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makheda

South African Exploration - 3 views

Makheda Bright Ndamulelo 222074228 History 2A

shared by makheda on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • II. Smith, Eider, and Co., London, 1838. This is t
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      This Article portrays the Theme of the Natural History in Africa. Dr. Smith who was a zoologist explorer explored the Central and Southern Africa to study the natural beauty and animals in Africa.
  • It i
  • s
  • ...93 more annotations...
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to
  • It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey.
  • t is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journe
  • election from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • home by the ex
  • brough
  • from
  • selection
  • rom the zoological collections
  • a
  • t. It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      * It is a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the expedition that ventured into Central Africa some years ago under the care and supervision of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are primarily indebted for the entire planning and execution of the journey.
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey. Th
  • he care and supe~nteudence of
  • brought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smit
  • a selection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex-
  • ection from the zoological collections brought home by the ex- pedition which some
  • rought home by the ex- pedition which some years since penetrated int
  • into
  • Africa under
  • a
  • penetrated
  • ince
  • since
  • edition which som
  • years
  • Centr
  • e
  • netrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose
  • nce penetrated into Central Africa under the care and supe~nteudence of Dr. Smith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey.
  • selection
  • to whose persevering
  • Dr. Smith,
  • mith, to whose persevering zeal in the pursuit of natural history we are mainly indebted for the whole plan and execution of the journey
  • story we are mainly inde
  • bted for the
  • zeal in the pursuit of natural h
  • of the journe
  • io
  • hole plan and execu
  • e be-
  • whole
  • hat gentleman w
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, n
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Unive
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • hat gentleman we be- lieve spent some part of his early career as a student in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay as a private lec. turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the time, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • reer as a student in the Univer
  • ieve spent some part of his early ca
  • as a private lec.
  • sity of Edinburgh at the period when Dr. Barclay
  • es
  • turer gave a new impulse to natural science by undertaking a seri
  • es of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel at the
  • e by undertaking a series of lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures, novel
  • novel at the
  • f lectures on comparative anatomy. These lectures,
  • o
  • time
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn
  • ime, and attended at first by many as being so, gave a different turn to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • to the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and
  • o the minds of young men entering the medical profession, and called on at an early period to go abroad. Many began to trace the
  • .
  • called
  • alled on at an early period to go abroad
  • Many began to trace the
  • Many began to trace the beautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of the singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      This shows the Dr. Smith`s exploration about the natural beauty In Africa was influenced by the lectures he was taught when he was still in University.
  • eautiful gradations and analogies of structure in the frames of
  • he
  • he singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visited
  • singular animals inhabiting the different countries they visite
  • imbibed
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Imbibed * It is to absorb something. * The process of swallowing something or to consume it
  • zeal
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zeal * It is the great energy or enthusiasm in pursuit of a cause or an objective
  • Museum at Cape Town
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Cape Town is a city In South Afrca
  • Sparrman
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sparrman published several works, the best known of which is his account of his travels in South Africa and with Cook, published in English as A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Antarctic polar circle, and round the world: But chiefly into the country of the Hottentots and Caffres, from the year 1772 to 1776 (1789). He also published a Catalogue of the Museum Carlsonianum (1786-89), in which he described many of the specimens he had collected in South Africa and the South Pacific, some of which were new to science. He published an Ornithology of Sweden in 1806.
  • Le Vaillant,
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      He was a French author, explorer, naturalist, zoological collector, travel writer, and noted ornithologist. He reported numerous new bird species based on birds he gathered in Africa, and some birds bear his name. He was among the first to use colour plates to illustrate birds and was opposed to Carl Linnaeus's use of binomial nomenclature, preferring to use descriptive French names such as bateleur (meaning "tumbler or tight-rope walker") for the peculiar African eagle. He explored most of the Southern African`s country by his time.
  • ex.
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Excursions are trips that are/were taken by explorers around the world.
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • ex. cursions
  • cursion
    • makheda
      makheda on 26 Apr 23
       
      Question: Why did the Zoologist explorers explored Southern Africa?
keanosmith

Bondsmen: Slave Collateral in the 19th-Century Cape Colony.pdf - 4 views

Ryan Smith

shared by keanosmith on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • During the 18th and 19th centuries, enslaved people in the Cape Colony were used as collateral on loans. In the near absence of formal lending institutions, private credit agreements predominated among slave-owners, as researchers have established in earlier studies. Based on a sample of 19th-century mortgage records, I use network analysis in this article to visualise the flow of credit among slave-owner debtors and creditors, showing the position of banks in a network dominated by private creditors and highlighting the role of widows in the male world of credit.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Kate Ekama writes about slavery in the Cape Colony and how slave owners used their slaves as insurance on loans.
  • Craa offered the council collateral as security, in the form of the enslaved man Anthony of Malabar. Anthony of Malabar was the first enslaved person to be mortgaged at the Cape; the practice grew over the course of the 18th century and persisted into the 19th such that, by the 1830s, the enslaved were ‘the principal mortgageable assets of the colony’.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Craa was the first slave owner to offer one of his slaves as collateral on loans, this salves name was Anthony of Malabar.
  • A close analysis of 19th-century mortgage records reveals a continuity: mortgages on slave collateral continued into the apprenticeship period, and new mortgages were agreed after 1 December 1834 on the value of the formerly enslaved.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slaves used as collateral persisted from the 18th century well into the 19th century and was thought to be abolished in the 1830s. However, later records state that this may not be the case and that some slave owners still used slaves as collateral even after emancipation during the apprenticeship period.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • The property rights side – the enslaved as assets belonging to slave-owners – has received less attention
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slave owners saw slaves as their property, hence they used the slaves as collateral.
  • slave-owners at the Cape received compensation when the enslaved were freed, albeit far below the appraised value of their human property. Yet, as Nigel Worden argues, compensation money that flowed into the Cape aided former slave-owners in the immediate aftermath of emancipation and, as Aaron Graham argues, secured over the longer term the dominance of former slave-owners over former slaves.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      After emancipation, the slave owners received compensation, probably in the form of money or other valuable goods, as compared to other parts of the world. Aaron Graham state that the former slave owners may still display dominance over the former slave. This means that the former slaves may still be ill-treated by their former owners and the former slave owners as a whole.
  • Martin shows that mortgages on human property enabled slaveowners to purchase more slaves on credit (equity loans), and those who did not yet own slaves to purchase slaves without raising the full purchase price (purchase-money loans).
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slave owners used the slaves they had as collateral to buy more slaves and by doing so they would pay less in other forms of payment as the price would than drop.
  • One repercussion for the enslaved was probably increased risk of family separation, because enslaved people who were collateral would have to be sold or handed over to the creditor if the slave-owner defaulted.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      If the slave-owner that used their slaves as collateral did not pay the remainder of their loan payments to the creditor they would keep the slaves and this would then separate these slaves from their families.
  • Gonzalez, Marshall and Naidu write, it was the property rights in slaves that ‘yielded a source of collateral as well as a coerced labor force’ and it is that historical provision to mortgage human property that ‘magnifies [slavery’s] importance to historical American economic development’. 2 The same might be said of the enslaved at the Cape.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were used to boost economic growth in the Cape of Good Hope.
  • Delays, they predicted, would mean the ruin of the slave-owners before the compensation money arrived in the colony. 21
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      They predicted delays and said that if the compensation money did not come within a certain period the creditor may demand their payment and this would then make them bankrupt as they have nothing to offer but their farms.
  • At emancipation, according to contemporary opinion, some £400,000 – equivalent to over 5.3 million Rixdollars (Rds) – was mortgaged on slave collateral. 13 Such an amount was close to one-third of the total compensation earmarked for the Cape Colony, highlighting just how significant and valuable a practice it was.
  • Cape officials objected to this plan because of the fundamental part that slave property played in financial transactions.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The Cape officials did not want the emancipation of slaves because they knew it would dismantle their economy as they so depended on the slaves. The slaves were a big part of the Cape economy at the time.
  • Cou nt er -cl ai mant s claimed payment not from slave-owners, but directly from the compensation commission. In this way, their claims were privileged. That mortgage holders were reasonably assured of recouping money lent on slave collateral even once slavery was abolished probably had a significant stabilising effect on the economy in a period of upheaval
  • In March 1834, a meeting of slaveowners and ‘others interested in Slave Property’ addressed their concerns and attendant recommendations to Governor Sir Benjamin D’Urban, which memorial was published in Cape Newspapers, including, unsurprisingly, in the pro-slave-owner publication De ZuidAfrikaan.
  • Generally, the memorialists’ view was that emancipation and compensation as it had been planned would be ruinous for Cape slave-owners.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      This point goes back to the point of how the Cape Colony was so dependent on slaves as collateral on loans.
  • The detail provided in these records offer rich insight into the way in which credit networks were organised in the colony in the period before commercial banking expanded. In addition, the records offer the opportunity to subvert their original purpose by naming the enslaved individuals who were pledged as collateral and acknowledging the role of these individuals beyond their labour in the functioning and growth of the Cape economy.
  • The sample of mortgages used here consists of 144 unique mortgages agreed by 50 unique debtors, all of whose surnames begin with ‘A’. 28 Because some debtors agreed more than one mortgage and did not always borrow from the same creditor, we see many more unique creditors than debtors in the sample.
  • Apprenticeship, perceived as a period of adjustment for both former owner and owned, was an integral part of the compensation granted by the British government not only for the continued access to labour for former slave-owners but also for the opportunities to raise credit that it offered.
  • From 30 January 1818 onwards, Cape Colony Governor Somerset made it compulsory to register mortgages secured on slave collateral in the Slave Office. The practice had, of course, existed before that date, from at least the 1730s, as mentioned above, and there was a colonial debt registry in use. But, from January 1818 onwards, both pre-existing and new slave mortgages had to be recorded in registry offices across the colony.
  • Legislation from 1816 and 1817 had established the legally binding nature of the Slave Registers for slave-ownership, apparently motivated by the need to limit the slippage
  • between freedom and slavery for the so-called Prize Slaves. 25
  • The 1818 proclamation added to this administration the register of slave mortgages and established the records as legally binding and useful in courts as evidence in disputes. 26
  • The recording process was more or less standardised and, as a result, each debtor’s folio looks similar, set up in a proto-spreadsheet style. Each entry contains details of the debtor, creditor and enslaved who were collateral, the notary and his location, the date the mortgage was registered and notarised (and sometimes cancelled), and the amount of credit raised.
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The proclamation helped in ensuring that the process of using slaves as collateral was legal and ensured that everyone involved was getting what they promised to offer.
  • That each debtor was the legal owner of the slave collateral that he pledged was an important part of maintaining the system. The top right-hand side of the page was used to link each debtor to the relevant Slave Register.
  • The conviction of C.P. Zinn for ‘Falsification and Plagium’ is evidence that the accuracy of the Slave Registers and mortgage records was protected and that enslavement by false registration of free persons was punishable by imprisonment.
  • Zinn’s offence was found out and he was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment on Robben Island. 27
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      The prosecution of Zinn shows that everyone was protected and ensured that the process of properly stating everything during the process needed to be followed.
  • The complete alphabetical series of mortgages probably contains thousands of entries. I focus on a small sample of these mortgages: only those agreed by debtors with a surname beginning with ‘A’. From a survey of the series, it appears that the ‘A’ sample is of a middling size (not as large as ‘B’, where the branches of the Brink, Burger and van Breda families feature prominently, nor as small as, for instance, ‘I’, but similar in size to ‘F’).
    • keanosmith
      keanosmith on 24 Apr 23
       
      Kate Ekama state that there may be a thousand or more alphabetical entries in the register but she only focuses on a small portion of the register.
  • the debtor side, there seems little reason to suspect that families with an ‘A’ surname would display borrowing patterns markedly different from any other surname. While small, the sample benefits from a wide geographical and temporal scope. On the creditor side, one would expect a small sample to include some but perhaps not all of the large, repeat creditors, which is confirmed by surveying other volumes in the series and the Legacies database.
  • On the other end of the creditor scale, one would expect to find many unique creditors who lend to neighbours and kin, following from Dooling’s arguments, which is likely to mean they appear infrequently or not at all in other letter groups.
  • Through the submission of counter-claims, at least 130 individuals in the Cape Colony received compensation as mortgage holders, with some receiving payment for multiple mortgages, indicative of the clearing off that compensation facilitated. 23
  • Creditors and debtors are represented by grey nodes: widow creditors are dark grey, all other creditor nodes medium grey; the pale grey
  • nodes represent debtors
l222091943

