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l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

www.encyclopedia.com/...slavery

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
adonisi19

1581287.pdf - 1 views

Zanele Adonisi

shared by adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The work of the Church Missionary Society (
  • on the East African coast by Krapf and Rebma
  • that time, the missionaries operated by permissio
  • ...87 more annotations...
  • Zanzibar, the Sultan himself being influenced by t
  • the
  • e. Although the work of the CMS was not d
  • slaves, in time the mission came to realise that the success of its
  • work depended on freed slav
  • Freed slave centres were established on the coast by the CMS with direct assistance from the British navy and consul, who delivered captured slaves to the missions' se
  • tlement
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, Missionary work on the coast had made little progre
  • Prior to the establishment of freed-slave-Christianity, M
  • s.
  • It was the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere in 1873, aimed at persuading the Sultan to put an end to the slave trade which altered the situ
  • tion
  • Before coming to East Africa, Frere had made a tentative agreement with the CMS in London regarding the establishment of a CMS centre for freed slaves on the coast.
  • Prior to the arrival of Frere, the British consul, John Kirk, had directed his attention to the establishment of such centres, but only the Holy Ghost Fathers seem to have benefited much in these early
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Instead of the freed-slaves benefiting from this venture, the Holy Ghost Fathers benefited much.
  • the Holy Ghost Father
  • ging. Kirk did not receive the CMS missionaries-Sparshott and Chancellor-with any special warmth, and he offered no hope of any slaves being handed over to them, unless their mission proved its ability to take care of the
  • It appears, then, that Frere's promises to the mission were not immediately fulfille
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      What were the reasons for Frere not to immediately fulfill his promises to the mission?
  • ch failures in understanding between the CMS and the British agents over the question of ex-slave centres at the coast continued until the arrival of W. S. Price as superintendent of the mission in late 18
  • Price was lucky in that Kirk, on a visit home in late 1873, had also met with the leaders of the CMS in London, who had persuaded him to agree to co-operate with their mission in East Af
  • return to the coast, Kirk agreed to assist Price to purchase a mission centre and he also agreed to hand over to him as many ex-slaves as Price required
  • in
  • islamic factor was to become a significant is
  • tween the missions and the secular authorities at the coast. The CMS at one point, in an attempt to create harmony with the administrators and better their own position, tried to have one of their men appointed as vice-consul in Mombasa, but the Foreign Office refused.6
  • It was mainly over the issue of the missions' harbouring of runaway slaves that major clashes developed between the missions on the one hand and the British administrators and the Arabs on the oth
  • oncern. On its
  • CMS in London continued to promise the Foreigh Office
  • missionaries would obey and co-operate, but this was n
  • his strained relationship between the mission and the consul over the issue of slavery had not been resolved when the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEA) started work in 1888. The situation at the coast was, however, complicated by other factors.
  • the case in the mis
  • One of these factors was the problem of
  • diction. Th
  • of Zanzibar was technically sovereign in the coastal area, although in practice, even before 1888, some of his subjects did not necessarily accept his auth
  • The British consuls represented a government which wished to facilitate the introduction of Christianity and commerce but not at any direct cost and trouble to the British taxpaye
  • . It was therefore difficult for Britain to find an easy answer to the issue of slavery, it being acceptable as an islamic ins
  • Secondly, the major centre of the CMS at Freretown, which accommodated freed slaves, was situated on the mainland just across from Mombasa.
  • exasperated
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This word means being intensely irritated and frustrated.
  • On the other hand, the slaves who were still in bondage in Mombasa, could easily compare their lot with that of their neighbours in the mission centres like Freretown and become envious.
  • Many of them took the risk of crossing the creek which separated the two places and tried to settle in or near the mission. The risk involved in running away seems to have been ignored by the critics of the missions who regarded them as deliberately receiving and harbouring the slave
  • Also ignored by those critics was the fact that some Arabs raided the mission centres and took many ex-slaves back into slavery, as happened once in Freretown.7
  • n East Africa was not unique in its practice of receiving such fugitives. The Church of Scotland in Blantyre, Nyasaland, had seven villages occupied by such fugitives in the 18
  • On the East coast, moreover, not all fugitives took refuge in the mission ce
  • s. There were large ex-slave communities with no mission connection at Shimba Hills, Malindi, Lamu, Juba, Fulladoyo and an estimated 5000 fugitives at B
  • The above points should be kept in mind in considering the accusation against the CMS mission for harbouring fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      These accusations show how missions were not welcome in Arab.
  • In 1880, the slave population near Mombasa planned a revolt against their masters. The missionaries knew of this plot but refused to warn Kirk about
  • A timely raid on the Giriama by the Maasai may have ave
  • crisis, but did not resolve the dispute
  • Streeter declared he would not prevent any fugitive settling near the mission, and made it clear that he would not allow any to be repossessed
  • In reporting the matter to the CMS, Streeter indicated that what East Africa needed was first a 'law-breaker' and then a 'law-make
  • e coast. Kirk also wrote to the Society condemning the mission for harbouring fugitives, but he indicated that the blame lay with Binns not Streeter. In the end the mission was forced to release most of the fugitives, leaving only those who had belonged to the
  • m. In 1879, about 100 Giriama slaves deserted their masters and joined the Rabai mission settlement and when their masters came to demand their return, the resident missionary, H. K. Binns, refuse
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Missionaries liberated some slaves.
  • We are Englishmen as well as Christian missionaries and cannot consent to fold our hands and see poor miserable wretches ill-used and put to death for no other crime than running away from savage mast
  • There was less conflict with the missions in the years 1881-2 during which time Price had rejoined the missions as superintendent, replacing Streeter, whose management, especially his method of carrying out discipline, had led the Society to concur with Kirk that he needed to be replaced
  • On arrival at the coast, Price found the problem of fugitives still rampant.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      The word rampant means spreading or flourishing. This means that the issue of fugitives was widespread.
  • The CMS survey of its work in 1882 concluded that the initial aim of establishing a self-supporting mission at the coast had largely failed, and that Rabai should be made the new centre instead of Freretown
  • Some progress, however, seems to have been made in that in 1878, Bishop Royston of Mauritius, on a visit to Freretown, had confirmed 54 candidates from the mission. In 1879, there were 35 baptisms in Freretown, while in 1883, Royston confirmed another 256 candidates.'1 Among those baptised and confirmed were fugitives.
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      In this way Christianity was spreading.
  • When Price left the mission in June 1882, nothing much had changed
  • When he arrived home, he wrote to the missionaries in East Africa asking them to desist from harbouring fugitives, to cut connections with the native-initiated Fulladoyo ex-slave settlement which harboured fugitives, and to refuse them any asylum at Freretown.
  • st f
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      to desist from means to stop doing something.
  • In East Africa, Binns agreed with Price to sever links with the Fulladoyo settlement, but he allowed many of the residents there, including fugitives, to go and settle at Rabai and Freretown. Streeter agreed with Binns on this matter, and both men decided to ignore Price's advice.
  • his was mainly due to Binns's personal disagreements with Price. Binns deprecated the manner in which Price superintended the mission single-handedly, without consulting the Freretown Finance Committee.
  • t is clear that personal disagreements between missionaries themselves made their task of maintaining a common mission policy on many issues difficult.
  • The departure of Price led to Binns's appointment as Lay Secretary and head of the mission. He immediately found himself in trouble with his colleague, C. W. Lane, whom he accused of misappropriating funds. Lane accused Binns of running the mission single-handedly, like Price before him, and most other mis-
  • sionaries sided with Lane. The situation deteriorated to the extent that Binns wanted to resign rather than work with Lane, while Lane asked for a transfer to Uganda.14 The mission was therefore much unsettled in 1883, and during this time, the influx of fugitives into mission settlements continued.
  • The Society may have thought that the appointment of a bishop for Eastern Equatorial Africa in 1884 would put matters right at the coast, but this did not happen because the first bishop, Hannington, was murdered on his way to Uganda, and his successors had so many problems to tackle in Uganda that .they had little time for the coastal stations. The situation at the coast remained unsettled until Price rejoined the mission for the third and last time in
  • By then, the company was preparing to take over the administration of the area. By then also, the policy of subsidising some missions in their work among ex-slaves was being accepted by the British government in the wake of increasing measures against slave trade and slav
  • The crucial issue of slavery was in the minds of the CMS officials when they sent Price to East Africa in
  • his ambiguity by the Society was expressed by the CMS Committee of Correspondence, which resolved in April 1888 that while the East African missionaries could fight for the just treatment of slaves by their masters, and, if possible, fight for their manumission, they could not "arrogate to themselves any authority in the matter, and are not justified in receiving runaway slaves..."16
  • The complaint laid before Mackenzie by the Arabs was that the CMS, contrary to the laws prevalent on the coast, had knowingly harboured fugitive slaves. In emphasizing their standpoint, the Arabs insisted that should the company support the CMS on this issue, they in turn would follow the example of their fellow Arabs on the German East Africa coast and break into rebellion against the company. The Arabs knew too well that neither the consul nor the company would be ready to risk such developments.
  • istianised and reoriented ex-slaves by the mission was seen as tantamount to breaking up a Christian church.
  • Prior to the arrival of Mackenzie, Admiral Freemantle had reported the presence of 900 fugitives at Rabai, but this had been denied by the missionaries, Jones of Rabai and A. G. Smith of Freretown. When Mackenzie decided to search the stations, Jones agreed that there were fugitives but that: When Mr. Mackenzie and General Mathews bring the Arabs to find their slaves, I shall prove myself a useless servant. I will not and I cannot hand over those poor souls to their cruel and unmerciful masters, after I have been preaching to them the sweet liberty of my Lord and Saviour ... Somebody else will have to do that wicked work ...21
  • The whole transaction was described later by Tucker as the most "memorable act of the Company during its seven years tenure of supreme authority in East Africa"; and by Eugene Stock, the CMS historian, as "this great act of wise policy." Stock added that Buxton, a member of both the CMS and the company, paid ? 1200 towards the compensation, because it was felt that the CMS ought 219 This
  • commercial, and it required peaceful conditions at the coast. The company had to win the friendship of the Arabs who were the backbone of the economy. Both the company and the missionaries relied heavily on them for their caravans and their porters
    • adonisi19
      adonisi19 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Arabs were in charge of the economy.
  • When he arrived, Mackenzie was of the opinion that the missionaries, "by some misguided action (had) raised such a universally bitter feeling that they had not only jeopardized their own existence but that of Europeans throughout the country."23 The only option he found open to him was to convince the Arabs to consider their slaves as lost property, and to accept compensation for them at a rate of ?25 per slave. The Arabs agreed to grant freedom certificates to the slave
  • to bear part of the co
  • Only five days after the emancipation, Mackenzie accused the missionaries of deliberately disobeying orders and continuing to harbour fugitives.
  • It is clear that the missionaries, unlike the company officials, were not ready to co-operate in a programme that accepted slavery.
  • Price left the mission for the last time in March 1889, only three months after the Rabai incid
  • It was the company officials who helped the CMS missionaries to start stations in areas that had previously proved too precarious for the missionaries, such as J
  • The company and the mission cooperated in tackling transport problems and other essential services. On the whole, however, the presence of the company proved more of a disadvantage to the miss
  • The missionaries felt, for example, that the proximity of company centres to mission stations often led to the backsliding of many adherents after their employment by the co
  • o, the ability of the company to pay higher wages than the mission for clerical work led to the departure of many mission agents. In Freretown, all but one of the mission agents took jobs with the comp
  • . Finally, the missionaries detested the character of many of the company officials, whose behaviour was far from Christian.
  • time in
  • The same instructions had been given to Price before, and were repeated to all the other missionaries
  • The Society desired that harmony be maintained with the company officials, but not to the extent of fostering an identity between the two in the eyes of the natives, who were mainly fugitives, freed slaves or slaves. Further, the Society accepted that slavery was evil and should be abolished, but on the other hand the Society did not wish its missionaries to be entangled in the coastal politics of slavery
  • The missionaries' position was also complicated by the fact that they themselves differed to some extent with regard to slavery, not forgetting their individual conflicts with each oth
  • The concern of the missionaries was with the freed and bondaged slaves upon whom the future of their work depended; the concern of the company was peace and order upon which a viable economic growth depended, based upon slavery. The concerns of the mission and of the company, therefore, conflicted radically with regard to the issue of slavery, and it is this issue which more than anything else dominated their relationship.
nhlangotisn

