually traverse the route to the Lake Eegion, carrying cotton manufactures, brass wire, and beads. The mention of General Eigby and Captain Burton implies that there have been previous accounts of caravan routes in the region. Dr. Hildebrand's encounter with traders who had come from the Lake Eegion suggests that the information presented is current and reliable. The use of the word "assured" implies that the author is confident in the veracity of Dr. Hildebrand's account. The description of goods carried by the small caravans provides insight into the trade practices of the region.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • He hoped that his countrymen in India would profit hy what had heen done, and that even those who were connected slave by Sir Bartle Frere.
    • Francis Jr Mabasa
       
      This sentence expresses the hope of an unknown person that his countrymen in India would benefit from what had been done, even those who were connected to slavery by Sir Bartle Frere. The use of the word "hoped" indicates a desire for a positive outcome. The phrase "what had been done" is vague, but may refer to previous actions or initiatives. The mention of "countrymen in India" implies that the author is referring to people of Indian origin or descent. The reference to "even those who were connected to slavery by Sir Bartle Frere" suggests that there may have been individuals who were involved in or benefited from the slave trade. Sir Bartle Frere was a British colonial administrator who served in India and Africa during the 19th century. The use of the word "even" suggests that the author is aware that this connection to slavery might make it harder for these individuals to benefit from the actions being taken.
khosifaith

PThe_Last_Slave_Market_Dr_John.PDF - 0 views

shared by khosifaith on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  •  
    The Last Slave Market: Dr John Kirk and the Struggle to End the African Slave Trade. Alastair Hazell. Constable. [pounds sterling]16.99. [xii] + 352 pages. ISBN 978-1-84529-672-8. This is an enthralling account of the slave trade in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and of the attempts of one man. Sir John Kirk, to end it. Kirk had been part of Livingstone's explorations in the 1860s and had had troubled relations with the great man. Where they agreed was in their opposition to slavery and the continuing trade in Africa, centred in Zanzibar and still flourishing in the 1870s. Using surviving MSS the author traces John Kirk's involvement with Livingstone, who could be difficult, to say the least, from the doomed Zambesi expedition. He then moves to Kirk's return to Africa in 1866, this time to Zanzibar as medical officer at the British consulate. The island was governed by the Mohammedan Sultan who benefited financially from the slave trade. Through a mastery of the trade's economics and through personal bravery Kirk was able to implement British policy to end the trade. He also helped Livingstone in his latest adventure and suffered at the hands of the egotistic missionary and the equally egotistic journalist, Stanley. While Kirk's work did not totally end the slave trade in East Africa--this only occurred in the 1890s--it was a major step forward. In this book we have not only the rehabilitation of a man who has been too frequently put into Livingstone's shadows but an account of the African slave trade seen at first hand by one who worked to end it.
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
nrtmakgeta

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 6 views

  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • Guns, Race, and Imperialism
  • By the 1870s, pseudoscientific racism had taken hold among European
  • ...22 more annotations...
  • licymakers, who increasingly believed that it would be difficult to transfer technical skills to colonial subjects. C
  • cal knowledge and practices circulated in complex ways; they were not simply transferred from the European core to the colonial periphery, as the development of local firearms in southern Africa makes clear. People living in the colonies made end-user modifications to both imperialist technologies and imperialist ideologies.31
  • It was precisely in the 1870s - the Scramble for Africa - that Africans became more deeply enmeshed in southern Africa's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
    • nrtmakgeta
       