Modern Egypt and Its People.pdf - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The subject to be treated in this paper is " Modern Egypt and its People." It i
  • Compared to Eastern princes, he towers infinitely above them all except his grandfather
  • The first question for consideration is: Who and what are the Modern Egyptians?
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      I think modern Egyptian are people with genetic affinities primarily with population of north Africa and the middle East.
  • ...60 more annotations...
  • Some of the latest and best authorities fix the foundation of Memphis by Menes at 4000 years B. C., and the building of the pyramids at 500 years later; the obelisk of Heliopolis and the tombs of Beni Hassan at 3000, all of which necessarily implies onie or two thousand years of previous consolidation to create an empire capable of such achievements.
  • Finally the Turks, under Sultan Selim, conquered Egypt in 1517, and hold it to this day.
  • wondrou
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      wondrous meaning the inspiring feeling of wonder or delights
  • Its soil was trod by Abraham and Jacob, Joseph and Moses, as well as by Herodotus, Pythagoras and Plato. After the glories of the Pharaohs and the conquests of Cambyses, came those of Alexander. Then followed the Ptolemies, Anthony and Cleopatra, Pompey and Caesar and Augustus.
  • he Nile,
  • In the Soudan, negro blood begins to predominate. To these elements must be added 90,000 Circassians, Jews, Syrian s and Armenians, 40,000 Turks and about 100,000 Europeans; and in the deserts, 300,000 Bedouins who are of a type entirely different from all the rest, being nearly all of pure Arab blood
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Nile what was the Nile it was the major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa. which flowed into the Mediterranean Sea.
  • Mohammed Ali was born at Cavalla, in Macedonia, on the Gulf of Salonica, in 176
  • t Memlooks would soon treat him as they had done all his predecessors, he resolved to suiypress them. Suimmoned to the citadel of Cairo on the 1st of March, 1811, for a state ceremony, they repaired there on horseback, about 800 strong. The ouiter gate, Bab-el-azab, was closed on them, and the first inner gate al
  • , Mohammed Ali organized his army upon the European model, with the assistance of numerous French officers, and commenced all these reforms in civil as well as military matters which have placed Egypt so far ahead of other Mussulman countries. He died insane in 1849.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali passed away on 1849.
  • Ibrahim-Pasha, his son, exercised a short time the functions of regent, but died before his father. He was a great soldier, and twice-in 1832 and 1839-he would have driven the Sultan out of Constantinople had he not been stopped in the height of victory by the European power
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ibrahim-pasha son took over the reins but did not live longer, he passed away before his father he was known as a good soldier.
  • r Mohammed Ali came Abbas-Pasha, a cruel tyrant, who died by violence in 1854; then Said-Pasha, and in 1863 Ismall-Pasha, the son of Ibrahim, who was forced to abdicate a year or two ago.
  • Ismagl-Pasha, the deposed Khedive, was once the most belauded of men, as he became afterwards the best abused; yet he might say, in the words of the French poet: " Wais je n'ai m6ritO Ni cet excbs d'honneur ni cette indignit6."
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the most fearless man changed and become the most abused man this were his words in the French poem.
  • " Modern Egypt and its People.
  • Pompey's pillar, nearly 100 feet total height, the shaft being of a single piece of red Syenite granite, highly polished, 73 feet in length, was erected about the year 300 of our era, in honor of Diocletian, and had no more connection with Pompey the Great than Cleopatra's needles with Cleopat
  • Egypt should perish of hunger. Ismail's greatest error was in not tendering a compromise of 50 per cent. of his debL, which would have been accepted gladly, and 3 or 4 per cent. interest, instead of 12 and 14 and 20, which he had been paying for years.
  • His son, the present Khedive, has much less ability than his father, and is a mere figurehead, the consuls and commissioners having virtual control. The ex-Khedive and his sons are well educated for Orientals, and in their habits and mode of living, are quite European except as regards the hareem. They all speak French fluentl
  • Alexandria, or Iskanderia, as the Arabs call it, is the great seaport of Egypt, founded and named by Alexander 332 B.
  • The Arab quarters are inhabited by about 200,000 natives, and the European population amount to 60,000 more
  • Out of a debt of one hundred millions of pounds Egypt never realized over forty-five millions, and the suffering inflicted upon his people by excessive taxation was partly due to his extravagance,
  • They were originally at Heliopolis, but were brought to Alexandria under Tiberius. They bear the hieroglyphics of Thotmes III. (1500) and Rameses II. (Sesostris the Great), 1400 B.C.
  • The distance is 130 miles; time, four hours and a half, over a perfectly level country, for Cairo, 12 miles above the apex of the Delta, is only 40 feet above the sea level.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the traveler did not even realize that he had left Alexandria for Cairo because of the distance.
  • e "'New Hotel
  • emple, and you would not be astonished if from it issue the Caliph Haroun-al-Rasbid with his faithful Mesrour, or the very same three Calenders whose adventures are recorded in the "Arabian Nights," and I could vow that I have seen the very oil jars in which Ali-Baba's forty thieves were scalded to death. There are the same bazars, with the same little shops, mere recesses in the wall, where the merchant, sitting cross-legged, can reach without rising every shelf in his shop. There he sits all day smoking his chibook and wa
  • ge English horses and full of lovely, half-veiled, fair Circassian and Georgian women. Two mounted janizaries, with long pistols in their holsters and curved scimetars at their sides, gallop some twenty yards in front. Behind come four syces, in pairs, with cressets full of burDing light-wood, then two more syces with wands. At each side of the carriage rides a mounted eunuch, and a pair of them follow the carriage, and behind them, another couple of mounted janizaries. They pass you at full speed, the flashing of dark eyes mingling with that of diamon
  • . Just between the New Hotel and Shepherd's Hotel, in the most frequented part of the European quarter, stands a building whose history brings all the darkness of the Middle Ages in juxtaposition with modern civilization. It is a palace of Arab architecture, surrounded by a palm grove and enclosed within a lofty stone wall. In that palace, less than twenty-five years ago, lived the widowed daughter of Mohammed Ali-the widow of the famous Defterda
  • She was a beautiful and talented woman, but licentious and cruel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mohammed ali daughter which was a widow was beautiful but not only beautiful she was cruel at the same time.
  • This princess whose power at couirt was very great, was one of the chief actors in the assassination of her nephew, Abbas-Pasha, in 185
  • . It is a small city in itself, three or four times more extensive than the Tower of London. It contains a vast palace, once inhabited by Mohammed Ali, and his tomb in the mosk, which he built of Oriental alabaster and whose minarets are miracles of architectural bol
  • All the punishments were ordered by me, generally upon the reports of the native officers; and the most frequent offences were disrespect to the latter. The company officers are so little above the level of their men that they inspire but little respect. As an instance: A captain of infantry of my detachment used to come up every evening to the kitchen-tent to play checkers with my black Ntubian cook until I had him put under fifteen days' arrest for it. The punishments for officers are arrest and loss of pay. In theory, no corporal punishment can be inflicted upon a soldier; but in practice it is necessarily otherwise. On the marches the punishments consisted of from two to five dozen stripes with a rope's end. The culprit is stretched on the ground at full lerigth, on his face, and held down by a soldier at his feet and another at his head, while two sergeants administer the stripes over his clothes. This punishment is just severe enough to be effective with a people who cannot be governed without the rod;
  • ! The unequalled moon of Egypt has just risen above the Mokattan range, and its silver light mingles with the fiery glow of departing day. As you now stand nothing lies before you but the tombs of the Caliphs and the Arab cemeteries scattered in dreary ravines of yellow sand
  • It was comiposed mainly of Asiatics from the warlike tribes of Kurdistan, Circassia and Syria, and Arnauts from Albania. After the European powers checked the conquering career of Ibrahim-Pasha, the army was reduced to 40,000 men and rarely reached that number. Of late years it has varied from 30,000 to 15,000 men or less, according to the state of the treasury. Until the late reductions imposed by the Anglo-French commission, the Egyptian army consisted of 22 regiments of infantry of 3 battalions each; 4 battalions of rifles; 4 regiments of cavalry and 144 pieces of artillery. It is recruited by a totally arbitrary and irregular system of conscription. The inhabitants of Cairo and Alexandria are exempte
  • ore. I once had an orderly, a Copt Christian named Girgis, or George, about fifty-five years old. TIe said he had beeni more than twenty-five years in service and, having no friends to apply for his release, he did not know that he would ever be discharged.
  • Their white cotton uniforms (short tunics, baggy zouave trouisers, and gaiters over their substanitial army shoes) are well suited to the climate and make a very good appearance. They are exceedingly weell drilled upon the French system of tactics. The infantry are armed with the best American Remington rifles. The cavalry are extremely well mounted and equipped. The artillery are well organized and have several batteries of the best Krupp guns. The officers are thoroughly acquainted with the routine of service, but the best of them are utterly ignorant of the higher branches of military science. They, as well as their soldiers, understand perfectly all the details of military life.
  • In one word, they possess all thebest qualities of soldiers except one-the fighting quality. This probably is due in part to the oppression of centuries, the Egyptian people having beenl ruled bv a foreign conqueror for 2,400 y
  • The subordinate officers are hardly a shade better than the men, and the high Pashas think only of their ease and personal safety. At the battle of Guy Khoor, in Abyssinia, the Pashas and Colonels, with Prince Hassan at their head, led the flight before the fight had fairly begun, and when my gallant frienid General Dye, severely wounded, tried to stern the tide of the retreating troops, the soldiers said to hi
  • Egyptian army from a defeat as complete as that of Isandula, for the Abyssinians fight as desperately as the Zulus. It is true that two or three Arab officers of high rank fought bravely and were killed on the field, buit they were the exception. Ratib-Pasha, who commanded the army, saw his extreme right flank-one battalion and a battery, which he had imprudently left isolated about twelve hundred yards off-surrounded by a multitude of Abyssinians, who rushed for that ga
  • Simply because a despotic prince, however intelligent, is always deceived by falsehood and intrigue, and the Khedive has never yet known the truth about the Abyssiiiian war. The best regiments in the Egyptian service are those formed of negroes from Central Africa. These' are savages captured by slave traders and forcibly taken from them by the Government in order to destroy the slave trade. When retaken from the traders, it is impossible to send them back to their own country, for one-half of them have already died on the way and the rest would perish going back. So the Government makes soldiers of them and gives them the women as wives. Now, let m
  • from the slave traders, being marched to the barracks by an Egyptian sergeant to be enrolled-great tall fellows, emaciated by fatigue and starvation, all literally as naked as Adam before he dreamt of a fig leaf, and not wearing even a smile, and nio wonder. They were in single file, each one fastened to the next by a piece of wood about five feet long, going from the back of the neck of the front man to the throat of the next behind him. Thus they had travelled hundreds and hundreds of miles, never released for a moment except when one would drop dead by the way and would be left as food for hyenas. As soon as they are enrolled they are clothed in a good white uniform, fed on good rations of bread and meat, they who had never eaten anything but grain in its raw state, like camels. They are taught Arabic and the rudiments of t
  • We were treated with more respect than the native officers, in spite of our being Christians and foreigners.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      even though there were foreigners' they were treated with a lot of respect.
  • There are also large barracks, military schools, all the bureaus of the War Department, arsenals, vast magazines, workshops and a cannon foundry. Also the famous well of Joseph, 270 feet deep, so called, not from the Joseph of Scripture, but from Saladin, whose name was Yusu
  • The line-officers, nearly all natives, did not show any dislike to the Christian staff-officers, even if they felt it. When the financial difficulties culminated in 1878, the English and French comptrollers, who had virtually assumed the government, ordered a great reduction of the army and the discharge of all the foreign officers, which resulted in the practical abolition of the staff. There were now left in the army only two elements-the native or fellah, and the Turco-Circassian. The Turks have hitherto occupied nearly all the high positions, civil and military, for they still retain their prestige as the conquerors of Egypt.
  • The ex-Khedive, IsmaYl-Pasha, was a regular purchaser of twenty or thirty of them every year. It is the highest ambition of a Circassian girl to be sold to the Sultan or some of his chief officers. If she succeeds in becoming a favorite, her brothers hasten to sbare her fortunes by obtaining civil or military appointments. This accounts for there being so many Circassians in high places in Turkey and Egypt. Ratib-Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian army under Ismail-Pasha, was a Cireassiani. (See Appendix A.) Until the close of the Abyssinian war, the Egyptian army seemed to be absolutely submissive to its Prince.
  • . Ismail was deposed, and Tewfik, vastly inferior in force of character, reigns in in his place. Soon-eafter his accession, a Circassian was promoted General over the heads of three native Colonels. The latter sent a protest to the Khedive, who ordered them to the citadel under arrest, but their regiments rose in arms and released them. The Khedive sent two picked regiments of his guards to overawe the mutineers, but they joined the latter and the Khedive had to yield to all their demands, to revoke the objectionable promotion and to appoint a new Minister of War. A few months later another military demonstration forced the governmenit to increase the pay of the army. And now a new rallying cry has been raised, "Egypt for the Egyptians !" Otut -with Turks and Cireassiatns! Out with foreign Comptrollers who grind out the fellaheen for the benefit of foreign bondholders! Arabi-Bey, who is the leader of the movement, is only a Colonel, but all the native regiments are under his influence, while the Turkish and Circassian pashas, unable to command the obedience of the troops, look helplessly on.* In the meantime, the Assembly of Notables, from whom no opposition was dreamed of (otherwise it never would have been called),
  • " Holy War,"
  • "Egyptian crisis," and such is the attitude of that army which in former days would have submitted to decimation without a murmur at the command of MIohammed Ali, Ibrahim-Pasha or even Ismail. It must be remembered that the soldiers are in fact the best and truest representatives of the people, from which they are drawn by conscription, and they are the most intelligent portion of the fellaheen masses, for they have acquired in the army new ideas which would nev-er have occurred to them if they had remained in their villages. It is evident that they are waking up to a sense of their power. Yet it seems most probable that bv some compromise with France, Egypt will finally become a British dependency, thus perpetuating indefinitely the subjection of the Egyptian people to a foreign conqueror.
  • The most prominent were Generals Mott, Sibley, Loring, Stone, who held the rank of Pashas (Generals); Reynolds, Dye, Field, Long, Prout, Lockett, Ward, Purdy andl Mason, who ranked as Beys or Colonels
  • te. Several of my esteemed comrades in those expeditions-Campbell, Losche, Lamnson-left their bones in the deserts of the Soudan, and others returnied with impaired constitutions.
  • The experienced old Germaln surgeon (Dr.Pfund) attached to the expedition assured me that my only hope of life was to get on a boat and float down to Cairo, and that I would certainly die if I went into the deserts. But I knew that if I tuirned back and left the expedition in charge of the native officers, they would never budge one mile from the. Nile, and the expedition, which was very costly anid important, would be a complete failure, reflecting much discredit upon the American staff. I considered it one of those cases in which a soldier must prefer his duty to his life, and I started from the Nile for the capital of Kordofan in such a helpless condition that I had, to be lifted by the soldiers on and off my dromedary.
  • l Obeyad, the capital of Kordofan, after unspeakable sufferings. There I was joined by that talented and accomplished officer, Col. H. G. Prout, to whom I turned over the comnmand. The surgeon anw everybody else gave me up to die, and I thought my days had reached their term. But I began to mend slowly, and after six months I started back for Cairo.
  • El Obeyad from Suakim on the Red Sea, where I took a steamer for Suez and thence by rail to Cairo. All the Americans except Gen. Stone are now out of the Egyptian army, but I can assert with
  • They stop every two or three hundred yards while the discordant music strikes up and a hired male dancer goes through some absurd contortions
  • e ancient Hebrews, and the manners and ideas as well as the morals of the Mussulmans, with regard to women, are very much such as pictured in Scripture of Abraham, Jacob and Judah, David and Solomon and a host of other patriarchs. Th
  • f Dr. Parsons, the American missionary, and they will never be hanged unless the United States send a squadron to require it. Our Secretary of State in his last report states that the demands of his department on this subject have been evaded.
  • f Mussulmans have but one or two wives-at one time; but divorce is accomplished with a speed and facility which leave far behind the most expeditious and liberal courts of Chicago or any other place. The wife cannot divorce her husband, nor force him to divorce her, but he has only to say "Entee talleekah "-Thou divorcedand the matrimonial bond is dissolved. He is bound only to give her the unpaid tlhird of her dower, and an alimony proportional to
  • On my second -expedition to Kordofan, one of the soldiers of my escort, rejoicing in the name of Abou-la-nane, came to me on the eve of our departure from Cairo, and stated that he had married a wife from a village far up the Nile. Would I permit him to take his wife on the boat and leave her at her village with her relatives; otherwise she would starve from misery in Cairo. This was probably a subterfuge, but I consented. Arriving at the village after several days, Abou-la-nane came and said that all his wife's relations were dead, and if she was left there she would starve more certainly than in Cairo. " Would his Excellency the Bey (that was myself) permit him to take her along?" I told him that if he did she would certainly surely die in the desert from the hardships we would
  • One night at Dongola, on the Upper Nile, after retreat, the whole camp was startled by the wails and moanings of Hafizah, the soldier's wife. He had become jealous of the attentions of the sergeant of artiller
  • The sentence was irrevocable. Fortunately theire were no witnesses, and he stoutly denied having used the triple formula, only the simple one. So they went before the cadi and got married again, and everything was altogether lovely. I may as well state here that my kitid treatment of Abou-la-nane and his wife was "bread cast on the waters." When in the heart of Kordofan, soldiers and servants were dying or prostrated by fevers, and I was at the point of death, this little weak, puny woman was never sick a day, and did all the coQking and washing at headquarters wheni no one else could be found to do it. When I was transported back to Cairo, Abou-la-nane was detailed as one of my escort, and he returned safely to Cairo with his wife. Another anecdote to illustrate inatrimonial customs: The house in which I dwelt the last four mnonths of my residence in Egypt was in Alexandria, just behind the English chuirc
  • "CHIEF OF THE EuNucHs."-A correspondent of the Allqemeine Zeitung, writing from Pera (1881), describes at length a remarkable ceremony, which seems to be curiouslv out of place in Europethe installation of the new Chief of the Eunuchs over the harem of the Sultan. It was a genuine piece of old Turkish conservatism. The name of the new " Kislar Agassi," or Head Eunueb
  • " His Excellency Belhram Aga, Chief of the Eunuchs," rode past on a magnificent charger, the orders of the Osmanie and Medschidje glittering on his breast, followed by Ahmed Bey and a number of the adjutants of the Sultan. When he arrived at the gate of the palace, lambs were slaughtered before him as a token of welcome.
  • he Sultan sent across to his new official two symbols of office, a written document and a magnificent silver pastoral staff worked in relief, which is never handled by any but the Agas of the imperial hare
motlolisi066

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND INDEPENDENT AFRICAN CHIEFDOMS IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 19TH CENTUR... - 1 views

Lebohang Motlolisi 222235011

shared by motlolisi066 on 22 May 23 - No Cached
  • Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs. This content downloaded from 154.117.167.42 on Wed, 26 Apr 2023 16:46:49 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Stickynote
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      missionary in chiefdomsy,religion
  • COPE Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs. ********
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      In paragraph 1 colonialism had a negative effect on the work progress of African missionaries ,because white magistatres overpowered black people that were already in charge which made it hard for them to work or progress.
  • by R.L. COPE Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • CHRISTIAN
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      The Taung Child is among the most important early human fossils ever discovered. It was the first hominid to be discovered in Africa, a species later named Australopithecus africanus, supporting Charles Darwin's concepts that the closest living relatives of humans are the African apes.
  • s. The Gqunukhwebe
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      What is a Qgunukhwebe chief? Ama Gqunukhwebe is a chiefdom of the Xhosa Nation that was created under the reign of King Tshiwo (1670-1702) of amaXhosa who was a grandfather to Gcaleka and Rharhabe. It consisted mostly of the Khoi chiefdoms (Gonaqua, Hoengeniqua, Inqua and others) that had been displaced by colonists and became incorporated into the Xhosa nation.
  • motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
     