Presbyterians and politics in Malawi A century of interaction TAF.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Lenten Pastoral letter from the Catholic bishops of Malawi was read in all Catholic churches in the country.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      the role of a Lenten Pastoral letter read in all Catholic churches in Malawi in 1992. The letter, while couched in respectful language, was a strong condemnation of the political situation in Malawi and eventually led to the downfall of Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, who had ruled the country as a one-party state for most of his 30 years in power. The surprise of this process was due in part to the rarity of open criticism of Banda's regime in the 1970s and 1980s and the historical reluctance of the Catholic Church to speak out against injustice and oppression, particularly during the colonial period. However, a careful study of the almost exactly 100 years between Sir Harry Johnston's declaration of a British Protectorate over Malawi in 1891 and the Bishops' letter in 1992 reveals a long tradition of missionary and local Christian opposition to policies they regarded as unjust. Scottish missionaries from the Livingstonia and Blantyre missions were particularly vocal in their criticism of the government during the colonial period.
  • Yet it was not long after the declaration of a British Protectorate that Sir Harry Johnston, the first Consul-General, was writing to Cecil Rhodes, complaining that it was partly as a result of the complaints of the Scottish missionaries at Blantyre (and particularly David Clement Scott, at that time the leader of the Blantyre Mission) that the British government had been persuaded to make Malawi a British Protectorate, under the direct control of the Foreign Office, rather than allowing it to be placed under the control of the British South Africa Company, as both Rhodes and Johnston would have preferred.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      In this passage, the author describes the role of Scottish missionaries in the early days of British rule in Malawi. The author notes that while the Scottish missionaries were initially responsible for persuading the British government to make Malawi a British Protectorate, they later became some of the most vocal critics of British rule. One of the main issues the missionaries raised concerned relations between the indigenous population and the small but growing number of European settlers. David Clement Scott, the leader of the Blantyre mission, was a particularly outspoken critic of the government, and much of his campaign was conducted through the pages of the Blantyre mission journal Life and Work in British Central Africa. The missionaries were successful in pressuring the government to reduce the hut tax, but less successful in their attempts to eliminate or limit the practice of Thangata (forced labour), which was one of the contributory factors to the Chilembwe Rising of 1915. The author also notes the importance of Joseph Booth, an independent missionary who was one of the few genuinely anti-colonial British missionaries of the period, and who influenced several African religious leaders in Malawi, including John Chilembwe, who eventually led an armed uprising against the British in 1915. The Scottish missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland were also involved in political action from time to time, including a case in 1899 where they saw themselves as protectors of the northern Ngoni people, who were threatened by a white cattle trader named Ziehl.
  • ritish state had reasserted itself. Several missionaries served in the British army during the war, and one outstanding Blantyre missionary, Robert Napier, was killed in action. In addition, and in some cases with great unpopularity, Scottish missionaries encouraged chiefs to submit to government demands that they supply carriers for the war effort in East Africa.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      During World War I, Scottish missionaries in Malawi supported the British army and encouraged chiefs to supply carriers. The Rev. John Chilembwe led an uprising against the British in 1915, which was quickly crushed. Scottish missionaries were criticized for allowing their African converts too much authority and independence. The Commission of Enquiry also criticized government policies, including the system of labor certificates. One memorable exchange was over whether Africans wearing hats should have to doff them for Europeans in the street.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission’s educational system. While it is true, as John McCracken points out, 21 that by 1940 Presbyterianism had already lost its numerical superiority in both the ecclesiastical and educational fields to the Roman Catholic Church, this did not work its way through the system in terms of leadership for another generation.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite
  • The General Assembly, recognizing that the time has come for a radical revision of the Territorial Constitution of Nyasaland, earnestly recommend to Her Majesty’s Government that effective power be given to the African community in this land. 30
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence
  • The second point is that the events which followed the Pastoral Letter were greatly facilitated by the support of international partner churches in several other parts of the world. Indeed, the importance of external forces in producing the Pastoral Letter itself should not be underestimated. This point has subsequently been emphasized by Archbishop Chiona and Mgr John Roche, both of whom were key players in the production of the Pastoral Letter. 40 Once the letter had been released, international support was also crucial on the non-Catholic side. This included support not only from single denominations like the Church of Scotland, but also from international groupings such as the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, whose intervention helped to give the churches new impetus and the CCAP in particular new courage in the weeks immediately after the Pastoral Letter. 41
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 27 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.
andiswamntungwa