      This is the introduction of how guns came in southern Africa , after the Scramble for Africa in 1870s to be precise. African were using their money from their emerging economy to buy guns, this made the Boers and British settlers in Africa to not be settled and they were very concerned about this matter.
  • G. 3 Southern Africa in the 1870s. (Map by author and
  • To understand colonial gun control, it is important to r
  • colonies of
  • olitics. The commission's investigations did overturn one stereotype. Throughout the English-speaking world, settlers on the frontier were supposed to be heavily armed and skilled with weapons. Yet the testimony before the commission revealed that settlers in the Eastern Cape were lightly armed and inexperienc
  • ces. According to the 50th Ordinance of 1828, all Cape citizens were equal before the law
  • y. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitne
  • n Africa had different native policies. There were two independent Boer republics across the Orange River from the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (also known as the Transvaal). These restricted citizenship to European men and deprived Africans of all civic rights, including any right to possess weapons. To the east, in the British colony of Natal, guns had to be registered with British magistrates who supervised African chiefs. (African chiefdoms remained substantially intact so that chiefs might administer customary law under the supervision of the colony's lieutenant governor.) Chiefs retained a degree of autonomy in certain other regions along the Cape Colony's borders, such as the Transkei, Lesotho, and Griqualand East, while the Mpondo remained indepen
  • s.35 In 1876 the British settlers of the Eastern Cape began to protest what they considered irregularities in the regulation of African gun ownership. The debates that ensued acquired a broad significance for South African politics, and their prominence, in parliament and in newspapers, accented the importance of skills in the use of firearms and highlighted the everyday practice of carrying weapon
  • more stringent gun control. Most witnesses opposed the arming of Africans.36 Witnesses and commissioners linked gun ownership to broader policy debates about citizenship that had been going on for some time in the Cape Colony, and that were intensifying dur
  • ractically with them if the danger becomes real, are not inclined to agree."37 One regular officer of the British army, Lieutenant Colonel Crossman of the Royal Engineers, agreed with Froude. In a confidential report to Carnarvon on diamond miners in Kimberley, he argued that only long-serving Africans ought to be permitted to purchase guns. "For my own part," he continued, "I would not allow guns to be sold to the natives at all. They do not purchase them for hunting but for purposes of war. They are not satisfied with the common exported article, but endeavour to obtain the best rifles they can purchase, saying 'that as the red [British] soldier uses good rifles they also must have th
  • rship. The problem Ella saw was not that guns themselves would make Africans more dangerous, but that the "possessor of [a gun] gets thoughts into his head which might not otherwise get there." Africans did not buy guns with the idea of attacking Europeans, but "when a lot of men with guns get together they might get ideas of that nature into their heads."43 A superficial analysis of these settlers' statements would dismiss them as deterministic. But if we accept the Comaroffs' claim that the everyday material practices of colonialism were associated with hotly contested changes in ontology and epistemology, they take on new significance. Ideas about the use of guns were instrumental in ra
  • Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits
  • In 1876, as fear of a Xhosa attack mounted, some settlers and soldiers fretted about whether the Europeans living in the Eastern Cape were well-enough trained in the use of firearms. E. B. Chalmers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police testified that few Eastern Cape settlers even owned gun
  • Several other settlers also called attention to the state of affairs. According to two witnesses, fewer than half the settlers owned guns, although more knew how to use them, and more of the young men were learning.45 According to another witness, "farmers and their sons" not only lacked arms, they had also lost the skill of riding while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or wor
  • while carrying a gun.46 It took a great deal of time to manage a farm or work at a craft, and settlers frequently lacked the leisure to hunt or take tar
  • p. In the 1878 session of the Cape Parliament, Sprigg succeeded in steering through a set of bills that created an all-white militia. He also secured passage of the Peace Preservation Act, which provided for disarming parts of the population; the governor was empowered to proclaim certain districts subject to the act, and could then instruct magistrates to determine who should
  • urn in their arms and who might keep them. The act was not in itself discriminatory, but it was understood that Europeans in proclaimed districts would keep their arms and that Africans would turn theirs in. Those who were forced to surrender their weapons would be compensated. According to Sprigg, this measure was necessary "for getting arms out of the hands of disloyal na
  • Cape Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, embodied the full range of colonial rhetoric. When liberals challenged the disarmament of Basutoland, Frere mocked liberal arguments that "a native tr
  • armed with firearms [is] less formidable than one armed after their own fashion with assegai
  •  
    This is a JSTOR article. It speaks about how the economy of Africans was emerging(newly formed or prominent) basically their economy was growing and they got to buy guns. Them (Africans) buying and owning guns came as a threat to the Boers and the colonizers' as they thought that Africans cannot or do not have the skills needed to use guns and they will use them in a bad way influencing each other to misuse their guns. Hence the process of disarming African was introduced whereby they had to have permits to own guns and only whites were allowed to own guns .
andiswamntungwa