    Missionaries were an advantage for African people because it created oppurtunities for people to learn new skills and once they had those necessary skills like reading they could even use it for religious things for instance read bible versus and teach people how to read the bible .
mbalenhle2003

Slavery | Encyclopedia.com - 2 views

www.encyclopedia.com/...slavery

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 23 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Slavery is the unconditional servitude of one individual to another. A slave is usually acquired by purchase and legally described as chattel or a tangible form of movable property. For much of human history, slavery has constituted an important dimension of social and occupational organization. The word slavery originated with the sale of Slavs to the Black Sea region during the ninth century. Slavery existed in European society until the nineteenth century, and it was the principal source of labor during the process of European colonization.
  • Some forms of slavery existed among the indigenous societies in the Americas before the arrival of Christopher Columbus. However, the reconstruction of the Americas after 1492 led to a system of slavery quite unprecedented in human experience. Slavery in the Americas was a patently artificial social and political construct, not a natural condition. It was a specific organizational response to a specific labor scarcity. African slavery in the Americas, then, was a relatively recent development in the course of human history—and quite exceptional in the universal history of slave societies.
  • Nevertheless, the first Africans who accompanied the early Spanish explorers were not all slaves. Some were free (such as Pedro Alonso Niño, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his third voyage); and others were servants.Nuflo de Olano, who accompanied Vasco Nuñez de Balboa across the Isthmus of Panama was, however, a slave. So were Juan Valiente and several others who traveled and fought with Hernán Cortés in Mexico, or the Pizarro brothers in Peru, or Pánfilo de Narváez in Florida. Those blacks who sailed with Columbus on his first voyage to the Americas in 1492 were free men, and their descendants presumably were as free as any other Spanish colonist in the Americas. Other blacks who accompanied the early Spanish conquistadores might have been servile, but they were not true slaves as the term was later understood. Estebanico—described as "Andrés Dorantes' black Moorish slave"—accompanied Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca in his amazing journey around the Gulf of Mexico and overland across the Southwest to Mexico City in the late 1520s and 1530s. Estebanico learned several local Indian languages with consummate ease, and he posed, along with his companions, as holy men gifted with healing powers (Weber, p. 44). The chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo describes several "blacks" who accompanied Hernán Cortés to Mexico—one of whom brought wheat to the New World, and another (a follower of Pánfilo de Narváez) who introduced smallpox among the Indians, with lethal results (Castillo, 1979). Of the 168 men who followed Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532 and captured the Inca at Cajamarca, at least two were black: Juan García, born in Old Castile, served the expedition as a piper and crier, and Miguel Ruiz, born in Seville, was a part of the cavalry and probably received a double portion of the spoils, as did all those who had horses.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Slavery was also a form of power relations, so slaves by and large did not have an equal voice in articulating a view of their condition. Their actions, however, spoke loudly of their innermost thoughts and represented their reflections on, and reactions to, the world in which they found themselves. Columbus thought the people he encountered in the Caribbean in 1492 might make good slaves, as he seemed to infer in his log of October 10, 1492, when he wrote: "They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think that they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highness when I depart, in order that they may learn our language" (Columbus, p. 77).
  • The transatlantic slave trade formally began in 1518, when King Charles I of Spain sanctioned the direct importation of Africans to his colonies in the Americas, finally acknowledging that the potential supply of indigenous slaves was inadequate to maintain the economic viability of his fledgling overseas colonies. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese started to import Africans to Brazil to create a plantation society and establish an Atlantic bulwark against other Europeans intruding along the coast. As the demand for labor grew, the number of Africans imported as slaves increased, and manual labor throughout the Americas eventually became virtually synonymous with the enslavement of Africans. The transatlantic slave trade became a lucrative international enterprise, and by the time it ended, around 1870, more than ten million Africans had been forcibly transported and made slaves in the Americas. Many millions more died in Africa or at sea in transit to the Americas.
  • The slave trade responded to an interrelated series of factors operating across Africa, at the supply side, and also in the Americas, at the market level. The trade can be divided into four phases, strongly influenced by the development of colonialism throughout the hemisphere. In the first phase, lasting to about 1620, the Americas were the domain of the Spanish and the Portuguese. These Iberian powers introduced about 125,000 slaves to the Americas, with some 75,000 (or 27 percent of African slave exports of the period) to the Spanish colonies, and about 50,000 (18 percent of the trade) to Brazil. This was a relatively small flow of about 1,000 slaves per year, most of whom were supplied from Portuguese forts along the West African coast. But slavery in the towns, farms, and mines of the Americas then employed less African slaves (about 45 percent of the total Atlantic trade) than in the tropical African islands of Fernando Po and Sâo Tomé, Europe proper, or the islands of the Madeiras, Cape Verdes, and the Azores (about 55 percent of trade). Indeed, the small island of Sâo Tomé alone received more than 76,000 African slaves during the period, exceeding the entire American market.
  • The second phase of the transatlantic slave trade lasted from 1620 to about 1700 and saw the distribution of approximately 1,350,000 slaves throughout the Americas, with an additional 25,000 or so going to Europe. During this phase, the Americas became the main destination of enslaved Africans. The trade was marked by greater geographical distribution and the development of a more varied supply pattern. The European component of the trade eventually dwindled to less than 2 percent. Instead, Brazil assumed the premier position as a slave destination, receiving nearly 42 percent of all Africans sold on the western side of the Atlantic Ocean. Spanish America received about 22 percent, distributed principally in Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Mexico, Central America, and the Andean regions of South America. The English Caribbean colonies bought more than 263,000 slaves, or 20 percent of the volume sold in the Americas. The French Caribbean imported about 156,000 slaves, or 12 percent; and the small islands of the Dutch Caribbean bought another 40,000 slaves, or 3 percent of slaves sold throughout the Americas.
  • Even more important, slavery evolved into a complex system of labor, commerce, and society that was legally, socially, and ethnically distinct from other forms of servitude, and that was almost always applied to the condition of nonfree Africans. Two patterns of colonies developed throughout the western hemisphere: colonies designed as microcosms of European societies and colonies designed primarily for the efficient production of export commodities. The first group of colonies constituted the settler colonies. In these colonies, slaves constituted a minority of the population and did not necessarily represent the dominant labor sector. In the second group were exploitation plantation colonies, marked by their overwhelming proportion of nonfree members, and in which slavery formed the dominant labor system.
  • The period between 1701 and 1810 represented the maturation of the slave system in the Americas. This third phase witnessed the apogee of both the transatlantic slave trade and the system of American slavery. Altogether, nearly six million Africans—amounting to nearly 60 percent of the entire transatlantic slave trade—arrived in American ports. Brazil continued to be the dominant recipient country, accounting for nearly two million Africans, or 31 percent, of the trade during this period. The British Caribbean plantations (mainly on Barbados and Jamaica) received almost a million and a half slaves, accounting for 23 percent of the trade. The French Antilles (mainly Saint-Domingue on western Hispaniola, Martinique, and Guadeloupe) imported almost as many, accounting for 22 percent of the trade. The Spanish Caribbean (mainly Cuba) imported more than 500,000 slaves, or 9.6 percent of the trade. The Dutch Caribbean accounted for nearly 8 percent of the trade, but most of those slaves were re-exported to other areas of the New World. The British North American colonies imported slightly more than 300,000, or slightly less than 6 percent of the trade, while the small Danish colonies of the Caribbean bought about 25,000 slaves, a rather minuscule proportion of the slaves sold in the Americas during this period.
  • The system of slavery in the Americas was generally restrictive and harsh, but significant variations characterized the daily lives of slaves. The exhaustive demands of the plantation societies in parts of the Caribbean and Brazil, combined with skewed sexual balances among the slaves, resulted in excessively high mortality rates, unusually low fertility rates, and, consequently, a steady demand for imported Africans to maintain the required labor forces. The recovery of the indigenous populations in places such as Mexico and the Andean highlands led to the use of other systems of coerced labor, somewhat reducing the reliance on African slaves in these areas. Frontiers of grazing economies such as the llanos of Venezuela, the southern parts of Brazil, and the pampas of Argentina and Uruguay required only modest supplies of labor, so that African slaves constituted a small proportion of the local population. Only in the United States did the slave population reproduce itself dramatically over the years, supplying most of the internal demand for slave labor during the nineteenth century.In general, death rates were highest for slaves engaged in sugar production, especially on newly opened areas of the tropics, and lowest among domestic urban workers, except during periodical outbreaks of epidemic diseases.
  • The attack on the slave trade paralleled growing attacks on the system of slavery throughout the Americas. The selfdirected abolition from below that occurred in Saint-Domingue in 1793 was not repeated elsewhere, however. Instead, a combination of internal and external events eventually determined the course of abolition throughout the region. The issue of slavery became a part of the struggle for political independence for the mainland Spanish American colonies. Chile (1823), Mexico, and the new Central America States (1824), abolished slavery immediately after their wars of independence from Spain. The British government abolished slavery throughout its empire in 1834, effectively ending the institution in 1838. Uruguay legally emancipated its few remaining slaves in 1842. The French government ended slavery in the French Antilles in 1848. Colombia effectively abolished slavery in 1851, with Ecuador following in 1852, Argentina in 1853, and Peru and Venezuela in 1854. The United States of America abolished slavery after the U.S. Civil War in 1865. Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. Finally, Brazil abolished slavery in 1888.
  • Opposition to SlaveryThe eighteenth century formed the watershed in the system of American slavery. Although individuals, and even groups such as the Quakers, had always opposed slavery and the slave trade, general disapproval to the system gained strength during the later eighteenth century, primarily due to the growth of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on rationality, and British Evangelical Protestantism. Opposition to slavery became increasingly more coordinated in England, and it eventually had a profound impact, with the abolition of the English slave trade in 1807. Before that, prodded by Granville Sharp and other abolitionists, Lord Chief Justice Mansfield declared slavery illegal in Great Britain in 1772, giving enormous impetus to the British antislavery movement. The British legal ruling, in time, freed about 15,000 slaves who were then in Britain with their colonial masters, who estimated their "property loss" at approximately £700,000.
  • In 1776 the British philosopher and economist Adam Smith declared in his classic study The Wealth of Nations that the system of slavery represented an uneconomical use of land and resources, since slaves cost more to maintain than free workers. By the 1780s the British Parliament was considering a series of bills dealing with the legality of the slave trade, and several of the recently independent former North American colonies—then part of the United States of America—began to abolish slavery within their local jurisdictions. After 1808—when Great Britain and the United States legally abolished their component of the transatlantic slave trade—the English initiated a campaign to end all slave trading across the Atlantic, and to replace slave trading within Africa with other forms of legal trade. Through a series of outright bribes, diplomatic pressure, and naval blockades, the trade gradually came to an end around 1870.
  • Slavery Scholarship and the Place of the Slave in the WorldThe topic of slavery has attracted the attention of a very large number of writers. Before the 1950s, writers tended to view slavery as a monolithic institution. Then, as now, there was much discussion of slavery, and less of the slaves themselves. Standard influential American studies, such as U. B. Phillips's American Negro Slavery (1918) and Life and Labor in the Old South (1929), Kenneth M. Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), and Stanley Elkins' Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), misleadingly described slaves as passive participants to their own cruel denigration and outrageous exploitation. In Phillips's world, everyone was sublimely happy. In the world of Stampp and Elkins, they were not happy—but neither could they help themselves. Apparently neither Stampp nor Elkins read much outside their narrow field—or if they did, they discounted it. Certainly the then available scholarship of Eric Williams, C. L. R. James, or Elsa V. Goveia is not evident in their works. Herbert Aptheker in American Negro Slave Revolts (1943), Gunnar Myrdal in An American Dilemma (1944), and Frank Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen (1946) had tried, in those three intellectually stimulating works, to modify the overall picture, but without much success.
  • Conditions of Slavery
  • Then, in 1956, Goveia published an outstanding book, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century. As Francisco Scarano notes of Goveia's work: "Goveia's sensitive and profound study of slave society in the British Leewards … is doubtless one of the great works of Caribbean history in any language. The Guyanese historian revealed the ways in which, in a racialized slave society, the imperative of slave subordination permeated all contexts of social interaction, from legal system to education and from religion to leisure. Everything was predicated on the violence necessary to maintain slavocratic order" (Scarano, p. 260). Goveia's approach inculcated the slaves with agency, a fundamental quality of which earlier writers seemed incredibly unaware. Slaves continuously acted in, as well as reacted to, the world in which they existed.
  • But slavery was not only attacked from above. At the same time that European governments contemplated administrative measures against slavery and the slave trade, the implacable opposition of the enslaved in the overseas colonies increased the overall costs of maintaining the system of slavery. Slave revolts, conspiracies, and rumors of revolts engendered widespread fear among owners and administrators. Small bands of runaway slaves formed stable black communities, legally recognized by their imperial powers in difficult geographical locations such as Esmeraldas in Ecuador, the Colombian coastal areas, Palmares in Brazil, and in the impenetrable mountains of Jamaica. Then, in 1791, the slaves of Saint-Domingue/Haiti, taking their cue somewhat from the French Revolution, staged a successful revolt under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture (1743–1803) and a number of other local leaders. The radical French commissioner in the colony, Léger Félicité Sonthonax (1763–1813) saw the futility of trying to defeat the local revolt and declared the emancipation of all slaves and their immediate admission to full citizenship (1793), a move ratified the following year by
  • French colonies. Napoleon Bonaparte revoked the decree of emancipation in 1802, but he failed to make it stick in Saint-Domingue, where the former slaves and their free colored allies declared the independence of Haiti—the second free state in the Americas—in 1804.The fourth and final phase of the transatlantic trade lasted from about 1810 to 1870. During that phase approximately two million Africans were sold as slaves in a greatly reduced area of the Americas. With its trade legal until 1850, Brazil imported some 1,145,400 Africans, or about 60 percent of all slaves sold in the Americas after 1810. The Spanish Antilles—mainly Cuba and Puerto Rico—imported more than 600,000 Africans (32 percent), the great majority of them illegally introduced to Cuba after an Anglo-Spanish treaty to abolish the Spanish
  • he revolutionary government in Paris, which extended the emancipation to all
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
mbalenhle2003