The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

Andiswa Mntungwa History 2A

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
amahlemotumi

Full article: 'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural ... - 7 views

www.tandfonline.com/...0729247314Z.00000000040

Amahle Motumi 220069900 History 2A

shared by amahlemotumi on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Anglo-Zulu War of 1879.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      War between the Zulus and British because the Zulus did not want to submit to British law.
  • he iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      Singcofela who was part of the war between british and zulu explains that when killing with a gun a person does not get the insanity that one who kills with an assegai has an aftermath effect of war
  • ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving
  • ...55 more annotations...
  • A single technology such as that of firearms may be taken up and employed by different societies in a great variety of ways and with fluctuating levels of success.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      societies used guns differently, some used them to gain more success in both political and economic ways.
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona,Spear that is red even on the handle [...]The young viper grows as it sits,Always in a great rage
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      praise song
  • otho thoroughly embraced firearms, considerably modified their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of firearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sothos changed the battle techniques upon having access to guns but the Zulu stuck to their old ways of fighting in battle but introduced a new weapon , the gun.
  • he battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fired at him with his revolver and missed:
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports. Although indigenous peoples like the Xhosa, Sotho, Pedi and Zulu gradually adopted firearms during the course of the nineteenth century, they did so with varying degrees of eagerness.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      gun ownership spread in a slower pace in South Africa due to the lack of ports for ships to arrive in.
  • makhanda (military homesteads)
  • individuals in each of these companies (amaviyo)
  • ew ibutho (age-grade regiment)
  • amakhanda,
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      STATES WITH FORTIFIED SETTLEMENTS
  • adets
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      OFFICER TRAINEE
  • to giya, or to perform a war dance,
  • In battle, the Zulu tactical intention was to outflank and enclose the enemy in a flexible manoeuvre, evidently developed from the hunt, which could be readily adapted to a pitched battle in the open field or to a surprise attack
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Zulu on battelfield resembled them hunting down prey. The same tactics to corner enemy
  • abaqawe [heroes or warriors of distinction]
  • he king ordered them to wear a distinctive necklace, made from small blocks of willow wood (known as an iziqu),
  • ormed Stuart that coward’s meat ‘would be roasted and roasted and then soaked in cold water. It was then taken out of the water and given to the cowards, while the king urged them on to fight. Upon this they would begin to steel themselves, saying, “When will there be war, so that I can leave off this meat?”’ If the coward was then reported to have acquitted himself fiercely in battle, the king ‘would then praise him and say, “Do not again give him the meat of the cowards; let him eat the meat of the heroes.”
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      any warrior who became cowardice was punished and made to eat of the deceased cowards who flunked in war, only if they excelled in war were they granted the opportunity to outgrow the roasted coward meat
  • he traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets
  • This stick which they carry, what is it for?
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      EARLY ZULU PEOPLE WERE NOT FAMILIAR WITH GUNS
  • deed, it was reportedly Shaka’s far-fetched intention ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
  • 1826, he used the limited but alarming firepower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their firepower in subduing the Khumalo peopl
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      SHAKA STARTED USING THE GUNS AS A WEAPON TO DEFEATED HIS ENEMIES
  • uring the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner.
  • He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      MISSIONARIES TRIED SPREADING THE WORD OF GOD BUT FAILED BECAUSE THE ZULU WERE ONLY INTERESTED IN GUNS
  • mercenaries
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      SOLDIERS PAID BY FOREIGN COUNTRY TO FIGHT IN ITS ARMY
  • emigrant farmers (or Voortrekkers)
  • ingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successfu
  • The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fire, in neither battle could they could get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fighting to which they were accustomed
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      THEY COULD ONLY ATTACK ENEMIES AT CLOSE RANGE BECASUE THEY HAD SPEARS AND STICKS
  • eadrick argued that colonial warfare only became truly asymmetric with the introduction between the late 1860s and 1880s of breech-loading rifles, quick-loading artillery and machine guns
  • The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confirmed the chilling efficacy of firearms and the need to possess the new weapons
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      BECAUSE OF THE MANY DEFEATS THE ZULU THOUGHT ABOUT POSSESING A NEW WEAPON, GUNS.
  • (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gu
  • weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, firearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa,
  • ince they were not in a position to obtain many through trade, young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought firearms from gun- traders with their earnings.
  • etshwayo had to import firearms thorough traders.
  • he enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the firearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun trafficki
  • ancillaries
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      supporting weapon
  • 20,000 guns entered Zululand during Cetshwayo’s reign
  • he Zulu army, or impi,
  • What this evidence makes clear is that firearms were not necessarily widely dispersed into the hands of ordinary warriors, and that many had little (if any) practical training in their use.
  • h the unskilled way in which they were maintained, with the often poor quality of their gunpowder and shot, and with shortages of percussion caps and cartridges.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      zulus could not maitain the guns and had poor ammunition and skill of suing the gun
  • Put simply, most Zulu did not shoot well because they had scant practice in it
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      had little practice in shooting
  • he Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of firearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      zulus named the guns according to the shapes and sizes
  • Xhosa were skilled in their use of firearms, and made for formidable foes.
  • the Zulu elite came to regard them as significant indicators of power and prestige, and recognized their efficacy in hunting and fighting
  • est firearms went to men of high status and, according to Bikwayo, double-barrelled ones seemed to have been the most prestigious
  • nceku, or personal attendan
  • aluable, dangerous, and exotic as they were, firearms inevitably conferred the mystique of power upon the possessor
  • sigodlo (or private household
  • ade all those with guns hold their barrels downwards on to, but not actually touching, a sherd containing some smoking substance, i.e. burning drugs, fire being underneath the sherd, in order that smoke might go up the barrel. This was done so that bullets would go straight, and, on hitting any European, kill him
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      ritual done to enhance the aim on European and kill him
  • the nineteenth century, firearms became increasingly essential for hunting, one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers
  • ory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits filled with stake
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were used to kill elephants and it was easier to obtain ivory
  • weapons themselves still had to be incorporated into the ceremonies of ritual purification and strengthening that preceded battle.
  • inyanga, or war doctor,
  • rince Cetshwayo ‘succeeded in killing someone there, by shooting him when he was in caves among the rocks [...] on the hillsid
  • Mystical forces, in other words, would compensate for lack of practical skill in hitting a target, just as they would protect a man from wounds and death.
  • tshelele ka Godide told Stuart of a hunter who accidentally shot himself in the stomach and died when the butt of his cocked gun touched the ground. Cetshwayo ordered his izangoma (diviners) to hold a ‘smelling out’ (umhlahlo) and they pronounced that the victims’ brother ‘had worked evil (lumba) on the gun’.
  • e Zulu adoption of firearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were easily familiar with firearms, and knew how to use them.
  • e bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fighting began. Why, we might ask, did they not make more effective use of them in 1879,
  • spheleletembe on 25 Apr 23
     