The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
lmshengu

Europeans and East Africans in the Age of Exploration.pdf - 3 views

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nted a
    • lmshengu
       
      yeilded is to give forth or produce by natural process or in return for cultivation
  • y Johann Re
    • lmshengu
       
      johannes Rebmann was agerman missinary, linguist and explorer credited with feats including being the first european ,along with his colleague johann Ludwig krapf to enter africa from the indian ocean coast. in addition he was the first european to find kilimanjaro.
  • on th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is habitational name of british origin that means from the story
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • s too. It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and
    • lmshengu
       
      . It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and wanted to stay more
  • ample,
    • lmshengu
       
      Mtyela Kasanda, better known as King Mirambo, was a Nyamwezi king, from 1860 to 1884. He created the largest state by area in 19th-century East Africa in present day Urambo district in Tabora Region of Tanzania. Urambo district is named after him. Mirambo started out as a trader and the son of a minor chief.
  • Europeans,
    • lmshengu
       
      NYUNGU-YA-MAWE was the exact contemporary and, for a time at least, the ally, of Mirambo-ya-banhu, the famous Nyamwezi war-lord who rose. to power in west-central Tanzania early in the second half of the nine- teenth century.
  • omoted
    • lmshengu
       
      Fragmentation most generally means the process of fragmenting-breaking into pieces or being divided into parts. It can also refer to the state or result of being broken up or having been divided.
  • to switch from
    • lmshengu
       
      In matrilineal kinship sysytems,lineage and inheritance are traced through a groups female members and children are parts of their mothers and children are parts of their mothers kinship group. in contrast in patrillineal systems group membership is determined through men and children are part of their fathers kinship.
  • In the period of exploration the most notable visitors for the majority of East Africans were not the European explorers so much as other Africans and, more particularly, the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar. By the late 1870s again, it might be argued, some sort of accommodation showed signs of being reached between these traders and many African
    • lmshengu
       
      For the bulk of East Africans, other Africans and especially the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar were the most famous visitors throughout the age of exploration rather than European explorers. It may be argued that by the late 1870s, some type of accommodation had been made between these traders and many Africans.
  • 'Scientific geography' did, in fact, mean, more than anything, the recording of accurate observations for latitude, longitude and height on the basis of which satis? factory maps could be constructed. In this sense, the 'discovery' of a feature like the source of the Nile was indeed a discovery for it definitively established a scientific fact.
    • lmshengu
       
      In reality, the recording of precise observations for latitude, longitude, and height on which reliable maps could be created were what "scientific geography" really meant. In this sense, the 'finding' of a feature like the source of the Nile was legitimately a discovery because it established a scientific fact.
  • 'scientific geo
    • lmshengu
       
      A geographer is a physical scientist, social scientist or humanist whose area of study is geography, the study of Earth's natural environment and human society, including how society and nature interacts.
  • appear to have been in the Society mainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individuals may have joined because they considered their continental tours made them explorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthy amateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample. But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen, no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sample being
    • lmshengu
       
      appear to have been in the Societymainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individualsmay have joined because they considered their continental tours made themexplorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthyamateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample.But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen,no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sammple being naval officcers.
  • out th
    • lmshengu
       
      It is insistent and positive affirming, maintaining or defending as of a right or attribute an aasertion of ownership/ innocence .
  • Clements Markha
    • lmshengu
       
      Sir clements Robert Markham was an english geographer , explorer and writer.He was secretsry of the royal geographical society between 1863 and 1888 and later served as the society's president for a futher 12 years
  • r. There was in fact much more social and political cohesion in East African societies than most explorer
    • lmshengu
       
      IN East African societies africans were more united in terms ofsocial and political than the most of the explores and the explores discovered that when they were there in east africa.
  • Although the British government moved to increase its control over East Africa for reasons that involve much wider considerations, the apparent need to improve law and order provided at least a very powerful justification. Indeed it was a necessary part of the process by which imperial objects could be achie
    • lmshengu
       
