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andiswamntungwa

The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

Andiswa Mntungwa History 2A

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
l222091943

'Race', warfare, and religion in midnineteenth-century Southern Africa: the Khoikhoi re... - 3 views

'Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943 '

shared by l222091943 on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • On Christmas day 1850, the Ž nal frontier war in a long and bitter series between the British Cape Colony and the Xhosa erupted. In the wake of a witchcraft eradication campaign directed by the young spiritual leader Mlanj eni, Ngqika Xhosa warriors
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      on the final frontier, they practiced witchcraft eradication campaign, which was directed by the young spiritual leader Mlangeni, Ngqika who was a Xhosa warrior.
  • attacked the military villages in the Eastern Cape which the British had planted on l and taken from them in the aftermath of the 1846- 47 War of the Axe.
  • Crais 1992: 173-188; Peires 1989: 1-44; Mostert 1992; Stapleton 1994; Keegan 1996
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      Definition of servant's people who performed duties for others especially person employed on domestic duties or as a personal attendant
  • ...31 more annotations...
  • servants
  • Khoikhoi community sometimes clashed with the Xhosa desire to regain their own lost land and to have strategic
  • r at the time so-called ‘Hottentot’
  • Hottentot nationalism’ (Ross 1997
  • Khoikhoi and San and the f ormerly enslaved rose in large numbers from within the Cape Colony in support of the Xhosa
  • Matroos would become a nationalist hero, his life story suggests that he was also a would-be client, poorly treated by those with whom he sought to cooperate.
  • Xhosa and Khoikhoi in the eighteenth century had led to a high Xhosa degree of intermarriage with the Gonaqua, the Khoikhoi group closest to Xhosa lands. The Gonaqua continued to identif y as Khoikhoi, however, despite ongoing
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      as time went on the colonization of the khoikhoi and the Xhosa started to cause conflict despite the intermarriage between the xhosa and the khoikhoi continued to happen
  • The Mf engu were a part icularly resented presence for the most par
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Mfengus were not really liked in the society people felt bitter in the presence of the Mfengus
  • rebel
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      definitions of rebels a person who rises in opposition or armed resistance against an established government or leader
  • The course of this agonising war has been well traced by several scholars (Ross 2000; Crais 1992; Kirk 1973, 1980; Mostert 1992; Peires 1981, 1989)
  • Speeches were made in which speakers explained that they had been defrauded of their very pay during the last war and had returned to Ž nd that their cattle, left without keepers, had been sold at public auction: ‘On their return home they found themselves ruined.
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      people went back home empty handed as their cattle were auctioned they were very dissapointed as they did not get their stock
  • On December 30, 1850, Hermanus Matroos, leader of a settlement at Blinkwater in the Kat River, attacked a military post close to Fort Beaufort. On Ja nuary 1, 1851, hi s f orce s captured t he f ort iŽ ed farmhouse of W. Gil be rt, a Blinkwater commissioner (Ross 2000: 40). Matroos was an ironic leader for a explicitly ‘Khoikhoi’ uprising. He was the son of an escaped slave and a Xhosa woman. In his youth he had worked on a farm in the colon
  • he gathered around him a large number of impoverished clients, mostly Xhosa and Mfengu, including 48 men and their families by 1842; Stockenstrom, who claims that Matroos was disliked and feared by local Khoi, reduced his territory in 1836 ( Crais 1992: 162; Stockenstrom 1854: 14). In the 1846 War of the Axe
  • The issue of corruption arises around this commission in a triple sense. Firstly, the magistrate, Louis Meurant, and others were corrupt, colluding to have as much land as possible f orfeited. Meurant was clearly engaged in shady practices, such as exploiting the i ll iteracy of many Kat River sett lers to f al sif y docume
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      corruption started as the white settlers have won they started having greed and wanted more they were falsifying the documents so that they could have more land
  • By 1850, the bulk of the descendants of the Khoikhoi and San of the Eastern Cape lived on mission stations, on the white farms that employed them as labourers, in urban areas such as Grahamstown where they worked primarily as domestic servants attached to white households, at the Kat River settlement, and in a few cases on the margins of white property, where they were deŽ ned by the state as squatter
  • In early 1851, a colonial force led by Colonel Somerset brutally recaptured the Kat River settlement. Both Mfengu and white members of this force committed atrocities against local inhabitants, including loyalists. Some white settlers paraded through the valley with a red  ag with the word ‘extermination’ on it. For a number of loyalists, the brutalities stretched loyalty to the breaking
  • Rebellion became a place as much as an organized military movemen
  • Although they did not experience clear-cut military defeat, they did not have sufŽ cient resources for a protracted Ž ght; by 1852, women and children were staggering starving from the rebel camps (McKay 1871: 206). Also by 1852, the already fragile alliance with the Xhosa was fracturing. Nonetheless, some rebels would remain in the bush as late as 1858, despite colonial pardons and despite the formal submission of the Xhosa chiefs to the British in 1853 .
  • (Elbourne 1994; Trapido 1992; Bradlow 1985; Mason 1992: 580-585, NewtonKing 1980 )
  • The Kat River settlers were conscripted into the colonial f orces in 1835-6 and again in 1846-7.
  • As these con icts over the meaning of Christianity suggest, the war deeply divided the non-white communities of the colonial Eastern Cape. Although many nuclear families went into the bush together, with children, at the most intimate level the war also split many families apart. This was all the more so given the large number of people beyond the nuclear core who were considered to form part of a Khoikhoi fami
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 25 Apr 23
       