    John Laband's article explores the cultural complexities of the transfer of firearms technology to the Zulu Kingdom in the 19th century. While initially resistant to firearms due to their reliance on traditional close combat tactics, the Zulu eventually embraced the technology and incorporated it into their military strategies. However, Laband argues that the adoption of firearms was not a straightforward adoption of Western technology, but rather a complex process of cultural adaptation and appropriation. Despite relying on firearms, the Zulu continued to value traditional warrior virtues, resulting in a hybridization of Zulu and Western military traditions. This unique blend of traditions played a significant role in the Zulu's success in battle against colonial powers. The article highlights the nuanced and complex nature of cultural exchange and technological transfer, and how these processes are shaped by cultural values and traditions.
nhlangotisn

Blantyre Mission stephen green.pdf - 1 views

Simphiwe Nhlangoti

shared by nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • 6 THE NYASALAND JOURNAL BLANTYRE MISSION By Rev. Stephen Green T was appropriate that the Scottish missionaries who came to the Shire Highlands in 1876 should call their settlement Blantyre, the name of David Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire. For Scotland had some three years before been deeply moved by the story of Livingstone's death at Ilala and of the devotion of his African friends who carried his body to the coast that it might be brought home to lie in Westminster Abbey. Livingstone had spoken with enthusiasm
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      Livingstone - refers to David Livingstone, a Scottish missionary and explorer who passed through the Shire Highlands in 1859 and spoke highly of the area for missionary settlement. Blantyre - the name of the settlement founded by Scottish missionaries in the Shire Highlands in 1876. The name comes from Livingstone's birthplace in Lanarkshire, Scotland. Church of Scotland - refers to the Presbyterian denomination of Christianity that sent the Scottish missionaries to the Shire Highlands. The Free Church of Scotland had already sent pioneers to Livingstonia Mission in 1875. Henry Henderson - the missionary sent by the Church of Scotland to find a suitable site near Lake Malawi for a new mission, but who eventually settled on the Shire Highlands. Magomero - the site of the Universities' Mission, which had been founded in response to Livingstone's challenge and appeal fifteen years prior. Medical officer - Dr. T. T. Macklin, who accompanied the mission party from Scotland to the Shire Highlands in 1876 and was handed leadership of the mission upon arrival. Artisan missionaries - refers to the five skilled tradesmen who accompanied the mission party from Scotland and were tasked with construction and manual work for the mission. Challenge - the mission to continue the work that Livingstone had begun in the area, as he had spoken highly of the Shire Highlands as a suitable location for missionary settlement
  • Henderson left them encamped by the Shire while he went up to make preparations for their arrival. He found at the place of his choice half-ruined huts, the owners of which had fled to the hills to escape a raid of the Angoni. Some of these he repaired sufficiently to be of service as temporary shelter, and then returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. It was reached by them on the 23rd. October,
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      On October 23rd, 1936, Sir Harold Kittermaster unveiled a memorial tablet set in a cairn of stones on the spot where the fig tree had stood. The cairn is made up of sixty stones, each one bearing the name of one of the congregations of the Presbytery of Blantyre, which at that date numbered sixty. Henderson repaired half-ruined huts at the chosen site and returned to lead his colleagues to their destination. They arrived at Blantyre on October 23rd, and encamped under a large fig tree. Dr. Macklin took over the leadership of the mission after Henderson handed it over to him, and he began making friends with neighbouring chiefs and headmen. African helpers were instructed in various kinds of manual work, and a school was opened. Sons of the Makololo chiefs down on the River attended the school as boarders, and they brought slaves with them to wait upon them, which Dr. Clement Scott promptly stopped. Refugee slaves sought asylum at the mission and were received and assured of protection, which led to bitter hostility to the mission on the part of chiefs who had a direct interest in the slave trade. The original pioneer band contained no ordained missionary, and one was not appointed until 1878. Dr. Laws and Dr. Stewart came from Livingstonia for temporary duty as Head of the Mission, and Mr. James Stewart, a civil engineer, was also lent for a time from Livingstonia, and his services were of great value in the laying out of the station and the garden.
  • THE NYASALAND JOURNAL The first minister to be appointed to Blantyre was the Reverend Duff Macdonald, afterwards Minister of South Dalziel, Mother well. In a remarkably short time he acquired a good knowledge of Yao and produced Yao schoolbooks and translations. He also made a special study of local customs and folklore, and his book Africana is still a leading authority.
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      he paragraph describes the establishment of the Blantyre settlement by Scottish missionaries in Nyasaland (now Malawi) and the challenges they faced. The first minister appointed was Reverend Duff Macdonald, who quickly gained knowledge of the local language (Yao) and customs, producing schoolbooks and translations. Mission work also began at Zomba, but was later abandoned for Domasi station. The missionaries faced hostility from some local chiefs due to their anti-slavery policy and their need to exercise civil jurisdiction over Africans. The inexperience of the missionaries led to the adoption of measures inconsistent with Christian aims, and some in Scotland advised withdrawal. However, the Head of the Mission and two others were recalled, and a new minister, David Clement Ruffelle Scott, was sent out. Scott was a versatile man with qualities of leadership who re-organized the Mission's work. He designed Blantyre Church and produced an encyclopedic dictionary of the Mang'anja language, widely known as Scott's Dictionary. Under his leadership, the Mission compensated slave owners who established claims to slaves in sanctuary at the Mission, and formed friendly relations with chiefs.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • sister of Dr. John Bowie, had also contracted it. On his way, through torrential rains and across rivers in flood, he received the news that Mrs. Henderson was dead and Dr. Bowie, who had sucked the tracheotomy tube in a desperate effort to save the child's life, was down with diphtheria. All that Affleck Scott and Dr. Henry Scott, who had come from Domasi, could do was of no avail, and Bowie also died. Very soon after, Henry Henderson on his way home with Mrs. Bowie and Mrs. Clement Scott (another sister of Dr. Bowie) died at Q
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      The paragraph discusses the history of the Scottish Presbyterian mission in Nyasaland (now Malawi) during the late 19th century. The mission aimed to spread Christianity to the local population while also attempting to curb the practice of slavery. The text describes several missionaries who played important roles in this effort, including Robert Cleland, Clement Scott, and William Affleck Scott. The paragraph begins by recounting an event in which Scott and Henderson attempted to persuade the Angoni chiefs to cease raiding the Shire Highlands, which was successful in preventing future attacks. The narrative then shifts to describe the establishment of a sub-station at Chiradzulu and the difficulties encountered by Cleland when attempting to found a new station at Mlanje. The paragraph notes that Cleland passed away from illness before he could fully establish the new station. The text then describes the efforts of William Affleck Scott, who joined the mission in 1889 and devoted himself wholeheartedly to spreading the Gospel. Although he did not achieve his ambition of founding a station in Angoniland, he served at several locations in Nyasaland and also participated in expeditions to Portuguese East Africa. The paragraph ends with a tragic account of Henry Henderson's family members succumbing to diphtheria while on their way back to Blantyre, with Affleck Scott and Henry Scott unable to save them despite their efforts
  • he vernacular. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the natural effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi only ten miles distant. The latter, with its square mile of mission land offering facilities for school boarding, evangelists' training, teachers' refresher courses, etc., was much more suitable as the head? quarters of a large district, but as staffing difficulties increased it was the station that suffered more than any other from lack of staff. Work was developed from Domasi in the district to the north-east between Chikala Hill and Lake Chiuta, and for long the dream was cherished of transferring the station to a central site in that district. An exchange of land could have been
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      This paragraph discusses the development of the Blantyre Church, which was built between 1888 and 1891, with Dr. Affleck Scott describing the various people involved in its construction. Despite criticism of the elaborate building, Dr. Scott defends it as a means of bringing more people to the area and teaching them about the benefits of hard work and beauty. The year 1891 also saw the beginning of the administration of Nyasaland as a British protectorate, which had an impact on the work of the Mission. Means of communication improved, making it easier for various Christian forces in the country to make contact. In 1900, the first of a series of missionary conferences was held, with representatives from various missions in attendance. These conferences have been valuable in discussing issues and demonstrating spiritual unity. In 1904, the Federation of Missions was formed with a Consultative Board, which discussed questions of common interest. The development of Zomba as a mission station had the effect of detracting from the importance of Domasi. The dream of transferring the station to a central site in the district to the northeast was never realized, despite repeated appeals from the people.
  • In this matter the missions were very greatly indebted to the Reverend W. H. Murray of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission, who was set free for a time by his Church for translation work, and who not only did much of it himself, but also co-ordinated the work of the other translators. Later Dr. Murray earned the further gratitude of the Church in the Central and Southern Provinces by revising the whole of the text, introducing the new orthography, and adding marginal references, work in which he was ably assisted by Mrs. Murray. Thus Nyanja-speaking Christians in Nyasaland and far beyond its bounds have an admirable version of the whole of the Scriptures which, thanks to the National Bible Society of Scotland and the British and Foreign Bible Society, can be bought for the modest
    • nhlangotisn
      nhlangotisn on 29 Apr 23
       