      Even if the British government expanded its influence over East Africa for far larger objectives, the seeming need to strengthen law and order served as at least a very strong pretext. In fact, it was a crucial step in the process of achieving imperial goals. Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.
  • precursors. It is much more difficult to attempt an answer to the question of what Africans learned or thought they learned about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa. Obviously, first of all, the explorers' direct social and economic impact was slight. It is true that Captain Speke seems to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by one of the Kabaka's
    • lmshengu
       
      Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.Answering the topic of what Africans discovered or believed they discovered about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa is far more challenging. Obviously, the direct social and economic impact of the explorers was little. It is true that according to the CMS Archives, Captain Speke appears to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by a Kabaka sister.
  • Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke, for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to be taken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable ally for one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera; in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971). Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who, unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, did frequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabs in 1
    • lmshengu
       
      Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke,for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to betaken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable allyfor one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera;in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971).Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who,unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, didfrequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabsin 1
  • European explorers could, then, have a noticeable political effect although generally only in the short term. In the longer term, their special characteristics probably operated in different and less easily described ways. Early European visits to Buganda were marked by great questionings of the explorers on the place of Man in Society and in t
    • lmshengu
       
      Therefore, European explorers could have an impact on politics, albeit usually in the short term. Their unique traits likely functioned in distinct and harder-to-describe ways over a longer period of time. Early European excursions to Buganda were distinguished by intense inquiries about the role of man in society and in the world.
xsmaa246

untitled.pdf - 3 views

shared by xsmaa246 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
    • xsmaa246
       
      this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
  • This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
    • xsmaa246
       
      basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
  • ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
    • xsmaa246
       
      because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
  • ...27 more annotations...
  • n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
  • to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
    • xsmaa246
       
      in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
  • In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
    • xsmaa246
       
      this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
  • The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
  • So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
    • xsmaa246
       
      this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
  • This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • xsmaa246
       
      it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
  • These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
    • xsmaa246
       
      using guns basically affected a man's masculinity and status.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
  • Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
  • ‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
    • xsmaa246
       
      description of what South Africans knew about a gun
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
  • 16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this is an indicator that Shaka used guns on his enemies.
  • In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
  • had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
    • xsmaa246
       
      it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
  • In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
  • Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
  • During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
    • xsmaa246
       
      they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
  • Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
  • young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
  • White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • xsmaa246
       
      this also shows that they used firearms for hunting
  • As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
  • with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
  • Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
giftadelowotan

The Role of Missionaries in the Emancipation of Slaves in Zanzibar.pdf - 5 views

  • Since strategic and imperial interests were insured, Britain's energies were now focused on the problem of the expanded East African slave trade.
  • In 1873, after protracted attempts to make Barghash less unreasonable had failed
  • tain forced an abolition treaty on him. As of June 5, 1873, slave exports from the coast of the mainland possession of Zanzibar and from the twin-island sultanate itself became illegal.2
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • The Arab slave trade did not end until several decades later. The last
  • verified slave export from East Africa was in 1899.
  • it expanded its work to include the harbouring of slaves fleeing from Arab and Swahili exploitation
    • giftadelowotan
       
      INTRODUCES THE CONCEPT OF CHRISTIANITY S ISLAM
  • The Arab slave owners indicated their hostility to the work of the C.M.S. mission
  • t there was an uneasy feeling among the Arabs who feared that the object of his mission was to liberate their slaves
  • The Agreement of 1889 declared that all children born to slave parents after January 1, 1890, were to be free. The Decree of August 1, 1890, declared as unlawful the exchange or sale of slaves after that date. It provided for the emancipation of certain categories of slaves: such as the slaves belonging to persons who "legally" held their slaves, but who died without legal heirs; the slaves owned by the subjects of the sultan, who married British subjects, and the off-spring of such marital unions; and the slaves owned by people who had once been slaves but were now free. People who were found guilty of buying, procuring or selling slaves were to forfeit their slave
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