Slavery and the slave trade as international issues 1890 1939.pdf - 1 views

Mbalenhle Magagula History 2A

shared by mbalenhle2003 on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • chapter
  • discusses the international anti-slavery campaign between 1890 and 1939. The slavery issue was used by the colonial powers during the partition of Africa to further their own ends, but, once their rule was established, they took only minimal action to end the institution and sometimes even supported it. The three slavery committees of the League of Nations were established not because of any increased anti-slavery zeal on the part of the colonial rulers, but in order to deflect persistent humanitarian calls for action. They nevertheless set standards for the treatment of labour and projected a number of social questions into the international
  • arena
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • 1919 Slavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations. 1 As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as anti
  • became
  • lavery became a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • a major international concern from the day in 1807 when the British outlawed their own slave trade. Once this step was taken it was clearly in Britain's interest to get rival colonial and maritime powers to follow suit in order to prevent this lucrative trade from passing into foreign hands and providing foreign colonies with needed manpower. In 1815 the British tried to get other powers to outlaw it and even to establish a permanent committee to monitor progress. However, their rivals saw this as an attack on their commerce and on their colonies. They would only agree to append a declaration to the Treaty of Vienna proclaiming that the slave trade was 'repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal morality'. This was an important step in the direction of the present human rights movement, but it had no practical value. There followed a long and bitter campaign, during which, by bribery and cajolery, the British secured a network of treaties giving the Royal Navy unique powers to search and seize suspected slavers flying the flags of other nations.As the result of this campaign, the British came to view themselves as the leaders of an international 'crusade' against slavery, the burden of which they had borne almost alone. British statesmen recognized that the cause was popular with the electorate and that Parliament would sanction expenditure and high handed action against foreign countries if these were presented as antiSLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE AS INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
  • slavery measures. Thus, the 'crusade' could often be used to further other interests - a fact not lost on rival powers. The spearhead of the anti-slavery movement was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.A middle-class and largely Quaker organization, it wielded an influence out of proportion to its tiny membership and minuscule budget because of its close links with members of both Houses of Parliament, with government officials and missionary societies, and its ability to mount impressive propaganda campaigns. By the 1870s the Atlantic slave traffic was a thing of the past. The trade, however, still flourished in Africa and there was an active export traffic to the Muslim world. Attention was forcefully drawn to this by European traders and missionaries penetrating ever further into the interior as the European colonial powers began to partition the coast in the 1880s. Africans took up arms against the intruders and by 1888 the French Cardinal Lavigerie found his missions on the Great Lakes under attack. In response, he launched an anti-slavery 'crusade' of his own, with papal blessing, calling for volunteers to combat this scourge in the heart of Africa.
  • 19 The British, anxious to retain their leadership of the anti-slavery movement and worried at the prospect of unofficial crusaders rampaging around Africa, persuaded Leopold II of Belgium, ruler of the Congo Independent State, to invite the leading maritime and colonial powers, together with the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Zanzibar, to Brussels to discuss concerted action against the export of slaves from Africa. The colonial powers, led by the wily king, proceeded to negotiate a treaty against the African slave trade on land, as well as at sea, and carefully designed it to serve their territorial and commercial ambitions. The Brussels Act of 1890 was a humanitarian instrument in so far as it reaffirmed that 'native welfare' was an international responsibility; and bound signatories to prevent slave raiding and trading, to repatriate or resettle freed and fugitive slaves, and to cut off the free flow of arms to the slaving areas. 4 But it had important practical advantages for the colonial rulers. By binding them to end the trade in slaves and arms, it not only dealt a blow to African resistance, but was an attempt to prevent unscrupulous colonial administrations from attracting trade to their territories by allowing commerce in these lucrative products. By stating that the best means of attacking the traffic was to establish colonial administrations in the interior of Africa, to protect missionaries and trading companies, and even to initiate Africans into agricultural and industrial labour, it put an anti-slavery guise on the colonial occupation and exploitation of Africa
  • Realities Most notably, the Brussels Act did not bind signatories to suppress slavery. None of the colonial powers was prepared to commit itself to this, although they all believed that it should be ended, and they all knew that as long as there was a market for slaves the traffic would continue. British experience with abolition had not been happy. In plantation colonies, freed slaves, instead of becoming more productive wage labourers, had where possible, opted to work for themselves as artisans or in other occupations, or to become subsistence farmers. Production had declined. In the tiny British footholds on the West Coast of Africa fear of losing their slaves threatened to drive away the native merchants upon whom the colonies depended, while in South Africa abolition had been a factor in promoting the Boer exodus known as the Great Trek. In their Indian empire, however, the British devised a form of emancipation which minimized these dangers and provided a model to be used in Africa as new territories were acquired. 5 They merely declared that slavery no longer had any legal status. This meant that no claims could be countenanced in court on the basis of slavery, hence slaves who wished to leave might do so. But slave holding was still legal, and slaves were not actually freed. This model of abolition was ideal for the government. It was cheap - no compensation needed to be paid to owners. The impact could be delayed by not informing the slaves of their rights. There was thus no large scale sudden departure and very little disruption of the economy or alienation of masters. The humanitarians, also disappointed with the results of outright abolition in the colonies, were willing to accept this solution because slavery in India was considered 'benign' - that is less cruel than its counterpart in the Americas — and slaves would not be suddenly freed without means of support. This, therefore, became the model of abolition used in most of British Africa. 6 As the empire expanded colonies, in which slavery had to be outlawed, were kept to a minimum and new annexations became 'protectorates' in which full colonial administrations did not have to be introduced, and 'native' customs including slavery could continue even if it had lost its legal status. Other powers found similar legal subterfuges to avoid freeing slaves, or 'they outlawed slavery but then did not enforce their laws. 7 As the scramble for Africa gained momentum none of the colonial rulers had the resources to risk alienating slave-owning elites, upon whose cooperation they often depended, or disrupting the economies of their nascent dependencies. They justified their failure to attack slavery by claiming that African slavery was also benign, and that once robbed of its cruellest features - slave raiding, kidnapping, and trading
olwethusilindile

zulu and their langauge.pdf - 1 views

Olwethu Visasa 220117155

shared by olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE ZULU AND OTHER DIALECTS,
  • IN the following article, I propose to communicate such facts concerning the languages or dialects of this part of Africa, as I have been able to ascertain, either by my own study and observation, or from the works of others more learned and experienced on the subject than myself
  • I shall, in the first place, endeavor to present some of the more important characteristics and principles of the Zulu dialect, which is the language of the natives in the colony of Natal, and of the Amazulu, to the north-east of this colony; and shall afterwards speak of the dialects of Southern Africa, generally.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Zulu dialect, Amazulu, and Southern African dialects discussed.
  • ...25 more annotations...
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT.
  • ON THE ZULU DIALECT
  • The elementary sounds of the Zulu are twenty-six in number, which we represent by the letters of the English alphabet: a, b, c, d, e,
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      !!!!
  • They are divided into vowels, consonants, and clicks. The vowels are five in number, viz: a as in father; e as a in name; i as ee in meet; o as in pole; and u as oo in pool. The consonants are nearly the same as in English, except that g is always hard, as in give, and r is a guttural; g and j sometimes become nasalized by the sound of n put before them, as gi or ngi, je or nje; and by some tribes y is substituted for 1, as sila or siya, to grind; p and b are interchangeable, as ibetya or ipetya.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Vowels are five, consonants are similar to English, and clicks are interchangeable. Vowels are hard, consonants are nasalized, and clicks are interchangeable.
  • Syllabification.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      It is the division of words into syllables, either in speech or in writing
  • Syllabification
  • Euphony
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      pleasing or sweet sound; especially : the acoustic effect produced by words so formed or combined as to please the ear
  • Euphony
  • This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus, according to some variety of color, redundancy or deficiency of members, or some other peculiarity; thus, one noun signifies "a cow," another "a red cow," another "a brown cow," another "a white cow," another "a barren cow," etc. Abstract nouns are generally derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, as: kulu, great; ubukulu, greatness. Proper names are taken from some object or incident in common life, thus: Untaba comes from intaba, a mountain; Ubalekile signifies "she has run away." There are very few nouns expressing the abstractions of mind, or spiritual things. Every noun consists of two parts: the initial, and the radical. The initial, whether a single letter or a syllable, is that part of the noun, which, in a modified form, re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it; from which also its pronoun is derived; and by which the number, class, and condition of the noun are determined. The rest of the noun is called the radical, or root. For example: um is the initial, andfazi the root, of the noun urnfazi, a woman; in the initial, and to the root, of the noun into, a thing. This initial element has sometimes been called a prefix. It is not, however, a prefix, but an essential part of the noun, without which the noun is not a noun, is not complete, and has no signification. The initial of a noun, in impressing its image upon an adjective, and in undergoing various inflections to assist in indicating the number and condition of the noun, bears a strong resemblance to the terminations of a noun in Latin and Greek. The initial elements and euphonic letters of the several classes are as follows:
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary This dialect is rich in nouns denoting different objects of the same genus. Abstract nouns are derived from adjectives by prefixing ubu, and proper names are taken from common life. Nouns consist of two parts: the initial and the radical. The initial element is an essential part of the noun, and is re-appears in the beginning of all adjectives agreeing with it.
  • Accentuation.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      the act of emphasizing a particular feature of something or making something more noticeable, or an instance of this
  • Nouns.
  • The euphonic or alliteral concord causes the initial element of the noun, a letter, a syllable, or syllables, to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with the noun; requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands; and detaches the important part of the initial of the governing noun, to assist in forming a bond of connection with and control over the noun, or pronoun, governed in the genitive. This often causes the repetition of the same letter or letters at the beginning of several words, and points out all the various modifications and limitations of the subject or the object in a sentence; alike promoting in a high degree a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation, and imparting distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas. Take, for example, izimvu zami zi ya li zua ilizui lami, literally, (the) sheep of me they do it hear (the) voice of me, i. e. my sheep hear my voice. Here the euphonic letter z in zami, and the pronoun zi, point directly to the initial izim of the noun izimvu; while the pronoun li, and the euphonic letter I in lami, point to the initial
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary The euphonic or literal concord causes the initial element of the noun to re-appear as the initial element of the adjective agreeing with it, and requires the pronoun to assume a form corresponding to the initial of the noun for which it stands. This helps to promote a soft, fluent, and harmonious enunciation and impart distinctness, precision, and force to the expression of ideas.
  • The negative idea is affixed to verbs chiefly by means of the particles a and nga, thus: (1) a is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or e in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the indicative past; (3) nge is often used for nga in the potential; (4) the auxiliary ya, or za, is always omitted in the negative form of the indicative present. See the paradigm,
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The particles a and nga are primarily used to add the negative idea to verbs, as shown below: (1) an is inserted before the pronoun nominative, or nga before the verb, in all the modes and tenses, with a, as the final vowel of a root, being changed into i in the indicative present and the imperative, and into i or ein in the potential present, past, and future; (2) nga is appended to the verb in the consider the paradigm
  • Prepositions.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      a word governing, and usually preceding, a noun or pronoun and expressing a relation to another word or element in the clause, as in 'the man on the platform', 'she arrived after dinner', 'what did you do it for ?'
  • manme! mamo! Derivation of Wo
  • I have thus endeavored to present some of the leading features of the Zulu dialect, as fully as time would allow; and so to do it, that a comparison between this and any other languages of the Continent, of which a similar account should be given, might be intelligibly instituted. I shall next condense such information as I have been able to obtain either here, or at Cape Town, respecting the dialects of Southern Africa gener
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Zulu dialect is compared to other languages of the Continent, and the dialects of Southern Africa are discussed.
  • II. CLASSIFICATION OF DIALECTS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA.
  • the Alliterative
  • ul. Its most remarkable and distinguishing feature is its alliteration, or euphonic concord, which is a peculiar assimilation of initial sounds, produced by prefixing the same letter, or letters, to several words in the same proposition, related to, or connected with one another. This principle has been already briefly presented in my remarks upon the Zulu dialect, where it is found in one of its most perfect for
  • e Zulu dialect is spoken by the natives in Natal colony; b
  • o tribes from which the names of the dialects are taken. The Zulu being the farthest removed from foreign tongues, especially the Hottentot, is comparatively free of clicks and words of foreign extraction, in both which the Kafir abounds.
  • north-west of the Amazulu, and extending nearly to Delagoa bay. The language of the Amaswazi has been reckoned as of the Fingo branch, though in many of its features it rather resembles the Zulu dialect. Indeed, all the dialects of the Fingo branch seem to approximate nearer to the Zulu than to the Kafir, in every respect, with the exception of consonantal changes, which are its peculiar feature.
  • oman umfazi masari masari. 3. The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes which dwell on the western coast of Africa, between Benguela and Namaqualand, or from about 17? to 23? of South Latitude, and from the coast to about 19? of East Longitulde. The Damaras are divided into two branches, called the Hill Damaras, and the Cattle Damaras or Damaras of the Plain. The dialect of the Hill Damaras, who live immediately to the north and north-east of Namaqualand, is the same as that of the Namaquas, and is therefore included in the Click Class of African tongues. But the dialect of the Damaras of the Plain, who dwell beyond the Hill Damaras, is evidently cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families. This affinity was first noticed by Rev. Mr. Archbell, for a time a missionary among the Bechuanas, and the author of a Sechuana grammar, who made the Damaras two visits, one by way of Walwich bay, and the other by way of Namaqualand; and his opinion has since been confirmed by
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The Damara family includes the dialects spoken by the Damara tribes on the western coast of Africa, divided into two branches: the Hill Damaras and the Cattle Damaras. The Hill Damaras dialect is the same as the Namaquas, while the Damaras of the Plain dialect is cognate with the Sechuana and Zulu families.
  • The language of the Koniunkues is soft and musica
  • The foregoing is the amount of the most authentic and recent information which I have been able to obtain, here and in Cape colony, respecting the languages of those numerous aboriginal tribes of Africa which dwell south of Jebel elKumr, or the Mountains of the Moon. I have already drawn out the subject to such an extent that I will say nothing of their probable orig
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      The most important idea is that the languages of the various African tribes are authentic and recent.
l222091943

'Race', warfare, and religion in midnineteenth-century Southern Africa: the Khoikhoi re... - 3 views

'Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943 '

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • On Christmas day 1850, the Ž nal frontier war in a long and bitter series between the British Cape Colony and the Xhosa erupted. In the wake of a witchcraft eradication campaign directed by the young spiritual leader Mlanj eni, Ngqika Xhosa warriors
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      on the final frontier, they practiced witchcraft eradication campaign, which was directed by the young spiritual leader Mlangeni, Ngqika who was a Xhosa warrior.
  • attacked the military villages in the Eastern Cape which the British had planted on l and taken from them in the aftermath of the 1846- 47 War of the Axe.
  • Crais 1992: 173-188; Peires 1989: 1-44; Mostert 1992; Stapleton 1994; Keegan 1996
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Definition of servant's people who performed duties for others especially person employed on domestic duties or as a personal attendant
  • ...31 more annotations...
  • servants
  • Khoikhoi community sometimes clashed with the Xhosa desire to regain their own lost land and to have strategic
  • r at the time so-called ‘Hottentot’
  • Hottentot nationalism’ (Ross 1997
  • Khoikhoi and San and the f ormerly enslaved rose in large numbers from within the Cape Colony in support of the Xhosa
  • Matroos would become a nationalist hero, his life story suggests that he was also a would-be client, poorly treated by those with whom he sought to cooperate.
  • Xhosa and Khoikhoi in the eighteenth century had led to a high Xhosa degree of intermarriage with the Gonaqua, the Khoikhoi group closest to Xhosa lands. The Gonaqua continued to identif y as Khoikhoi, however, despite ongoing
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      as time went on the colonization of the khoikhoi and the Xhosa started to cause conflict despite the intermarriage between the xhosa and the khoikhoi continued to happen
  • The Mf engu were a part icularly resented presence for the most par
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Mfengus were not really liked in the society people felt bitter in the presence of the Mfengus
  • rebel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      definitions of rebels a person who rises in opposition or armed resistance against an established government or leader
  • The course of this agonising war has been well traced by several scholars (Ross 2000; Crais 1992; Kirk 1973, 1980; Mostert 1992; Peires 1981, 1989)
  • Speeches were made in which speakers explained that they had been defrauded of their very pay during the last war and had returned to Ž nd that their cattle, left without keepers, had been sold at public auction: ‘On their return home they found themselves ruined.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      people went back home empty handed as their cattle were auctioned they were very dissapointed as they did not get their stock
  • On December 30, 1850, Hermanus Matroos, leader of a settlement at Blinkwater in the Kat River, attacked a military post close to Fort Beaufort. On Ja nuary 1, 1851, hi s f orce s captured t he f ort iŽ ed farmhouse of W. Gil be rt, a Blinkwater commissioner (Ross 2000: 40). Matroos was an ironic leader for a explicitly ‘Khoikhoi’ uprising. He was the son of an escaped slave and a Xhosa woman. In his youth he had worked on a farm in the colon
  • he gathered around him a large number of impoverished clients, mostly Xhosa and Mfengu, including 48 men and their families by 1842; Stockenstrom, who claims that Matroos was disliked and feared by local Khoi, reduced his territory in 1836 ( Crais 1992: 162; Stockenstrom 1854: 14). In the 1846 War of the Axe
  • The issue of corruption arises around this commission in a triple sense. Firstly, the magistrate, Louis Meurant, and others were corrupt, colluding to have as much land as possible f orfeited. Meurant was clearly engaged in shady practices, such as exploiting the i ll iteracy of many Kat River sett lers to f al sif y docume
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      corruption started as the white settlers have won they started having greed and wanted more they were falsifying the documents so that they could have more land
  • By 1850, the bulk of the descendants of the Khoikhoi and San of the Eastern Cape lived on mission stations, on the white farms that employed them as labourers, in urban areas such as Grahamstown where they worked primarily as domestic servants attached to white households, at the Kat River settlement, and in a few cases on the margins of white property, where they were deŽ ned by the state as squatter
  • In early 1851, a colonial force led by Colonel Somerset brutally recaptured the Kat River settlement. Both Mfengu and white members of this force committed atrocities against local inhabitants, including loyalists. Some white settlers paraded through the valley with a red  ag with the word ‘extermination’ on it. For a number of loyalists, the brutalities stretched loyalty to the breaking
  • Rebellion became a place as much as an organized military movemen
  • Although they did not experience clear-cut military defeat, they did not have sufŽ cient resources for a protracted Ž ght; by 1852, women and children were staggering starving from the rebel camps (McKay 1871: 206). Also by 1852, the already fragile alliance with the Xhosa was fracturing. Nonetheless, some rebels would remain in the bush as late as 1858, despite colonial pardons and despite the formal submission of the Xhosa chiefs to the British in 1853 .
  • (Elbourne 1994; Trapido 1992; Bradlow 1985; Mason 1992: 580-585, NewtonKing 1980 )
  • The Kat River settlers were conscripted into the colonial f orces in 1835-6 and again in 1846-7.
  • As these con icts over the meaning of Christianity suggest, the war deeply divided the non-white communities of the colonial Eastern Cape. Although many nuclear families went into the bush together, with children, at the most intimate level the war also split many families apart. This was all the more so given the large number of people beyond the nuclear core who were considered to form part of a Khoikhoi fami
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the non whites started to colonize eastern cape.
  • During the war, loyalists were endlessly provoked, just as the loyalty of the Khoikhoi had been severely tested during the two previous frontier wars.
  • body the conf usions of identity of the Cape Colony: he was the son of a white missionary, James Read Snr, and a Khoikhoi woman, Elizabeth Valentyn. In conj unction with his f ather and t he r adi cal wing of t he L ondon Missi onary Soci ety, he had f ought all his lif e f or Christianity, civilization, and the rule of law, which he believed would save the Khoikhoi f rom degradation and inj ustice. He had been educated in Scotland and Cape Town, and described himself in 1834 as a liberal: he believed in the rights of man. 39 He was also a cynical observer of the brutalities of colonial rule. He sat uneasily between white and African society: he was a missionary, and thus at least theoretically respectable, and yet he was of mixed race. Louis Meurant, son of a slave owner and later to be a magistrate at Kat River, exempliŽ ed the colonial conviction
  • He published a series of long letters in the South African Commerical A dvertise
  • And in 1852 he kept a notebook as what proved to be an abortive commission of inquiry into the Kat River rebellion began its work. He attended sessions and took assiduous notes. His notebooks begin with a certain deŽ ant optimism that the truth would out, and even a biting wit. As the commission proceeded, however, it be
  • The victory of the white settler narrative was expressed in debates over land conŽ scation
  • 1835 devastation of the settlement during war. And so those who wished the return of land were compelled to describe the stat e of their house and grounds, as the com missi oners sought to dem onst rate t he quintessential lack of civilization of erf-holders without glass windows, brick walls, or more than one room. This lack of civilization in turn justiŽ ed the colonial rhetoric of ‘Hottentot’ primitiveness and savage
  • Most Khoikhoi, i ncl uding Ž eld cornet s, were not actually living like Brit ish Victorian
  • On January 8, 1851, Matroos led an unsuccessful rebel assault on Fort Beaufor
  • A second important aspect of the af termath of rebellion is that the Khoikhoi were no longer perceived as useful agents of rule by the British state
  • There is a letter in the South African library from the last surviving daughter of James Read Jnr to the archivis
  • ujhistprof on 25 Apr 23
     