      he paragraph provides a historical account of the Blantyre Mission's work in Portuguese East Africa, particularly in the establishment of mission stations and the growth of the Church of Scotland's congregation. In 1898, an effort was made to extend the work to the east of Lake Chirwa, but the Portuguese authorities objected to the founding of a mission until they had pacified the country. The Mihecani station was finally opened in 1913, while the Panthumbi station was later moved to Bemvu, where it was under the leadership of Harry Matecheta. The policy of centralization was adopted in 1904, and technical and industrial training was concentrated in Blantyre, while other stations were free to develop evangelistic and junior school work. The Henry Henderson Institute was built to accommodate extra pupils. The mission played an essential role in training carpenters, builders, gardeners, and clerks, who found employment in government offices and commercial concerns. The Mlanje Mission was removed to a new site in the early 1930s. In 1924, the Presbyteries of Livingstonia and Blantyre entered into an incorporating union in the Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian), and the first Synod of that Church was constituted at Livingstonia. Blantyre missionaries played a significant role in Bible translation.
sivemhlobo

The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views

Sive Mhlobo 222057774

shared by sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      except for the ivory trade even cattle trade was dominant in 19th century,but the major focus of this article is the Ivory trade.
  • The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
  • his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
  • ...46 more annotations...
  • This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
  • n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      the Ivory reached other parts of the area through Mozambique Island.
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
  • The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
  • he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
  • The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
  • According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
  • The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
  • edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
  • ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
  • he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade in Northern Nguni was a major thing as it was it that drawn money.
  • Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
  • According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
  • ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
  • supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation.
  • he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was taken from elephants,so when Hedges noticed that there was a drop in trade he considered the need of labour so that they can trade with other countries or continents.
  • edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
  • The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Amabutho were people who defended the Zulu Kingdom from raiders,provided protection for refugees and were involved to ivory and slave trade.
  • he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
  • Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
  • The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
  • 9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
  • ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
  • his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
  • ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
  • he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
  • During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      i think it was because they employed many people to hunt elephants.
  • is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
  • ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
  • The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
  • he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
  • lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
  • Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
    • sivemhlobo
      sivemhlobo on 18 Apr 23
       
      Africans are good in use of spears and axes,so they used them in order to easily catch elephants.
  • nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
  • The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
  • More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
  • With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
  • The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
  • his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
  • The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
  • here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
  • welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
  • This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
nmapumulo

Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East an... - 18 views

www.tandfonline.com/...02255189.1998.9669768

Nobuhle Mapumulo History 2A

shared by nmapumulo on 19 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • This paper identifies problematic elements in the literature on the ivory trade during the late 19th century and proposes an alternate approach that draws on insights from economic anthropology and history.
  • his focus provides a different perspective on participation in the ivory trade. What follows is an outline of the issues that could be addressed by a broader social history of the ivory trade in late 19th-century East-Central Africa and, based on my research on the Eastern Congo, some of the transformations associated Trade and with the ivory trade in this period
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      ivory in congo, where the ivory task was formed
    • ntsebengntela
      ntsebengntela on 24 Apr 23
       
      the problematic elemente on the ivory trade
  • ...10 more annotations...
  • Whatever effect these changes had on how men organized themselves socially and politically in relation to the hunt, it and the related activities of caravan trading and porterage had a distinct effect simply through the number of men they drew out of the pool of labour available for work in the community (Alpers, 1992, p. 356). Trade, which caused this problem, also supplied its solution: more slave labour purchased with the wealth generated by trade. This labour was not only applied to subsistence and domestic main- tenance left: 133.5
  • time
  • Led by Henry M. Stanley, this expedition crossed Africa, Canadian Journal from the Congo River via Lake Albert and Lake Victoria to Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • siyabonga_14
      siyabonga_14 on 26 Apr 23
       
      We can see from this document together with other documents i have posted that the trade of Ivory took part mostly in Zanzibar and parts of Congo. This shows that these were the hotspots of the Ivory trade.
  • Zanzibar between of~evelopment 1887 and 1889.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zanzibar is part of East Africa and the date corresponds with my research time frame.
  • My interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th-century thinking about trade and its effects on Africa
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      In the introduction, there is an establishment of the places this journal will explore in terms of how the ivory trade affected them. But I am concerned with the East African region therefore my annotations will center more on things that involve ivory trade effects in East Africa.
  • Trade and Transformation: Tarticipation in the lvory Trade in Late 19th-Century East
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      Based on this title, this journal article will explore how the ivory trade contributed to the 19th century.
  • he first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. Tusks had and have important functions for elephants. They are used in feeding, in marking territory, as both offensive and defensive weapons, and as markers of status (Shoshani, 1992, p. 48). The questions for further study arising here relate to the ways in which hunting by humans affected elephant populations. To what extent were their physical reproduction and collective behaviour affected as they were reduced in numbers left: 263.997px; top: 561.245px; fon
  • The issue of policital leaders is covered extensively in the literature, so I will simply highlight a few key issues. First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground. Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual. Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and left: 217.561px; top: 925.436px; font-size: 18.5417px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      the trade in ivory was not going to be a success without the elephants, in fact, it would not have lasted for a long time if elephants stopped reproducing and became extinct. Elephants played a significant in making areas that were covered in wood to be covered in grass allowing for human beings to harvest and live in those areas,the poaching led to a disturbance in the system of ecology
    • mphomaganya
      mphomaganya on 26 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was viewed as an item that made one rich and powerful, it was associated with royalty thus the term regalia was used. They viewed it as an item that can remove one from one disadvantaged social class to a wealthy class.
  • mhlengixaba on 26 Apr 23
     
    This article identifies problematic elements in the ivory trade during the late 19th century. African and external, participated in the ivory trade. This participation grew out of differing beliefs about the power of trade to bring about economic, social and political change. Late 19th century British debates about trade with Africa had no direct counterpart in the African communities involved in the ivory trade, the changing nature and meaning of trade and trade goods produced a variety of contending political, social and economic options. the interest in the literature on the ivory trade and in 19th century thinking about the trade and its effects on Africa. the first participants in the trade were elephants, the only group for whom ivory was truly essential. elephants played an important ecological role in the transformation of wooded areas into grassland, affecting a wide variety of species. it was also important to the hunters. it contributed to their livelihood, largely through exchange value, but in some parties of East central Africa it was also employed in terms of hunters or their families.
mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
      mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
  • mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23
     
    Non-academic source
lmshengu

Europeans and East Africans in the Age of Exploration.pdf - 3 views

Lwandile Mshengu History 2A

shared by lmshengu on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nted a
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      yeilded is to give forth or produce by natural process or in return for cultivation
  • y Johann Re
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      johannes Rebmann was agerman missinary, linguist and explorer credited with feats including being the first european ,along with his colleague johann Ludwig krapf to enter africa from the indian ocean coast. in addition he was the first european to find kilimanjaro.
  • on th
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is habitational name of british origin that means from the story
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • s too. It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      . It was not just that Europeans now began to arrive in larger numbers, demand more and wanted to stay more
  • ample,
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Mtyela Kasanda, better known as King Mirambo, was a Nyamwezi king, from 1860 to 1884. He created the largest state by area in 19th-century East Africa in present day Urambo district in Tabora Region of Tanzania. Urambo district is named after him. Mirambo started out as a trader and the son of a minor chief.
  • Europeans,
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      NYUNGU-YA-MAWE was the exact contemporary and, for a time at least, the ally, of Mirambo-ya-banhu, the famous Nyamwezi war-lord who rose. to power in west-central Tanzania early in the second half of the nine- teenth century.
  • omoted
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Fragmentation most generally means the process of fragmenting-breaking into pieces or being divided into parts. It can also refer to the state or result of being broken up or having been divided.
  • to switch from
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In matrilineal kinship sysytems,lineage and inheritance are traced through a groups female members and children are parts of their mothers and children are parts of their mothers kinship group. in contrast in patrillineal systems group membership is determined through men and children are part of their fathers kinship.
  • In the period of exploration the most notable visitors for the majority of East Africans were not the European explorers so much as other Africans and, more particularly, the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar. By the late 1870s again, it might be argued, some sort of accommodation showed signs of being reached between these traders and many African
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      For the bulk of East Africans, other Africans and especially the Swahili and Arab traders from the coast and Zanzibar were the most famous visitors throughout the age of exploration rather than European explorers. It may be argued that by the late 1870s, some type of accommodation had been made between these traders and many Africans.
  • 'Scientific geography' did, in fact, mean, more than anything, the recording of accurate observations for latitude, longitude and height on the basis of which satis? factory maps could be constructed. In this sense, the 'discovery' of a feature like the source of the Nile was indeed a discovery for it definitively established a scientific fact.
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      In reality, the recording of precise observations for latitude, longitude, and height on which reliable maps could be created were what "scientific geography" really meant. In this sense, the 'finding' of a feature like the source of the Nile was legitimately a discovery because it established a scientific fact.
  • 'scientific geo
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      A geographer is a physical scientist, social scientist or humanist whose area of study is geography, the study of Earth's natural environment and human society, including how society and nature interacts.
  • appear to have been in the Society mainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individuals may have joined because they considered their continental tours made them explorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthy amateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample. But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen, no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sample being
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      appear to have been in the Societymainly because it was part of the fashionable London scene. Many such individualsmay have joined because they considered their continental tours made themexplorers but it seems reasonable to distinguish as a separate group the wealthyamateur travellers and big-game hunters who constitute 4 per cent of the sample.But much larger than all these groups except the scholars, bulks the servicemen,no less than 47 (23 per cent) of the sammple being naval officcers.
  • out th
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is insistent and positive affirming, maintaining or defending as of a right or attribute an aasertion of ownership/ innocence .
  • Clements Markha
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sir clements Robert Markham was an english geographer , explorer and writer.He was secretsry of the royal geographical society between 1863 and 1888 and later served as the society's president for a futher 12 years
  • r. There was in fact much more social and political cohesion in East African societies than most explorer
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      IN East African societies africans were more united in terms ofsocial and political than the most of the explores and the explores discovered that when they were there in east africa.
  • Although the British government moved to increase its control over East Africa for reasons that involve much wider considerations, the apparent need to improve law and order provided at least a very powerful justification. Indeed it was a necessary part of the process by which imperial objects could be achie
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Even if the British government expanded its influence over East Africa for far larger objectives, the seeming need to strengthen law and order served as at least a very strong pretext. In fact, it was a crucial step in the process of achieving imperial goals. Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.
  • precursors. It is much more difficult to attempt an answer to the question of what Africans learned or thought they learned about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa. Obviously, first of all, the explorers' direct social and economic impact was slight. It is true that Captain Speke seems to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by one of the Kabaka's
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Inasmuch as this was the case, the explorers were both the antecedents and forerunners of imperialism.Answering the topic of what Africans discovered or believed they discovered about Europeans during the period of exploration in East Africa is far more challenging. Obviously, the direct social and economic impact of the explorers was little. It is true that according to the CMS Archives, Captain Speke appears to have fathered a daughter in Buganda by a Kabaka sister.
  • Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke, for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to be taken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable ally for one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera; in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971). Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who, unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, did frequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabs in 1
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Krapf was in a weak position and could not be more than a pawn but Speke,for example, had too large a following of reasonably well-organized porters to betaken entirely for granted. It was therefore possible for him to be a desirable allyfor one side or the other in the war between the Tabora Arabs and Mnwya Sera;in the event, he tried to mediate in the dispute with some effect (Bridges, 1971).Stanley, who had an even more formidable caravan on his expeditions, and who,unlike all the other explorers, showed a willingness to act in a ruthless way, didfrequently intervene as, for instance, in the war between Mirambo and the Arabsin 1
  • European explorers could, then, have a noticeable political effect although generally only in the short term. In the longer term, their special characteristics probably operated in different and less easily described ways. Early European visits to Buganda were marked by great questionings of the explorers on the place of Man in Society and in t
    • lmshengu
      lmshengu on 26 Apr 23
       
      Therefore, European explorers could have an impact on politics, albeit usually in the short term. Their unique traits likely functioned in distinct and harder-to-describe ways over a longer period of time. Early European excursions to Buganda were distinguished by intense inquiries about the role of man in society and in the world.
makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

makofane Prince 221081879

shared by makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
olwethusilindile