    Please tag your name correctly. Thanks.
olwethusilindile

zulu Origins.pdf - 1 views

Olwethu Visasa 220117155

shared by olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Origins of the Zulu Kingdom
  • James Gump*
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the author of this journal article
  • the Xhosa u
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • 1820s and 1830s is described
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      most important event took place
  • on. John D. Omer-Cooper, in Zulu After math: A Nineteenth Century Revolution in Bantu Africa argues that the "wars and migrations of the Mfecane were the by products of a socio-political revolution towards larger communi ties and wider loyaltie
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why the author only mention wars and migration? What about hunger?
  • Omer-Cooper's Zulu Aftermath serves as a useful point of departure for an examination of the origins of the Zulu kingdom.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      why only the Omer- Cooper's Zulu Aftermath ?
  • survived into modern times."3 Omer-Cooper includes among the mfecane's progeny the Basuto kingdom on the highveld forged during the difaqane and surviving to reach independence as Lesotho; the Swazi kingdom of the Dhlamini-Ngwane, founded in the 1840s and the basis for Swaziland; the Ngoni kingdoms in Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania; the Kololo kingdom on the upper Zambesi river; and the Ndebele kingdom, settling eventually in southern Zimbabwe
  • a. The battles and famines of the 1820s and 1830s are but a part of the history of Nguni state for
  • Zulu Kingdom
  • The Historian
  • The conventional emphasis on great men and the military institutions they orchestrated embraces at least two methodologi cal deficiencies. First, it is ahistorical—if one views the formation of the Zulu kingdom as a revolutionary outburst among the northern Nguni one may overlook subtle evolutionary processes of socioeconomic change; and second, it is myopic—the tendency to study Zulu state formation as a phase of military history betrays a cultural or ideological dimension that reveals a great deal about the "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summarized The conventional focus on great men and military institutions is ahistorical and myopic, overlooking subtle socioeconomic change and cultural/ideological dimensions of the Zulu kingdom.
  • Although Omer-Cooper does not view these societies this way, he perpetuates the bias by emphasizing the military "essence" of the Zulu kingdo
  • . He replaced this brief period of ritual seclusion with long term military service to the chiefdom and grouped these former circumcision sets on the criterion of similar age rather than the traditional territorial principle. With these redesigned age-sets, or amabutho, Dingiswayo forged a confederacy from among his Nguni neighb
  • Although the Zulu was one of the least significant of the chiefdoms absorbed during the course of Mthethwa expansion, its status changed markedly when Shaka usurped the Zulu chieftainship from his brother in 1816
  • In 1959, anthropologist Monica Wilson initiated a second line of investigation by suggesting that scholars examine the role of long-distance trade as a factor in Zulu state formation. As evidence, she cites the statement of Henry Frances Fynn, an early Natalian trader, that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay as one of his first acts as Mthethwa chieftain.15 Alan Smith, drawing upon the journals and letters of Portuguese traders and missionaries, has advanced Wilson's proposal by arguing that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The lucrative ivory trade with Europe during this period intensified in the second half of the eighteenth century and Smith demonstrates that a significant share of trade originated in Natal. Numerous accounts corroborate this view and indicate that trade routes extended as far south as the eastern Cape fro
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Long-distance trade was a major factor in Zulu state formation, as evidenced by Henry Frances Fynn's statement that Dingiswayo initiated trade with the northern part of Delagoa Bay. Alan Smith argued that a flourishing trade existed at Delagoa Bay between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      were the (regiments ) defended against raiders provided protection for refugees
  • f ivory. During the course of the Mabudu-Tembe struggle two major Nguni chiefdoms, the Dhlamini-Ngwane and Ndwandwe, moved southwestward into northern Zulul
  • Two other studies advance the hypothesis that trade was a major elemënt in the rise of the Zulu kingdom. Henry Slater argues that the effect of mercantile capital (i.e., the European demand for ivory at Delagoa Bay) placed unbearable tensions on a feudal social structure. The ensuing conflict over control of the means of production for the market transformed a feudal mode of production into an absolutist one.18 David W. Hedges argues that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands between Delagoa Bay and northern Natal played an important role in Nguni state formation during the latter half of the eighteenth century. The conflict that ensued by the early nineteenth century did not result from an increase in ivory exports, as Smith suggests, but according to Hedges, from a change in the nature of the trade at Delagoa Bay. Hedges argues that the number of ships at Delagoa Bay decreased, and the export of cattle, a valuable commodity in Zululand, replaced that of
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      summary Trade was a major factor in the rise of the Zulu kingdom, with Henry Slater arguing that mercantile capital placed tensions on feudal social structures and David W. Hedges arguing that control of the ivory trade along the coastal lowlands played an important role in Nguni state formation.
  • socio-political change should be challenged for two reasons. First, the most substantial evidence linking Nguni expansion to Delagoa Bay is Fynn's brief allusion to Dingiswayo
  • Second, the precolonial Nguni economy pivoted around the production of cattle and crops. Even during the nineteenth century trade held, at best, a secondary role.
  • The most dramatic difference between this map and one he constructs for 1950 is that the latter reflects almost no forest or scrubfores
  • ry. The conflict that appears to have been widespread immediately prior to the emergence of Shaka, may have reflected the efforts of ruling lineages to extend their polities over the most favorable ecological zone
  • An analysis of Ndwandwe, Mthethwa and Qwabe expansion in the eighteenth century reflects three goals of each: 1) to dominate versatile pasturage; 2) to control fertile river valleys and coastal lowlands; and 3) to dominate defensible hill regions to protect precious economic assets, such as cattle and grain.26
  • g the northern Nguni . . . must also be understood as encompassing a major social transformation cen
  • The Historian Given the spotty oral and documentary evidence, it is doubtful that scholars will ever know "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chiefdoms rather suddenly collapsed."42 Yet it now seems clear that this collapse was not sudden, and it involved significant ideological, as well as socio-political change. At the same time scholars have also exaggerated the military features of the Zulu kingdom, thus missing the more complex character of Nguni amabutho. And finally, the extent of population loss on the highveld as a result of the Shakan wars remains unknown. Afrikaners may not have trekked into a demographic vacuum. Since dramatic depopulation is not a proven historical fact, it should not be treated as such. To do so, one risks contributing to the political mythology of apartheid.
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is the loss of stability in relation to supply or demand
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      is a specified word , usually of another language
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      Given the patchy oral and written records, it is unlikely that researchers will ever fully understand "precisely why the long-established equilibrium among the small autonomous northern Nguni chief doms rather suddenly collapsed."42 However, it is now apparent that this collapse was not abrupt and that it encompassed a considerable shift in ideologies as well as sociopolitics. At the same time, researchers have overemphasized the military prowess of the Zulu empire, omitting the more nuanced personality of Nguni amabutho. Finally, it is unknown how much of the highveld's population was displaced by the Shaka's conflicts. The demographic void that the Afrikaners entered might not have existed. Dramatic depopulation should not be accepted as historical fact because it has not been established. One runs the danger of causing the apartheid
  • The Bloody Story of the Zulu War of 18
    • olwethusilindile
      olwethusilindile on 26 Apr 23
       
      how truthful is this? the Nguni never run out of the place
ntsearelr

RW Beachey.pdf - 1 views

Lindokuhle Ntseare History 2A 222011098

shared by ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Throughout the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
  • increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en mass
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Sultan Said was the Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar, and he ruled over a vast empire that included parts of East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Under Sultan Said's leadership, Zanzibar became a major center for the ivory trade, and he played an important role in facilitating the trade between East Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. He established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks, and he used his power and influence to promote the interests of the ivory traders in Zanzibar. Sultan Said's policies helped to create a favorable environment for the ivory trade in Zanzibar, and he encouraged the development of the port of Zanzibar, which became a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia.
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • As the century went on, caravans travelling into the interior became bigger and bigger, until by 1885 it was not unusual to have over 2,000 porters in a single caravan. The ivory caravans developed a life of theil own, and the supply of their needs led to a system somewhat similar to that of ship chandlering. Information as to the condition of routes, the risk of native wars and the best seasons for travel were all available to the enterprising trade
  • The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.10 From Tabora routes branched to the north, to Uganda, to the west, and to the south and Lake Rukwa. At Unyanyembe and Ujiji, Arab merchants had set themselves up in style, surrounding themselves with the coconut palms of their Zanzibar home, and living in cool tembes, waited on by slaves, and comforted by concubines-reproducing the languid environment of the spice island
  • routes into the int
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      The caravan routes in East Africa during the 19th century were a network of trade routes that extended from the interior of the continent to the coast, particularly to ports such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Kilwa. These routes were used by Arab and Swahili traders to transport goods, including ivory, to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. The caravan routes varied in length and complexity, but they generally followed a similar pattern. The traders would begin their journey at the coast and travel inland with their goods, often on foot or using pack animals such as donkeys and camels. The journey could take several months, and traders would often have to navigate challenging terrain, including mountains and forests. Along the way, traders would stop at towns and villages to rest, resupply, and conduct trade with local communities. These towns and villages served as important trading centers, where goods such as food, cloth, and weapons were exchanged for ivory and other commodities. The caravan routes varied over time, depending on the political and economic conditions in the region. As new trading centers emerged, or existing ones declined, the routes would shift accordingly. Furthermore, the caravan routes were vulnerable to disruption from conflicts between different groups and natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Despite these challenges, the caravan routes remained an essential part of the East African trade network throughout the 19th century, and they played a crucial role in facilitating the ivory trade and other forms of commerce in the region.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and quality. The Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivo
  • ibar. Colonel Hamerton, who arrived at Zanzibar in 1841 as British consul, remarked: 'The whole trade in ivory, slaves, and gum copal is carried on by the natives of India, the ivory is consigned to them from the interior.' Hamerton noted that even the Sultan's ivory and copal trade on the mainland was mana
    • ntsearelr
      ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
       
      Indian agents played an important role in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. These agents had established commercial networks in East Africa and had close ties to the Indian subcontinent. The Indian agents acted as intermediaries between the ivory traders in East Africa and the markets in India. They were responsible for purchasing ivory from the traders and then arranging for its transportation to India, where it would be sold for a profit. The Indian agents were essential to the ivory trade because they had access to capital and resources that the local traders often lacked. They were also familiar with the Indian market and were able to negotiate better prices for the ivory they sold.
  • The quest for ivory was never-ending. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth c
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obtain. Various estimates range as low as 40,000 lb. a year to as high as 200,000 lb., but no indication is given as to how these figures were arrived at. But from the arrival of Colonel Rigby as British consul at Zanzibar in 1858, customs returns are available. We get a definite figure based on customs returns for 1859, showing that 488,600 lbs. of ivory worth I46,666 were exporte
  • Zanzibar as the ivory market for East Africa, supplying 75 % of the world's tota
  • ntsearelr on 26 Apr 23
     
    The ivory trade was a significant economic activity in East Africa during this period, and it had a profound impact on the region's economy, society, and environment. In the article, Beachey discusses the origins of the ivory trade in East Africa and how it grew in importance over time. He explains how the trade was facilitated by the arrival of Arab and Swahili traders, who established commercial networks that stretched across the interior of the continent. These traders were able to acquire ivory from African hunters and then transport it to the coast for export to markets in Europe and Asia. In his article, Beachey also discusses the important role that Zanzibar played in the East African ivory trade during the 19th century. Zanzibar was a center for the ivory trade, serving as a hub for the transportation and export of ivory to markets in Europe and Asia. Beachey explains how Zanzibar's strategic location and its political and economic ties to East Africa made it an ideal location for ivory traders to set up shop. The island's port was well-situated to receive ivory from the interior, and Zanzibar's ruling Sultanate had established commercial relations with interior African states and trading networks. Furthermore, Beachey highlights how the ivory trade contributed to the growth of Zanzibar's economy during this period. The trade brought significant wealth to the island, which was invested in infrastructure development, such as the construction of the Zanzibar port and the city's buildings.
makofaneprince

Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views

makofane Prince 221081879

shared by makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people believed that guns were interfering with their culture.
  • Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      even though the zulu people adopted the use of guns, they did so with great care that this practice doesn't disrupt their traditional methods used in wars. the zulu people still stand to be one of the tribes in South Africa that is proud of their culture.
  • In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      this further elaborate the pride zulu people have in their culture and heritage.
  • ...24 more annotations...
  • The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka's words praising the use of spears as compared to guns.
  • Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the use of a spear during wars symbolized braveness as compared to using a gun.
  • As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      can it be that the zulu people saw this as an act of cowardness?
  • ‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the quote explains how the Zulu men are fearless and always ready for a war.
  • As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the period which Zulu people got exposed to firearms.
  • Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was also impressed by the use of guns and the victories they can have in wars.
  • ‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka did not only want to own guns but he also wanted his people to learn how to make them. this show the interest in learning new things and flexibility for innovation.
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Shaka was the first zulu king to show blended tactics in his fighting strategies. he made use of guns at the same time planning his attack in a traditional way.
  • He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      Guns were also seen as alternatives and used also if the war is getting difficult.
  • Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
  • get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      after losing a war using guns the zulu people blamed the boers for exposing them to guns they believed if they sticked to their stick/spear methods they could have defeated their enemy.
  • The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      in the 1840 all of the Zulu armies had guns to use in wars
  • Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      despite the use of guns the spear and shield of the Zulu proved to be the effective way to use in a war.
  • By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      there was also a competition between the Kingdoms on which one have more guns, and possession of many guns in one kingdom meant power and a threat to other kingdoms.
  • However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
  • Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu man were not allowed to leave their kingdom to work in the diamonds fields to buy more guns like other tribes. they had to serve their kingdom as ibutho, this led to a shortage of guns in the zulu kingdom
  • The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      the zulu people also gave different guns different names
  • In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
  • the best fi rearms went to men of high status
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns also symbolized nobility
  • fi rearms became increasingly essential for hunting,
  • one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns made hunting more easy and ensured wealth and many kingdoms.
  • Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      use of guns in hunting made it easy for the Zulu kingdom to know how to use guns in a war.
  • The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
    • makofaneprince
      makofaneprince on 20 Apr 23
       
      guns were also associated with bad spirits. they believed those practicing witchraft could manipulate the guns.
  • He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
andiswamntungwa