zulu and their langauge.pdf - 1 views

Olwethu Visasa 220117155

shared by olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE ZULU AND OTHER DIALECTS,
  • IN the following article, I propose to communicate such facts concerning the languages or dialects of this part of Africa, as I have been able to ascertain, either by my own study and observation, or from the works of others more learned and experienced on the subject than myself
  • I shall, in the first place, endeavor to present some of the more important characteristics and principles of the Zulu dialect, which is the language of the natives in the colony of Natal, and of the Amazulu, to the north-east of this colony; and shall afterwards speak of the dialects of Southern Africa, generally.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zulu dialect, Amazulu, and Southern African dialects discussed.
  • ...25 more annotations...
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT.
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT
  • The elementary sounds of the Zulu are twenty-six in number, which we represent by the letters of the English alphabet: a, b, c, d, e,
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      !!!!
  • They are divided into vowels, consonants, and clicks. The vowels are five in number, viz: a as in father; e as a in name; i as ee in meet; o as in pole; and u as oo in pool. The consonants are nearly the same as in English, except that g is always hard, as in give, and r is a guttural; g and j sometimes become nasalized by the sound of n put before them, as gi or ngi, je or nje; and by some tribes y is substituted for 1, as sila or siya, to grind; p and b are interchangeable, as ibetya or ipetya.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Vowels are five, consonants are similar to English, and clicks are interchangeable. Vowels are hard, consonants are nasalized, and clicks are interchangeable.
  • Syllabification.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is the division of words into syllables, either in speech or in writing
  • Syllabification
  • Euphony
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      pleasing or sweet sound; especially : the acoustic effect produced by words so formed or combined as to please the ear
  • Euphony
  • This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus, according to some variety of color, redundancy or deficiency of members, or some other peculiarity; thus, one noun signifies "a cow," another "a red cow," another "a brown cow," another "a white cow," another "a barren cow," etc. Abstract nouns are generally derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, as: kulu, great; ubukulu, greatness. Proper names are taken from some object or incident in common life, thus: Untaba comes from intaba, a mountain; Ubalekile signifies "she has run away." There are very few nouns expressing the abstractions of mind, or spiritual things. Every noun consists of two parts: the initial, and the radical. The initial, whether a single letter or a syllable, is that part of the noun, which, in a modified form, re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it; from which also its pronoun is derived; and by which the number, class, and condition of the noun are determined. The rest of the noun is called the radical, or root. For example: um is the initial, andfazi the root, of the noun urnfazi, a woman; in the initial, and to the root, of the noun into, a thing. This initial element has sometimes been called a prefix. It is not, however, a prefix, but an essential part of the noun, without which the noun is not a noun, is not complete, and has no signification. The initial of a noun, in impressing its image upon an adjective, and in undergoing various inflections to assist in indicating the number and condition of the noun, bears a strong resemblance to the terminations of a noun in Latin and Greek. The initial elements and euphonic letters of the several classes are as follows:
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus. Abstract nouns are derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, and proper names are taken from common life. Nouns consist of two parts: the initial and the radical. The initial element is an essential part of the noun, and is re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it.
  • Accentuation.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      the act of emphasizing a particular feature of something or making something more noticeable, or an instance of this
  • Nouns.
  • The euphonic or alliteral concord causes the initial element of the noun, a letter, a syllable, or syllables, to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with the noun; requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands; and detaches the important part of the initial of the governing noun, to assist in forming a bond of connection with and control over the noun, or pronoun, governed in the genitive. This often causes the repetition of the same letter or letters at the beginning of several words, and points out all the various modifications and limitations of the subject or the object in a sentence; alike promoting in a high degree a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation, and imparting distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas. Take, for example, izimvu zami zi ya li zua ilizui lami, literally, (the) sheep of me they do it hear (the) voice of me, i. e. my sheep hear my voice. Here the euphonic letter z in zami, and the pronoun zi, point directly to the initial izim of the noun izimvu; while the pronoun li, and the euphonic letter I in lami, point to the initial
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary The euphonic or literal concord causes the initial element of the noun to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with it, and requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands. This helps to promote a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation and impart distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas.
  • The negative idea is affixed to verbs chiefly by means of the particles a and nga, thus: (1) a is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or e in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the indicative past; (3) nge is often used for nga in the potential; (4) the auxiliary ya, or za, is always omitted in the negative form of the indicative present. See the paradigm,
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The particles a and nga are primarily used to add the negative idea to verbs, as shown below: (1) an is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, with a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or ein in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the consider the paradigm
  • Prepositions.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      a word governing, and usually preceding, a noun or pronoun and expressing a relation to another word or element in the clause, as in 'the man on the platform', 'she arrived after dinner', 'what did you do it for ?'
  • manme! mamo! Derivation of Wo
  • I have thus endeavored to present some of the leading features of the Zulu dialect, as fully as time would allow; and so to do it, that a comparison between this and any other languages of the Continent, of which a similar account should be given, might be intelligibly instituted. I shall next condense such information as I have been able to obtain either here, or at Cape Town, respecting the dialects of Southern Africa gener
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Zulu dialect is compared to other languages of the Continent, and the dialects of Southern Africa are discussed.
  • II. CLASSIFICATION OF DIALECTS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA.
  • the Alliterative
  • ul. Its most remarkable and distinguishing feature is its alliteration, or euphonic concord, which is a peculiar assimilation of initial sounds, produced by prefixing the same letter, or letters, to several words in the same proposition, related to, or connected with one another. This principle has been already briefly presented in my remarks upon the Zulu dialect, where it is found in one of its most perfect for
  • e Zulu dialect is spoken by the natives in Natal colony; b
  • o tribes from which the names of the dialects are taken. The Zulu being the farthest removed from foreign tongues, especially the Hottentot, is comparatively free of clicks and words of foreign extraction, in both which the Kafir abounds.
  • north-west of the Amazulu, and extending nearly to Delagoa bay. The language of the Amaswazi has been reckoned as of the Fingo branch, though in many of its features it rather resembles the Zulu dialect. Indeed, all the dialects of the Fingo branch seem to approximate nearer to the Zulu than to the Kafir, in every respect, with the exception of consonantal changes, which are its peculiar feature.
  • oman umfazi masari masari. 3. The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes which dwell on the western coast of Africa, between Benguela and Namaqualand, or from about 17? to 23? of South Latitude, and from the coast to about 19? of East Longitulde. The Damaras are divided into two branches, called the Hill Damaras, and the Cattle Damaras or Damaras of the Plain. The dialect of the Hill Damaras, who live immediately to the north and north-east of Namaqualand, is the same as that of the Namaquas, and is therefore included in the Click Class of African tongues. But the dialect of the Damaras of the Plain, who dwell beyond the Hill Damaras, is evidently cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families. This affinity was first noticed by Rev. Mr. Archbell, for a time a missionary among the Bechuanas, and the author of a Sechuana grammar, who made the Damaras two visits, one by way of Walwich bay, and the other by way of Namaqualand; and his opinion has since been confirmed by
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes on the western coast of Africa, divided into two branches: the Hill Damaras and the Cattle Damaras. The Hill Damaras dialect is the same as the Namaquas, while the Damaras of the Plain dialect is cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families.
  • The language of the Koniunkues is soft and musica
  • The foregoing is the amount of the most authentic and recent information which I have been able to obtain, here and in Cape colony, respecting the languages of those numerous aboriginal tribes of Africa which dwell south of Jebel elKumr, or the Mountains of the Moon. I have already drawn out the subject to such an extent that I will say nothing of their probable orig
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The most important idea is that the languages of the various African tribes are authentic and recent.
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
Oreneile Maribatze

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa.pdf - 2 views

Maribatze Oreneile History 2A

shared by Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Between the 15th and 19th centuries the transatlantic slave trade pulled Africa into a global military and economic context, mainly through the imports of European firearms to Africa in exchange for slaves.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the batter trade happened for over 5 centuries whereby European countries would supply African chiefdoms with all the guns that were in demand in exchange of slaves that would be of cheap labor on their sugar and cotton plantations
  • trade which involved Britain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Denmark and the USA
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      countries that participated strongly on slave trade and in return provided ammunitions to nations in the name of protection and defence
  • West African states, from Angola to Senegal, on the other hand, accounted for the forced trade estimated at 12 million or more African
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      These were the African countries that were forced using guns to participate in selling their own to the trans Saharan trade
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • Firearms and gunpowder had originated in China and spread throughout Eurasia before reaching Africa.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa came in late in the production of firearms and gunpowder
  • Some evidence exists that Portuguese and Dutch traders brought firearms to coastal West Africa in the 15th to 17th centuries,
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the guns were also brought by the Portuguese and Dutch traders in the coastals
  • The differences in the development of missile weapons in Africa and Europe have largely been explained through the differences in military environments
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The differences ofmanufacturing of guns between the two continents was very noticeable and was really big
  • the use of cavalry and armour in Europe but not in Africa is thought to have been an important factor. In much of Africa, the penetrating power of missile weapons was less important than, for example, accuracy. 8
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the difference that was there between the 2 continents
  • used in Africa by the Janissaries of the Ottoman army during the 16th century, and later found their way into West Africa across the Sahara from North Africa towards the end of that century. 4 A
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the first group to use guns in Africa were the Janissaries before the usage spread to other parts of the continent
  • 1661–63 the British Royal African Company alone shipped 4,038 firearms to the West African c
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      figures of the guns that were imported in two years
  • supplied closed to 100,000 firearms and other small arms to the West African coastal region. 12
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      other statistics that shows how much guns were in demand in Afica
  • The widespread trade in small arms, and their importance in many societies, led to the development of domestic maintenance of firearms. As a result of the large number of firearms for private use, many societies developed small-scale firearms repair and service industries made up by blacksmiths and gunsmith
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns opened new industries and opportunities for Africans
  • due to the falling prices on firearms in relation to the prices on slaves, African firearms imports increased very sharply in the 18th century.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      firearms were a great commodity to trade
  • fricans received two guns for every slave; in 1718 they received between 24 and 32 guns for every slave
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the growth of the trade over the years and funny how chiefdoms sold their people just to have guns in their possession . they didnt realize consequences such as population depletion and that if war came no one would be there to fight
  • at the turn at the 19th century Africa’s interaction with Europe was dominated by the slave trade. This was the principle means of exchange whereby European imports and technologies entered Africa and firearms constituted a large proportion of these imports.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the African chiefdoms had a relationship built on the batter trade of slaves and guns
  • Scholars have debated what kind of impact, or to what extent, firearms imports affected Africa during the slave trade centuries. The demographic impact of the slave trade was undisputedly substantial, even though determining the exact scope has been subjected to great debates. 22 In 1750, Africa had 6–11 per cent of the world’s population. By 1900 it had fallen to 5–7 per cent. 23 Besides the large demographic impact, the trade for slaves had a more socially disruptive impact than the trade for the same value of commodities, as slaves were more likely to be acquired by force or theft
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      This trade was very detrimental to the population of Africa as it declined a lot as long as Africans were being taken to be slaves
  • Firearms were easily deployed in the new structures – they required little skills to use compared to other missile weapons, which facilitated quick training of a central army. 26
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Were put in use as they were more effective and not much training was needed
  • firearms supplied by Portuguese and Arab-Swahili traffickers in exchange for slaves and ivory were central to the state of Lumpungu (in today’s Democratic Republic of Congo) in conquering surrounding chiefdoms and create a centralized state structure, in the third quarter of the 19th century. 32
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were of great importance to the state as they were used to conquer other weak chiefdoms nearby
  • The coming of firearms [in the mid-19th century] plunged Central Africa into a cycle of unprecedented violence, causing a large amount of victims, but also causing some to flee their territory’. 3
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns didnt benefit the nations always as they caused a lot of chaos and there were many civilian casualities
  • given the firearms role in the production of slaves and ivory. 35 Guns were instrumental in slave raids and in the hunting of elephants at a large scale. Ivory was used to buy both slaves and weapons, and was used for tributes to foreign traders to create partnerships and alliances. The ivory trade ‘consolidated the economic and military power of those who had access to guns – or who worked in alliance with those with gun
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Some of the advantages of guns relate to ivory trade and slave trade that made many kingdoms really powerful
  • Most weapons imported at that time were handguns, typically smoothbore, muzzleloading, flintlock muskets. 1
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      the type of guns that were imported to Africa in large quantities and actually had a large impact, all these for the need of cheap labour
  • A few military historians have argued that the weapons imported during the slave trade were not suitable for military use, including slave raiding. 46 Rather, it has been argued that, the weapons were used for non-military means, such as guarding crops.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      The guns attained from European traders were used for non-military activities such as agriculure. this includes hunting and guarding crops
  • Firearms became a symbol of wealth and prestige in the Songye village society. 47
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      guns were a symbol of influece, power and status in many societies
  • During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, firearms spread deeper into the lands behind the coast. This gradual dispersion of guns coincided with the rise and consolidation of expansionist states like Akwamu, Denkyira, Asante and Dahomey, whose military prowess was based on the firearm ... . The bulk of the firearms taken into Asante and Dahomey was not carried further afield, because both states imposed restrictions on the distribution of guns in the lands to their north. 52
  • Officially, the Portuguese were forbidden to sell firearms to non-Christians, ostensibly on politico-religious grounds, but more credibly because, during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Portugal was largely dependent on Flemish and German gunsmiths for its supply of firearms. 56
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      only those who did not believe in Christianity attained these guns
  • Firearms were well spread in East Africa in the second half of the 19th centu
  • According to primary data, Italy and France made very large profits from supplying weapons to different Ethiopian kingdoms through their protectorates
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa buying guns drastically boosted the economies of both Italy and France
  • By the early 1880s, almost all soldiers in Ethiopia carried firearms. 75 The literature illustrates how large-scale small arms imports were made available through international trade and alliances between foreign representatives and national and regional rulers. Merchants and transit points were also evident phenomenon of small arms trade at the time.
    • Oreneile Maribatze
      Oreneile Maribatze on 26 Apr 23
       
      Countries like Ethiopia demanded guns in large quantities and had an equipped army of soldiers that could use guns effectively
bulelwa

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits when it comes to the ivory trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade i
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The word "ancient" means a long time. This suggests that the ivory trade has been in practice in East Africa for a long time.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits such as having quality when it comes to ivory. Carving means: fashioning an object.
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • But
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that in nineteen century marked a good sharp increase in the ivory trade in East Africa. It may suggest that people started to be involved in the ivory trade if they were not involved.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock One that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • ncreased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock one that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • neteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, ev
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa was the best than other places in Africa that were competing with them when it came to the ivory trade.
  • ntil the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in suf
  • Until the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet demand,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      key event. This event marked an increase in the amount of ivory being obtained to meet people who demanded it.
  • rade was lucrative,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Defination producing a great deal of profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en masse.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Paraphrased to understand it The nineteenth-century onslaught on the interior of East Africa's ivory valuables took the form of a two-way
  • den may do it in four months.' The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These are the places where most of the time ivory trade took place.
  • Cameron, arriving here in i874, speaks of the 'special ornaments' here of 'beautifully white and wonderfully polished hippopotamus ivory'. These ivory carvings at Ujiji were exceptional
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that ivory was used to make nice products that are aesthetic.
  • The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I am confused why is the article talking about the popular measurement of cloth instead of dealing with the ivory trade? .
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The d
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This idea is repeated, it allude that it was important to have soft ivory rather than hard because white ivory made more profit in sale.
  • vory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Har
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The reader gets the image of how hard ivory looks.
  • ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • is
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I get an image of how white ivory looks like
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 Small
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that there were different types of sizes tusks that were used for ivory. The small tusks allude that these rhinos or elephants were killed at a young age.
  • d. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives rarely. Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is animal abuse how can they use such This is animal abuse how can they use such dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct. How can they use dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qua
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These where two ways to calculate the worth of ivory.
  • ding. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth ce
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Nothing had a stable price like ivory in nineteenth, which means other products had increase and decrease over the price these times.
  • enya to trade for ivory. The original plans for an East African railway were based on the assumption that the haulage of ivory would be a valuable source of revenue.3
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa first planned that Ivory will be their source of income.
  • '. The shooting of cow elephants was prohibited, and all ivory below io lb. weight (raised to 30 lb. in I905) was liable to confiscation. Demarcation of reserves also followed.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is good because if they give elephants a chance to grow they will be able to reproduce and maintain the population. Order to prevent elephants from being extinct.
  • a.40 Instances of infringement of the game laws and trading in illicit ivory continued to come before the courts throughout the earlier twentieth cen
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that in the late 19th century not much illegal ivory trade were reported.
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Why is that so? was it because no one cared to calculate or there a many numbers of exports?
  • Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is is sad ,many animals killed for their horns.
  • SUMMARY The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and E
  • bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from the J store it talks about ivory in the nineteenth century. There is a link below that proves I was able to get it on the UJ database. I could not annotate my PDF straight from the J store due to technical difficulties not because I do not know how to annotate from the J store. My tutor said I should add a link to my source. This is my link below https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/179483.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Afb9e9b59532f72e2bb9a12ae108a610a&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=
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