Freedom, Economic Autonomy, and Ecological Change in the Cotton South, 1865-1880.pdf - 1 views

Andiswa Mntungwa

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The region emerged from the conflict defeated, physically scarred, and economically handicapped. Its 4 million slaves were free but faced significant obstacles to acquiring capital, land, or agricultural resources. A series of constraints—such as a lack of capital, the war ’s alterations to credit and debt structures, reduced access to livestock and farm machinery, changing labor arrangements in the wake of emancipation, and a series of droughts—complicated farmers’ efforts to resurrect crop production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The area was disadvantaged as a result of the fight. Although its 4 million slaves were free, they had a difficult time getting money, land, or agricultural resources. Farmer's attempts to revive crop output were impeded by a number of obstacles, including lack of cash, the war's changes to loans and credit systems, decreased access to cattle and farm equipment, shifting labor relations after emancipation, and a string of droughts
  • pplying an environmental lens to the crucial decades between 1860 and 1880 reveals that war and emancipation changed how farmers thought about, manipulated, and organized their land in ways that fundamentally altered the southern economic landscape. Gradual revolutions in land use practices initiated a series of ecological shifts such as increased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases tha t went hand in hand with the economic dislocation of sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites and poor blacks
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      By viewing the important decades between 1860 and 1880 through the lens of the environment, it is clear that the civil war and liberation substantially affected the way farmers in the South viewed, managed, and structured their land. Sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites, and impoverished blacks were all affected economically by gradual changes in land use patterns, which led to ecological changes like decreased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases.
  • T hrough an analysis of agricultural contracts as well as multidisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy, and ecology, this article shows how alter ations to southern labor arrangements tightened natural limits on cotton production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The study demonstrates how changes to labor agreements in the South reinforced the natural restriction on cotton cultivation through a review of farming contracts and interdisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy and ecology
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Farmers’ continual investment in land maintenance work was more than a way to keep slaves such as Big George occupied while waiting on snows to thaw or cotton to grow. To render the land productive and profitable, these tasks were essential. Ditching, for instance, slowed the loss of topsoil in c ultivated fields. Southern soils are highly erosive: heavily laced with clay, with lower percentages of organic material and base elements, southern “dirt” washes away easily and leaves few nutrients behind. Especially in areas with hillier topogr aphy, such as central Georgia, even gentle rains slowly eroded valuable topsoil once farmers removed vegetation from the land in preparation for planting
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      More than just a means of keeping slaves like Big George busy while they waited for the snow to thaw or the cotton to grow, farmers continually invested in land maintenance work. These actions were crucial to making the land usable and profitable. For example, ditching reduced the rate at which topsoil was lost from cultivated areas. Southern "dirt" washes away readily and leaves little nutrients behind since it is largely clayed, has smaller percentages of organic material, and base elements. After farmers cleared the ground of vegetation in order to prepare it for sowing, even light rainfall steadily eroded valuable topsoil, especially in regions with hillier topography, like central Georgia.
  • During the antebellum period, the foundation of southerners’ extensive land use regime was shifting cultivation. Called “clearing new ground” in plantation records and agricultural journals, this technique meant that farmers typically cultivated a third of the land they owned or rented. 14 They kept the remainder of the land in reserve to be cleared and burned periodically; in this way, farmers created new fields once the old ones were exhausted
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Shifting cultivation served as the cornerstone of Southerners' broad land use regime during the antebellum era. In plantation records and agricultural journals, this method-known as "clearing new ground"-meant that farmers routinely maintained a third of the land they owned or rented. Farmers built new fields as the old ones became tired by holding back the remaining land to be regularly cleaned and torched.
  • Walston’s hired laborers’ refusal to perform tasks such as fence repair without additional wages was not an isolated labor dispute. After emancipation, contradictory ideas of “free labor” between landowners and exsla ves made land maintenance and the day-to-day autonomy of workers the subject of frequent clashes. Just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies around the globe, “the process of defining, categorizing, and selecting forms of tenure was the result of contention be tween planters, who hoped to reinstate large-scale and centralized gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who valued economic autonomy
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The unwillingness of Walston's hired laborers to complete chores like fixing fences without additional pay was not a separate labor conflict. Following emancipation, conflicting views of "free labor" held by landowners and former slaves led to disputes about worker autonomy and upkeep of the workplace. The process of determining, arranging, and choosing forms of tenure "was the result of assertion between farmers, who anticipated to reinstate large-scale and concentrated gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who appreciated economic autonomy," just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies within the world.
  • The growing popularity of certain forms of agricultural tenure, such as the half-share or cash tenancy, helped standardize e xpectations for the terms of labor over time. By the 1870s, contracts less frequently assumed slack-time tasks were part of crop cultivation. Land maintenance work such as clearing new ground, ditching, and fence repair became jobs for which landlords had to pay additional wages or apply a credit to a laborers’ account. Contracts that stated laborers would “do all necessary repairs about the place” became significantly less frequent, unless it was included as rent for a piece of land. 37 The timeline of these changes varied from place to place, but a survey of almost forty plantations in seven states reveals a general pattern
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Over time, demands for the conditions of labor contributed to standardization as some agri-cultural tenure arrangements, including the half-share or cash tenancy, gained favor. By the 1870s, slack-time duties were less frequently included in contracts as part of agricultural cultivation. Landlords had to pay extra salaries or credit laborers' accounts for land upkeep tasks like dredging ditches, repairing fences, and clearing fresh ground. Except when it was included as part of the rent for a piece of land, contracts that stipulated laborers would "do all necessary repairs about the place" became substantially less common. While the timing of these modifications varied depending on the location, a survey of nearly 40 plantations across seven states showed a consistent trend.
  • Land use changes after emancipation reflected the new reality of the postwar southern economy as well as freed slaves’ abilities to control their own labor. However, these changes had severe and unintended ecological consequences. Eschewing onerous tasks that did little to increase their share of the crop or benefit their assigned plot was doubtless an important step in achieving some autonomy in black laborers’ work. Nevertheless, disputes over arranging and paying for land maintenance encouraged landlords to let their fences rot just a little longer or allow ditches to fill up, contributing to ongoing problems of soil erosion and crop damage by livestock
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Following liberation, changes in land use represented both the ability of freed slaves to manage their own labor and the new realities of the postoperative southern economy. But these modifications had negative and unforeseen ecological effects. Getting some autonomy in black laborers' employment required them to avoid burdensome chores that did little to raise their part of the harvest or benefit their designated plot, which was undoubtedly a crucial step. However, disagreements over who would arrange and pay for land upkeep led owners to let their perimeters deteriorate for a little while longer or let their ditches to fill up, adding to the ongoing issues of soil erosion and livestock damaging crops.
  • Planters’ records, agricultural publications, and other sources dis cussed the growing crisis of soil quality on cotton lands with regularity, but reduced land maintenance had other effec ts unrelated to erosion. For instance, the struggle over fence repair added momentum to a region-wide push for eliminating the open range
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Regular discussions of the worsening soil quality crisis on cotton plantations were found in planters' records, agricultural periodicals, and other sources, but neglected land maintenance had other repercussions unrelated to erosion. For instance, the conflict over fence upkeep fueled a regional campaign to end the open range.
  • Ultimately, the social, political, and economic upheavals of emanci pation, as manifested in the introduction and evolution of agricultural contr acts, had ecological consequences. Whereas the ecological regime of slavery reinforced the extensive land use practices of the antebellum period, the end of slavery significantly weakened them. One way it did this was by reducing the amount of time dedicated to land maintenance (or the upkeep and clearance of the land), especially in the cotton-growing regions of the lower South. Ex-slaves expected freedom to completely transform every aspect of their lives, and for many, this meant either forgoing agri cultural labor altogether or working their own land however they chose. Doing the same labor under the same mas ter, now landlord, on the same terms was not the transformation desired.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      In the end, the introduction and development of agricultural contracts as a result of the social, political, and economic changes brought about by emancipation had an impact on the environment. The broad land use practices of the antebellum era were strengthened by the ecological system of slavery, but they were considerably undermined by its abolition. Reduced time spent on land maintenance (or clearing and maintaining the land), particularly in the lower South's cotton-growing districts, was one method it accomplished this. Ex-slaves anticipated that freedom would fundamentally revolutionize every area of their lives, and for many, this meant either completely forgoing agricultural labor or using their own property anyway they saw fit.
khosinxele

The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex.pdf - 3 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

shared by khosinxele on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • he history of the nineteenth-century "southern" East African slave trade, comprising the coast and its hinterland from Kilwa southwards, has hitherto been given scant attention. This stems partly from the nature of source material, which, like the British Blue Books, tends to concentrate on the "northern" complex supplying slaves from the Swahili coast to the Muslim markets of the north, and partly from the traditional assumption by historians that the Mozambique slave export trade to non-Muslim regions largely died out in the 1860s following the closure of the Brazilian and Cuban markets. In summarizing the debate to date, Austen points out that whereas slave exports from southeast Africa remained vibrant throughout the nineteenth century, there has been no satisfactory explanation as to what generated the demand for those slaves from the 1860s. He surmises that, as the mark
  • the economy of which Mutibwa has described as "dependent largely on the use of slave labour." Thus there was a vigorous slave trade until the imposition of French colonial rule over Madagascar at the end of the nineteenth century. It is important to note, however, that slave labour on Madagascar did not serve only the domestic economy of the island. The Hova hierarchy was deeply
  • In 1860 the British permitted the import of 6,000 Bengali coolies into R&union and as a result the engage trade from Madagascar and East Africa declined. However, conditions were such that plantation labor experienced 20 percent mortality per annum, so that demand continued to outpace supply. Moreover the remark made in 1860 on Mauritius that "the Indian is ... a slave with a limit to his slavery"5 was as applicable to R6union and, in response to an outcry against abuses of the Indian labor scheme, the British halted the supply of coolies to the French in November 1882. Within tw
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africa declined after the British allowed the import of 6000 Bengali laborers. the demand, however, continued to exceed supply due to the 20% death rate per year faced by plantation labor.
  • ...28 more annotations...
  • So dominant did the Karany and Antalaotra become that foreign firms and local Sakalava chiefs increasingly hired them as their agents. By 1872 the large Hamburg firm of O'Swald was running its commercial operations in western Madagascar through a Nosy Be-based Karany whose involvement in the slave trade was notorious, while, lower down the west coast, all of George Ropes's agents were Karany by 1888. Similarly, Maintirano was ruled in the name of queen Bibiasa of southern Menabe by a Muslim Sakalava called Alidy who, in conjunction with Abd-er-Rhamen, an Antalaotra, dominated the slave trade of the mid-west coast. By the late 1880s an estimated 90 percent of arms and slaves dealers on the west coast were British Indians.31 By 1894, the commercial triumph of the Karany and Antalaotra was virtually complete; not only did they dominate the ports of western Madagascar, they had also captured much of the hinterland trade, it being perceived that "l'interieur des terres est absolument ferm6 aux Europ6ens."32 In addition, even before the 1882-1885 war the Karany had developed strong trading links with the Cape Colony and Natal and there is evidence that, by the late 1880s, they were also involved
  • in Mainti
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups.
  • ntalaotra for sale in the interior, and supplied the same merchants and creole traders with Merina and Betsileo slaves for export.11 Madagascar was traditionally an exporter of slaves, but a market for imported African slaves developed in the nineteenth century in the Merina empire, which covered approximately one-third of the island. This was due to the adoption of autarkic policies in the mid-1820s which promoted economic expansion based upon exploitation of "unfree" fanompoana and slave labor. The economic prosperity of the 18
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      This means that people were owned by others and exploited against their human dignity for fortune gains
  • ipation without compensation of an estimated 150,000 slaves and their retention by the Merina court as an im
  • oreign traders moved increasingly to independent regions of the island to avoid the higher duties charged in Merina controlled ports.14 In consequence, the Merina court intensified its exploitation of peasant fanompoana labor, which had always formed the basis of the imperial economy. Peasants reacted by fleeing in ever-greater numbers to the expanding areas of the island beyond Merina control, thus exacerbating the manpower shortage. At the same time the Merina elite, which witnessed a rapid
  • , foreign traders, and even Sakalava chiefs to secure a supply of East African and Malagasy slaves for the Merina market. Provincial officials in Bara and Sakalava country were also implicated in kidnapping for the slave export trade. When Ramboamadio, one such Merina officer stationed at Mahabo near Morondava, was summoned to the imperial capital in 1874 to answer charges of collusion with Tovenkery, the local Sakalava king, in slave-raiding in
  • annually, or approximately 35 percent of the total imports. Many of these found their way to the main Merina port of Mahajanga, where Frere noted "the enormous numbers of African negroes everywhere seen."18 Contemporary accounts noted the rise in imports; for instance, in March 1888 alone more than 700 slaves were reported to have been landed on the northwest coast of Madagascar.19 The most important slave entrep6t next to Maintirano was the Tsiribihina delta which, in contrast, was a center for the export of slaves, as was Toliara in the southwest. In 1870 some 2,000 slaves were exported annually from the former, and an estimated 2,373 from the latter by the mid-1880s.2
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      People were transported from their own countries to other countries in the 1870 slaves were increasingly being transported.
  • d-1888 had gained a monopoly of armaments imports in exchange for slave exports along the coast between Ranopas and Maintirano. Some slave traders themselves gained quasiconsular status, like Norden at Toliara, and Govea who traded for some years at Maintirano.25 Such was the importance of these Mascarene middlemen that large foreign firms trading on the west coast of Madagascar regularly used them as agents until the late 1880s. For instance, the Boston merchant Geo. Ropes employed a Henry Smith, who was married to a daughter of Leo
  • e 1,000 A 2,000 et se subdisient en groupes de 50 A 100 A l'approche des regions h
  • were quickly drawn into the dubious engagE trade.35 As early as 1880 European merchants were trading along the entire coastline between the Capes St. Andrew and Ste. Marie, while Morondava alone boasted the presence of two American, two French, two Indian, two Arab, one British, and one Norwegian trader, all of whom maintained agents in the interior. In addition, two South African houses, one from Natal and
  • has estimated a 12 to 21 percent mortality among Malagasy and East African slaves during shipment to the Mascarenes at the start of the nineteenth century, and it is likely that this figure increased slightly in later decades. Although the treatment of East African slaves aboard Arab dhows supplying the Muslim
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slave trade included transported using different kinds of transport daily including Muslim countries it was all an act of inhumane.
  • two
  • measuring from west to east 200 to 500 miles, and from north to south about 700 miles."45 In the early nineteenth century, the slave trade in the interior of Mozambique and in Malawi had been dominated by the Zambesia praze
  • The inability of Portuguese authorities, whose effective administration petered out 60 miles above the confluence of the Zambesi and Shire, to stem the slave trade from Mozambique increasingly angered the British government, which in 1888 called for an international blockade of the northern Mozambique coast. Portugal agreed on condition that the blockade would be mounted by her navy, but the embargo failed to prevent the clandestine trade in either arms imports or slave exports, while it hit customs revenues badly. Under such conditions the Portuguese could not afford to uphold the embargo and from mid1889 exceptions to it were granted with increasing frequency. About May 1889, for instance, two Portuguese traders cleared 12,000 lbs. of gunpowder and 1,000 guns through Quelimane, ostensibly for game hunters. The resurgence in the supply of arms by legitimate channels gave an added fillip to an already buoyant Mozambique slave trade to Madagascar. So great was the trade and such were the constraints on the slave traffic north of Lindi, that in 1889 it
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Meaning 60000 Bengali coolies from Africa were allowed to enter British permission in 1860. The supply was still insufficient because to the 20%. death rate per year experienced by plantation workers under the circumstances.
  • 1895 Africa is the coast of German East Africa, from Mikindani up to Tanga."54 Certainly in September that year the British consul in Zanzibar was informed by the governor general of German East Africa that large slave caravans converged regularly on the coast south of the Rufiji River, notably at Kilwa and Lindi, from where the slaves were shipped in "French" vessels to Madagascar and the Comoros.55 The two which crossed Portuguese East Africa terminated in the region of Ibo and Quelimane
  • mid-century as the activity of British anti-slave trade patrols in East Africa waters obliged slavers to deconcentrate the trade. As a result, a multitude of small slave ports developed
  • Slave traders again proved versatile in their tactics in the late 1880s, when as a result of increased British pressu
  • ns, ammunition, and gunpowder constituted the prominent articles of exchange, although beads, hoes, and iron bars were sometimes used.63 Profits on the trans-Mozambique Channel run were as high as 1,000 percent, inducing many of the dhows that had formerly specialized in coasting to turn to the slave trade, making multiple crossings in the same season.64 This was a reflection of growing demand. In Ime
  • 1882-188
  • and, if captured, are a smaller loss."70 Also, like many Arabs, the Karany owned a large number of small boats and dhows of 10 to 40 tons which were the vessels most frequently used in the slave and general trade of the region.71 The increasing efficiency of British naval patrols obliged slavers to adopt a number of evasive tactics. They gained considerable immunity from British naval searches by flying the French and United States flags, although the latter only became widely adopted after the close of the American Civil War in 1865. The widespread use of French colors was encouraged by the French authorities in order to facilitate the supply of labor to their plantation colonies, and they consistently denied the British the right to search "French" vessels. Permits to obtain the French flag were easily obtained, a British consular official in Zanzibar reporting in September 1888:
  • widely adopted by Antalaotra merchants. This was followed in 1890 by the formal British recognition of a French protectorate in Madagascar. Consequently, the British relinquished their right to search vessels in Malagasy waters. Indeed, when H.M.S. Redbreast stopped and searched a dhow carrying French colors off Madagascar, French authorities successfully claimed an indemnity from the British governme
  • However, whereas French colors were prominent on slavers catering for the French plantation islands, other flags were also used for the shipping of slaves to Madagascar. Although subject to much harassment prior to the 1882-1885 war, slavers carrying Arab colors flourished there
  • aintained there the institution of slavery in defiance of the British treaty of 1883, which had proclaimed that slaves would be liberated by August 1889. As French demand fo
  • spite high slave mortality during transit, the numbers involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel trade grew considerably during the course of the nineteenth century. Although demand in hinterland East Africa for domestic and agricultural labor absorbed as much as two-thirds of the supply from the interior, the total number of slaves brought to the coast from the Malawi region was estimated in the early 1880s to be well in excess of 20,000 per annum; caravans heading for the coast with between 500 and
    • khosinxele
      khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
       
      Slaves were just traded like they were object nobody cared just to make a profit from it countries competed against each other including Malawi.
  • 850s, Mozambique slave exports were sustained predominantly by demand from the French plantation islands, and from Madagascar. One estimate states that some 50,000 engages w
  • r in the early 1870s, rising to 17,000 by the end of the decade.84 By the 1880s, the main slave traffic from Kilwa and ports to the south was directed to Madagascar, which was absorbing an estimated 66 to 75 percent of all slaves shipped from East Africa to the islands of the Western Indian Ocean.85 Increased demand for labor in Imerina from the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885 stimulated slave exports from East Africa. Given a lessening in British naval supervision in the region, it is probable that between 18,000 and 23,000 slaves per annum were imported into Madagascar from 1885, representing a market value at west coast prices of possibly $600,000 per annum. A significant number of slave imports were subsequently shipped to the Fre
  • Period Mozambique Swahili Coast East Africa 1861-70 18,691+ 70,000 1871-80 8,000+ 20,000+ 1881-90 20,000 10,000 [?]
  • 1889 and 1894 respectively.89 Second, it did much to restrict the slave export trade at source in much the same way as the European advance into the hinterland of Zanzibar a decade previously had constricted the northern slave trade network, although Arab slavers put up a fierce resistance in Malawi, where the last big battle between British agents and Arab slavers occurred in 1899.90 The market for East African
nkosinathi3

F. O. 881/2000 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 1 views

go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=NCCO&u=rau_itw&id=GALE|AOSUQW509166629&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-NCCO&sPage=2&asid=6d44448e

Excellent Nkosinathi Ndlovu 222147238

shared by nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • nkosinathi3 on 26 Apr 23
     
    The primary source is a list of letters from Dr Livingstone, one of history's greatest explorers, to his associates. In these letters he describes in great detail his adventures and explorations all around central Africa. These letters and the contents in them prove he was a really great explorer. In my diigo assignment I will be using one of the letters, the first one, in this primary source as evidence of his great adventures, though there is much more adventures written down in the rest of the letters. The first letter describe Livingstone's journey from Ujiji, following the great rivers and lakes of the area. The most noticeable rivers was the Lualaba. The journey was to reach the residence of the Manyema, which had a reputation of cannibalism around the area. Before reaching Bamabarre, the residence of the manyema, they came across a company of slaves carrying ivory. The slaves had had a very bad encounter with the manyema and as such, they described them as very evil people to Dr. Livingstone and his company. The letter also describes Dr Livingstone's company's encounter with another tribe in the are which was maltreated by slave owners and who were very wary of Dr Livinstone and his company since he had the same skin colour as the people that mistreated them, but the worst they did to Livingstone was to escort him out of the settlement with their shields and spears. The second part of the letter describes Dr Livingstone's journey North of Bmbarre, along the Lualaba river to buy a canoe. The letter describes the treacherous and yet beautiful journey across the forest. The letter gives detailed descriptions of the landscape and the vegetation of the area they were traveling through. These are all important parts of the source because they highlight the conditions Dr Livingstone experienced but never stopped In his explorations. The letter also describes the rush for buying cheap ivory along his journey with his company. He describes the events explici
diegothestallion

Trade and Transformation Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th Century East and... - 3 views

222058834 History 2A

shared by diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Trade and Transformation: Participation in the Ivory Trade in Late 19th-Century East and central Africa
  • Ivory ornaments sometimes served as a mark of the expertise and prowess of these hunters, the best documented example of this being Kamba ivory armlets (ngotho). The value of these armlets grew as a result of the increasing scope and intensity of the ivory trade during the 19th century. At the same time, their meaning and uses changed (Kasfir, 1992, 'Trade and p. 323-4). Ivory objects could also be used to create and mark kinship and crmnsforrnation: political ties.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      examples of Ivory Ornaments is jewelry and piano keys that were created from tusks and teeth of animals such as elephants.
  • First, ivory had important and widespread political meanings as a sign of authority and an item of tribute. This was frequently expressed in terms of rights to the "ground tusk:' the tusk from the side of the dead elephant that lay on the ground
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory was used for ritual and as sign of power such as motifs used by kings as the property of the royal house, For example the king of Benin kingdom that wears ivory tusk as kings mark.
  • ...16 more annotations...
  • Ivory had corresponding uses in regalia and displays of power, both material and ritual
  • Second, like the slave trade, the ivory trade strengthened some political leaders and systems, but more often and more significantly it provided new avenues to power and wealth for those lower in the political hierarchies or outside them altogethe
  • Third, societies involved in the ivory trade created their own sets of frontiers. These might include areas where ivory was acquired through hunting by members of the society, areas where ivory was acquired through Canadian trade with others, areas where ivory was an established item of tribute and, as Journal of~evelopment it became scarcer, areas where ivory was obtained by taxing or plundering Studies trade caravans.
  • As mentioned earlier, ivory could be translated into value both in the sphere of subsistence production and reproduction, and in the sphere of production for trade. In both, it generated a concatenation of status, coercive power and wealth.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      In simple terms ivory was traded for capital which provided platform for different areas to be connected and other people using force to make other people to work unwillingly like slaves. People who are wealthy used their power to dominate others, such as Tippu Tip who included the words like enslaving local people as way of ivory trade and interior development in communities were he referred as barbaric .
  • For example, the Maasai, who were important intermediaries in the ivory trade, did not hunt elephants themselves but gained access to ivory through groups of Dorobo and Okiek, sometimes using ties such as marriage and sometimes forcing these hunters to turn over both elephant ivory and hippopotamus teeth for minimal compensation (Wright, 1985, p. 546; Kasfir, 1992, p. 322-3).
  • In both the Eastern Congo and Southern Sudan, coercion was an essential feature of the ivory trade in the late 19th century and a notable part of the accom- panying reconfiguration of political and economic structures there.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Coercion means the threat or force For example when individual is forced to work in plantations against his or her will
  • This trade system was also shaped by terms of trade that ran steadily in favour of African ivory exporters during the 19th century, since ivory prices rose while those of manufactured goods such as cloth dropped.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Ivory trade started dominating trading systems and this favored African continent because ivories came from Africa and the higher the demand of ivory resulted in an increase in ivory prices compared to other items like clothes and salt.
  • This allowed for substantial accu- mulation on the part of intermediaries in the trade; it also allowed these inter- mediaries to continue to profit even as their operating costs grew with the increased distance of the ivory frontier from the coast (Sheriff, 1986 and 1987).
  • First, through training and example, local people were to be weaned off their "barbarous" practices and introduced to more "civilized" ones, though Page notes the Swahili ambivalence about admitting assimilated Canadian yournal "savages" to positions of equality (1974a, p. 76). This transformation would oj~evelopmenr remove, or at least reduce the primary markers of native "barbarism" - Studies paganism, cannibalism and nakedness
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      Local people were supposed to change the way they used to live because according to Tippu Tips they were living a barbarous life compared to his. this transformation will completely change how the local people engaged with their environment because the ideas of ivory trade and development of interior needed to be achieved.
  • The second area of transformation involved bringing peace and order to areas where local people would otherwise be fighting each other (Page, 1974b, p. 114).
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The second transformation, was to bring solution to communities were people did not get along, as way of enhancing the transformation. This would make the process easy allowing ivory trade to take place and the possibility of creating routes that lead to the interior, so that ivory market can be established in regions like Manyema. This will result in distance ivory trade.
  • In spite of the rhetoric of peace and order, the destruction at the leading edge of Swahili expansion in the Eastern Congo - which involved raids on villages, removal of people and property, confiscation or destruction of food crops, and the spread of small pox - was only slowly followed by the estab- lishment of a new order.
  • The third area of transformation involved reorienting communities in the region to produce surpluses of a variety of agricultural products. This included the introduction of new crops such as rice, maize, citrus fruits and various vegetables.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      The third transformation according to Tippu is to introduce agriculture to communities so that they can produce more surplus to be traded because Tippu highlighted that agriculture changed to plantation were slaves worked. This shows that intensive ivory trade resulted in other local people being enslaved to work plantations or to slaughter elephant for ivory to be traded.
  • Ivory provided status and livelihood for porters engaged in transporting it. The ivory trade was crucial in the development of long-distance trade routes by peoples in the interior, particularly by the Nyamwezi and the Yao.
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      People got rich because of ivory trade and hunters were given respect because they were the one who will provide more horns after slaughtering elephant horn while hunting and this made the to be wealthy by ivory trade.
  • Among the Nyamwezi, the carriage of ivory was important in the development of a body of professional porters with particular skills and a work culture that set norms for long-distance caravan transport in the 19th century (Rockel, 1996).
  • For porters on the road, ivory could also provide a means for independent enterprise: porters might use their wages or resources provided by their lineage to acquire and trade small amounts of ivory or other goods in addition to the loads for which they were contracted
    • diegothestallion
      diegothestallion on 25 Apr 23
       
      this shows that people were involved in ivory trade as way of being independent because by trading ivory they could earn something in return such as status and respect from other local people.
  • ivory was the basis of several kinds of transactions at the coast. It was used to discharge the debts of those who traded in the interior and was the basis for the further extension of credit, often in the form of trade goods. It was also the basis for the authority of senior merchants like Tippu Tip, who used it to acquire guns and trade goods, which he would then lend out with interest to "responsible Arabs, in order to start them [in the Journal O,~eve~,,pment business], and also in order to retain authority over them" (Ward, 1891, p. 63)
tendaim

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views

Tendai Mangena History 2A 221060211

shared by tendaim on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa
  • it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      how colonial South Africa got access to guns
  • uring the early
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      real reasons for africans procuring guns
  • ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      africans were labeled according to their efficacy with firearms this is how colonial rulers categorized them by level of threat to skill
  • By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
  • ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      above all they wished to convert africans to thie way of euro standards
  • earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      again at first guns offered a way for people to find food to eat and survive as well as an "income" to be earned by trading certain commodities
  • more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      competition would have started and i believe that the white settlers wanted to be the only ones who benefitted from this hunting
  • Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      at some point the white settlers used black labour (slavery) in order to fulfill their demand for guns
  • ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      enro settlers used african labour to source their commodities (in a way this improved africans use and ability with and of guns)
  • There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      guns stayed an important piece of trade and value due to the nature of SA, there was much to hunt and kill which also didnt need newer better guns, so the guns in SA stayed "old styled"
  • n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
  • noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      the Boer had good shooters which were mostly middle aged and young men, i wonder who fought for the africans side and what weapons did they have access to?
  • out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
    • tendaim
      tendaim on 25 Apr 23
       
      because of the decrease of animals and africans to hunt less and less Boers had practice or use for guns and so when they were called up it was hard as only a small percentage of them had the necessary marksmanship and skill to shoot
  • mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
  • tendaim on 25 Apr 23
     
    this article goes in depth in discussing how firearms reached and stayed in South Africa and why they were such a welcomed commodity and how it turned to war and the idea to take firearms away from Africans
morajane

Them Who Kill the Body: Christian Ideals and Political Realities in the Interior of Sou... - 3 views

Bonolo Morajane Student no222039298 History 2A

shared by morajane on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • considers the changing political significance of Christianity in the interior of southern Africa during the 1850s, focusing primarily on the views of Tswana rulers,
  • Introduction
  • 1850s
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      year of focus
  • ...35 more annotations...
  • southern Africa
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Region of focus
  • With the expansion of European power, however, Africans were soon struck by a contradiction between the preaching and practice of Europeans, and they questioned how universal and
  • European missionaries
  • Impressed by the effectiveness of European skills, and respectful of the gospel’s humanitarian ideals, prominent Sotho-Tswana sought to appropriate Christianity as a supplemental source of politico-religious authority.
  • The 1850s also saw a significant change in how Africans perceived Christianity and its association with Europeans
  • Contrary to mission Christianity’s alleged role as a vehicle for imperialism, early British missionaries and Tswana converts operated under the conviction that Christianity could belong simultaneously to both Europeans and Africans, superseding their worldly divisions and selfish interests
  • altruistic Christianity might be
  • This article examines how the meaning and influence of Christianity changed in the southern African interior during the 1850s, focusing in particular on the views of Tswana rulers, converts and others within their communities.
  • The goal is to illustrate the debate and doubt that accompanied Christianity’s loss of its initial universalistic ideals as it became politicised by African-European competition.
  • European colonisation and the establishment of the apartheid state, with their attendant subjugation of Africans, gave rise to an understandable impression that European involvement in the region, including the introduction of Christianity,
  • Africans were usually more concerned with affairs within their own families and communities over which they felt some measure of control and responsibility.
  • The appropriation of Christianity by Tswana rulers in the far interior during the late nineteenth century, for example, was shaped by circumstances very different from those informing the efforts of Khoisan converts to assert their legal rights within the Cape Colony earlier in the century.
  • Christianity eventually became more instrumental in colonisation,
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Christianity was used as a way to exploit people in southern Africa.
  • Escalating tensions in much of southern Africa during the mid-nineteenth century were accompanied by competing understandings of the relationship between religion and politics.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growing tension between Christianity and politics.
  • By the mid-nineteenth century, Christianity had already acquired a presence in many Sotho-Tswana communities,
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The spread of Christianity
  • The appropriation of Christianity by Batswana was evident at the very outset in their reception of the thuto (teaching) primarily as spoken text.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Christianity was taught.
  • The integrity and authority of Christians were severely challenged, and African converts as well as European missionaries confronted the apparent limits of God’s power and benevolence in a violent and politically divided world.
  • One major aspect of Christianity that appeared to resonate with Tswana views was its promise of molemo (medicine, goodness) for curing communal afflictions, such as drought and war, as well as more personal illnesses, making Christianity a form of bongaka (medical practice).
  • Some have sickness in the head, some in the feet, some in the heart, some in the liver, and some have the falling sickness. Jesus Christ tells us that all these sicknesses come out of the heart. Does your head ache? Here is medicine to heal it, and mend it, too, if it be cracked. [ ... ] This Book is the book of books: it has medicine for all the world and for every disease. 18
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      Preaching
  • Christianity offered access to a more comprehensible and tractable modimo, and the value of Christian beliefs and practices appeared, to some, to be demonstrated by the success of badumedi (believers).
  • Rulers took an interest in Christianity when it appeared to offer an additional source of politico-religious
  • support for their government, and they usually only allowed the establishment of a congregation after Christians and their prayers proved to be of some assistance to their communities.
  • As trade, warfare and migration across the interior intensified during the mid-nineteenth century, the macrocosmic reach of Christianity became particularly valuable
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      The spread of Christianity
  • missionaries frequently recounted the deathbed testimonies of believers who found great comfort in the
  • Christian promise of eternal life and preservation of their souls.
  • Conversion could not take place without adaptation of Christianity into Tswana terms, and the efficacy of its ‘medicinal words’ was tied to the peace and prosperity of a congregation and its community.
  • The Christian ideal of a humane, peaceful society under the guidance and protection of a benevolent God, difficult to achieve even under the most favourable circumstances, was especially unworkable amidst the rivalry of different groups during the mid-nineteenth century.
  • the moral authority of Christian precepts and the power of God to sustain their governments.
  • Tswana evangelists were able to present the thuto of Christianity in ways that gained the attention and interest of their fellow Batswana, beyond the reach of missionaries’ voices.
  • As Christianity was gradually appropriated by small numbers of Africans beyond the frontier of the Cape Colony, the threat that it initially posed to the stability of Tswana communities was not as an invasive book, tool or god of the ‘white man’, but as an internal threat, encouraging factionalism as it was embraced by some people and not others.
  • Tswana rulers ignored missionary calls for a separation of church and state, instead regarding religion and politics as an inseparable,
  • In virtually every Tswana community, leading Christians were connected in some way to the ruling family, and the kgosi expected any medicine that Christians wielded to be used in service to his reign
  • Most rulers managed to govern Christians within their communities through a careful mix of intimidation and negotiation, but they resisted becoming converts themselves.
    • morajane
      morajane on 25 Apr 23
       
      People in the community were forced to convert to Christianity. Christianity was basically used to push propaganda.
  • Moshoeshoe disarmed the threat by allowing his close relatives to become leading Christians while securing their continued allegiance through a combination of patronage and coercion.
  • As Tswana rulers employed Christian bongaka for the benefit of their communities, they did so not only in occasionally following its precepts but, more evidently, in promoting the long-distance trade and interstate connections that accompanied the spread of Christianity.
nonjabulorsxabar

Nyasa Leaders, Christianity and African Internationalism in 1920s Johannesburg.pdf - 1 views

Nonjabulo xaba 222145034'' History 2A

shared by nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Over the decade of the 1920s, four Christian men from colonial Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) stood at the forefront of urban South African society, reimagining Africa’s past and future in cosmopolitan, internationalist terms. They each, however, envisaged very different transformational processes and very different new dispensations. These differences were, above all, grounded in their divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and George Wellington Kampara on the one hand were both Ethiopianist Christians, who believed that humanity had an obligation to usher in a ‘truly’ Christian and democratic society in the here and now. If necessary, this would mean toppling secular colonial authorities. On the other hand, John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma, as Zionist and Pentecostal Christians, believed that earthly society was fundamentally doomed until Christ’s eventual return. They closely aligned themselves with Britain’s ‘god-sanctioned’ imperial project in their pursuit of spiritual self-perfection and theocratic rule.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Four Christian men from Nyasaland in the 1920s reimagined Africa's past and future in cosmopolitan terms, but each had divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and GeorgeWellington Kampara believed humanity had an obligation to create a Christian and democratic society, while John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma believed earthly society was doomed until Christ's return
  • themselves within 1920s Johannesburg, but their Christian-informed beliefs meant their different visions of the future were diametrically opposed. While Kampara no doubt followed UNIA doctrine to herald Marcus Garvey as his modern-day Moses, anticipating that, either by boat or plane, ‘the Americans were coming!’, Ankhoma declared that the leader of his ‘British Israeli’ Pentecostal church was the world’s ‘Moses of the day’. 4 R ejecting Pentecostalism and Garveyism, Kadalie in contrast believed ‘that the salvation of the Africans in this country will be brought about through their own sweat and labour’. Adopting the Swahili name for Moses as his pen-name, he became Clements ‘Musa’ Kadalie. 5 Working through the intellectual biographies of these Nyasa men, this article demonstrates that whereas Phillips and Ankhoma worked within, and endorsed, existing logics of empire because of their Christian beliefs, Kampara and Kadalie rejected ‘ethnic’ and ‘nativist’ national identities to position themselves at the forefront of a future ‘New Africa’. In many ways, it is innately conservative to frame these men as ‘Nyasas’. All four men were born in the state that became Malawi in 1964, and each contested colonial categories in important ways. 6 Despite their common Tonga parentage, however, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg. And, more importantly, it was central to how they consolidated and radically transcended state-based modes of identification. Each brief biography sets out who these Nyasas were, how they reimagined Africa’s past to integrate the continent within world history, and how their differing understandings of the international and the imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have generally been marginalised in the historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      The four Nyasa men, Kampara, Ankhoma, and Kadalie, were born in Malawi in 1964 and contested colonial categories in important ways. Despite their common Tonga parentage, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg and how they consolidated and transcended state-based modes of identification. Their differing understandings of the international and imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have been marginalised in historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
  • A New Babylon at the forefront of modernity in Southern Africa, 1920s Johannesburg was a motley metropolis of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks. 8 Large numbers of Afrikaners, Zulu, Xhosa, Eastern European Jews, Britons, Basotho, Americans, Mozambicans, Chinese and Indians were already living and working in the city from the 1890s, and by the mid1920s mission-educated Nyasas were increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. In 1927, the Chamber of Mines-sponsored newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu complained that Nyasas had monopolised the city’s domestic service industry – a lucrative sector previously dominated by Zulu and Pedi. 9 In addition to well-known Nyasa leaders in black trade unions, Garveyite associations, and Ethiopianist, Zionist and Pentecostal churches, ‘[a]ll adherents’ of Johannesburg’s Watch Tower movement were also ‘from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal’– though, in marked contrast to the movement in Central Africa, the church in urban South Africa did little to trouble government officials. 10
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Johannesburg was a city of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks, with mission-educated Nyasas increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. All adherents of Johannesburg's Watch Tower movement were from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Pentecostal missionaries – directly influenced both by Zion City and the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles – also moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, travelling through existing circuits of Ethiopianism, Zionism and older forms of nonconformity. They first formed the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and, later, established branches of the ‘British Israeli’-influenced Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). 15 Based out of the Central Tabernacle in Bree Street, Johannesburg, from September 1908 and replicating the initial multi-racial and inter-denominational character of the Azusa Street Revival, the Pentecostal AFM looked to renew the entire Christian church, building on revivals within South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and attracting considerable numbers of Zionist converts through numerous divine healings, as well as other ‘gifts of the spirit’, such as speaking in tongues and rainmaking. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC – as well Pentecostal and Zionist street preachers – who all promised different versions of a millennial new age. 16 All four Nyasa men were thus part of a broader shift in the religious and political landscape of Johannesburg, as South Africa became markedly more Christian, and black South African Christians became increasingly fragmented between mainline, Ethiopianist, Nazarite, Pentecostal and Zionist strands of Christianity. While in 1921 only 32% of rural black South Africans defined themselves as Christian and only 50,000 of some 1,300,000
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Pentecostal missionaries moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, forming the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and later the Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). They sought to renew the Christian church and attract Zionist converts through divine healings and other 'gifts of the spirit'. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC.
  • By contrast, Beinart and Bundy have presented Kadalie, only a year later, in the aftermath of the original ICU’s fragmentation, as espousing a radical Afrocentric Christianity aligned with Ethiopianist churches. 51 While Kadalie was criticised for being erratic and anti-Christian by his numerous opponents, his relationship with Christianity points to very real tensions and contradictions in 1920s Southern Africa. He was certainly very critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and ‘pie-in-the-sky’ theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. In the same Lovedale speech cited above, Kadalie struck out at those accusing the ICU ‘of being anti-religious. On what facts this charge is based I do not even pretend to know’, and he consistently employed biblical images and motifs in his rhetoric – even going as far as to say that ‘I stood for God the Father, C for God the Son, and U for God the Holy Ghost’. 52 Like many contemporary Ethiopianist Christians, Kadalie continued to follow Presbyterian traditions at the same time as arguing for the existence of black angels and against the hypocrisy of white missionaries. Seeing Christianity as important means of recruiting members, he later regretted that given ‘the great mass of the Africans are religiously minded [...] many of our members did not approve of the behaviour of the secretaries’. 53
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Kadalie was a radical Afrocentric Christian aligned with Ethiopianist churches in 1920s Southern Africa. He was critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and 'pie-in-the-sky' theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. He continued to follow Presbyterian traditions while arguing for the existence of black angels.
kwanelealicia

THE ORANGE FREE STATE GOLDFIELD.pdf - 2 views

Kwanele Buthelezi History 2A

shared by kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Author(s): Peter Scott
  • Source: Geography , JANUARY, 1954, Vol. 39, No. 1 (JANUARY, 1954), pp. 13-20
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • ...15 more annotations...
  • .2 Although some of the difficulties encountered in development, such as the provision of power, water, labour and transport facilities, recall the early days on the Rand, the scale of operations has been far gr
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Despite elements of the development-related challenges, like the need for labor, water, power, and road networks, are reminiscent of the Rand's early years, the scope of activities has grown significantly.
  • '"THE discovery of the Orange Free State goldfield ranks with the Kimberley diamond and Witwatersrand gold discoveries as one of the most outstanding events in the economic development of South Africa. The new goldfield will shortly assume a major role in the Union's economy, but partly owing to the great depth at which the gold occurs and partly to the intervention of World War II, its exploration and development have been slo
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Author, Peter Scott argues that the finding of the Orange Free State goldfield is one of the most significant moments in the commercial growth of South Africa, together with the discovery of the Kimberley diamond and the Witwatersrand gold. He continues to state that the newly discovered goldfield will soon play a significant role in the Union's economy, but its exploration and exploitation have been delayed and expensive in part because of how deep the gold occurs and in part because of World War II's interference.
  • Published by: Geographical Association
  • Resources Development Council. The Free State goldfield thus provides a striking example, in contrast to all other goldfields and most other mining areas, of regional planning on a large scale.
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Thus, juxtaposed to all other goldfields and the majority of other mining regions, the Free State goldfield offers a stunning illustration of extensive planning for the region.
  • somewhat intermittently
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Intermittently means that in a way that does not happen regularly or continuously, in a way that stops and starts repeatedly or with periods in between.
  • Fig. 1. - Location of the Orange
  • Adverse mining conditions include intense faulting, high rock temperatures, and the presence of underground water. Although the area west of Virginia appears to be comparatively undisturbed,4 on the western flank both block faulting and minor faulting, with vertical displacements ranging from a few feet up to 1,800 feet, are far more prevalent than on the Rand
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is new interesting information.
  • Supply Whereas mine water provides about half the water requirements of the Rand gold mines, in the Free State mine water is generally too saline, except perhaps near the Sand River, for use in reduction plants. Moreover, partly owing to the lower rainfall and higher evaporation rate, the yields are generally too small to repay purification. Consequently, the Free State mines have to be supplied with substantially more water per ton of ore milled than
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      It is stated that while mine water meets almost half of the water needs of the Rand gold mines, mine water in the Free State is typically too salty to be used in reduction plants, with the possible exception of the area surrounding the Sand River. Moreover, the yields are typically too low to justify purification, in part due to the reduced rainfall and higher evaporation rate. As a result, the Free State mines need to supply much more water per ton of processed more than the Rand mines do.
  • To supply the electric power requirements of the Free State goldfield, as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines, a power station, designed for an initial output of 210,000 kilowatts and an ultimate output of 300,000 kilowatts, is being built at Vierfontein, about 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus. Although its location was determined primarily by the local occurrence of substantial coal deposits, an important contributory factor has been the proximity of the Vaal River, from which water for cooling purposes will be pumped at the rate of about 3,000 gallons a minute ; in addition, the existence of the railway has facil
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      A power station, with an initial output of 210,000 Kilowatts and a maximum output of 300,000 kilowatts, will be constructed at Vierfontein, some 55 miles north of Odendaalsrus, to meet the electric power needs of the Free State goldfield as well as those of the Klerksdorp mines. The Vaal River is close by, and water for cooling reasons will be pumped from it at a rate of about 3,000 gallons per minute. Additionally, the railway's presence made it easier to assemble heavy equipment.
  • will be brought to the surface by endless rope ha
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The rope haulage system is the medium of transportation from the bottom of the mines to the top of the mines or the top of the mines to the bottom of the mines. In this transportation system, Rope, tubs, pulley, motors, tracks, and safety devices are used.
  • Since most of the goldfield is remote from the main roads and railways of the Free State, it has been necessary to augment preexisting lines of communication. The goldfield obtains the bulk of its iron and steel requirements from Pretoria and to a growing extent from Vereeniging and much of its machinery and equipment from engineering plants at Vereeniging and on
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      It has been required to expand already-existing connection channels because the majority of the goldfield is isolated from the main highways and trains of the Free State. Pretoria supplies the majority of the goldfield's iron and steel needs, with Vereeniging providing a rising amount as well. Engineering plants in Vereeniging and on the Rand supply the majority of the goldfield's machinery and equipment.
  • The development of gold mining has profoundly changed the settlement pattern. From an essentially dispersed agricultural type, with market towns each housing fewer than 500 Europeans, settlement has become predomina
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growth of the gold mining industry has significantly altered the settlement pattern. Settlement has evolved from a largely dispersed agricultural type with market towns holding no more than 500 Europeans.
  • . Already one of the largest towns in the Free State, Welkom will soon rank second only to Bloemfontein. Allanridge, another new township, was started in 1950, and plans for further townships at Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the banks of the Sand River, have been completed. Within the next few years, as the developing mines begin producing, the rate of population increase will be accelerat
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      Welkom is already among the largest towns in the Free State and will shortly surpass Bloemfontein in size. Another brand-new township, Allanridge, began construction in 1950, and plans for two more townships, Blaauwdrift and New Virginia, on the Sand River's banks, have been finalized. The rate of population growth will quicken over the coming years as the newly developed mines start to produce.
  • f detached or semi-detached houses built by the mining companies. Eventually there will be seven villages, each of which, like the hostels, will house about 2,500 people. These resident families will provide the nucleus of a stable labour force, and it is hoped that the Free State will thus be less dependent than the Rand on a fluctuating supply of migrant la
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      There will eventually be seven communities, each of which will have roughly 2,500 residents like the hostels. The foundation of a steady labor force will be provided by these local families, and it is believed that the Free State will be less reliant than the Rand on a shifting availability of migrant labor as a result.
  • Population expansion due to the development of mining has not been confined to the goldfield. Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, and Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south, have both undergone striking growth. Although the goldfield at present derives much of its supplies as well as its technical and economic control from the Rand, Bloemfontein, the Free State capital, is steadily gaining importance as an administrative, cultural and su
    • kwanelealicia
      kwanelealicia on 25 Apr 23
       
      The growth of mining has contributed to population growth outside of the goldfield. Bloemfontein, 100 miles to the south and Kroonstad, 40 miles northeast of Odendaalsrus, have both experienced remarkable expansion. Although the Rand now provides the goldfield with the majority of both its commodities as well as its technical and economic management, Bloemfontein, the capital of the Free State, is slowly gaining importance as an administrative, cultural, and supply center.
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