      the non whites started to colonize eastern cape.
  • During the war, loyalists were endlessly provoked, just as the loyalty of the Khoikhoi had been severely tested during the two previous frontier wars.
  • body the conf usions of identity of the Cape Colony: he was the son of a white missionary, James Read Snr, and a Khoikhoi woman, Elizabeth Valentyn. In conj unction with his f ather and t he r adi cal wing of t he L ondon Missi onary Soci ety, he had f ought all his lif e f or Christianity, civilization, and the rule of law, which he believed would save the Khoikhoi f rom degradation and inj ustice. He had been educated in Scotland and Cape Town, and described himself in 1834 as a liberal: he believed in the rights of man. 39 He was also a cynical observer of the brutalities of colonial rule. He sat uneasily between white and African society: he was a missionary, and thus at least theoretically respectable, and yet he was of mixed race. Louis Meurant, son of a slave owner and later to be a magistrate at Kat River, exempliŽ ed the colonial conviction
  • He published a series of long letters in the South African Commerical A dvertise
  • And in 1852 he kept a notebook as what proved to be an abortive commission of inquiry into the Kat River rebellion began its work. He attended sessions and took assiduous notes. His notebooks begin with a certain deŽ ant optimism that the truth would out, and even a biting wit. As the commission proceeded, however, it be
  • The victory of the white settler narrative was expressed in debates over land conŽ scation
  • 1835 devastation of the settlement during war. And so those who wished the return of land were compelled to describe the stat e of their house and grounds, as the com missi oners sought to dem onst rate t he quintessential lack of civilization of erf-holders without glass windows, brick walls, or more than one room. This lack of civilization in turn justiŽ ed the colonial rhetoric of ‘Hottentot’ primitiveness and savage
  • Most Khoikhoi, i ncl uding Ž eld cornet s, were not actually living like Brit ish Victorian
  • On January 8, 1851, Matroos led an unsuccessful rebel assault on Fort Beaufor
  • A second important aspect of the af termath of rebellion is that the Khoikhoi were no longer perceived as useful agents of rule by the British state
  • There is a letter in the South African library from the last surviving daughter of James Read Jnr to the archivis
  • ujhistprof on 25 Apr 23
     
    Please tag your name correctly. Thanks.
motlolisi066

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND INDEPENDENT AFRICAN CHIEFDOMS IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 19TH CENTUR... - 1 views

Lebohang Motlolisi 222235011

shared by motlolisi066 on 22 May 23 - No Cached
  • Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs. This content downloaded from 154.117.167.42 on Wed, 26 Apr 2023 16:46:49 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Stickynote
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      missionary in chiefdomsy,religion
  • COPE Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs. ********
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      In paragraph 1 colonialism had a negative effect on the work progress of African missionaries ,because white magistatres overpowered black people that were already in charge which made it hard for them to work or progress.
  • by R.L. COPE Missionary activity amongst the Bantu-speaking people in South Africa started at the beginning of the 19th century. Today, according to census returns, 70%of the African population describe themselves as Christians. There was, however, a good deal of initial resistance to Christianisation on the part of independent African chiefs and their people. It is true that the chiefs generally welcomed missionaries; but this was because of their usefulness in such secular spheres as diplomacy and technology. Their religious and moral teachings necessarily involved an attack on African customs, and so were perceived as subversive of the social order and of chiefly authority. This, together with the missionaries' association with the British colonial authority, made conversion appear an act of disloyalty. A convert was seen as casting off his own people and throwing in his lot with the Whites. Consequently chiefs actively discouraged conversion. The converts the missionaries made tended to be the outcasts and misfits of tribal society. Missionaries, discouraged at the frustration of their work, became more and more inclined to the view that the overthrow of savage customs and of chiefly authority by the imposition of British rule was the necessary precondition for African acceptance of the gospel. And, indeed, as the independent power of chiefs was replaced by that of White magistrates, and as economic as well as political factors caused the disintegration of the traditional social structure, so it became easier for members of African societies to accept the new religion without seeming to be traitors to their own people. But converts found they were not accepted as equals by their White co-religionists. This, together with the continuing cultural distinctiveness of African Christians, has led in many cases to Christianity being embraced not simply as it was proffered but in a form adapted to African needs.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • CHRISTIAN
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      The Taung Child is among the most important early human fossils ever discovered. It was the first hominid to be discovered in Africa, a species later named Australopithecus africanus, supporting Charles Darwin's concepts that the closest living relatives of humans are the African apes.
  • s. The Gqunukhwebe
    • motlolisi066
      motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
       
      What is a Qgunukhwebe chief? Ama Gqunukhwebe is a chiefdom of the Xhosa Nation that was created under the reign of King Tshiwo (1670-1702) of amaXhosa who was a grandfather to Gcaleka and Rharhabe. It consisted mostly of the Khoi chiefdoms (Gonaqua, Hoengeniqua, Inqua and others) that had been displaced by colonists and became incorporated into the Xhosa nation.
  • motlolisi066 on 22 May 23
     
    Missionaries were an advantage for African people because it created oppurtunities for people to learn new skills and once they had those necessary skills like reading they could even use it for religious things for instance read bible versus and teach people how to read the bible .
emmanuelmbatha

THE END OF COLOURED INDEPENDENCE: The case of the Griqualand East Rebellion of 1878.pdf - 5 views

Emmanuel Mbatha History 2A

shared by emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The Cape Coloured community has always been an indicator of the direction of race relations in South Africa
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The article, the end of coloured independence was written by I.B Sutton.
  • t of Cape Coloured commu
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      They were called coloureds because the were a mix of both races black and white..
  • Griqu
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Griqua simply means mixed group race(Khoisen and white), just like coloureds themselves. The were the first to move from the cape to settle beyond orange river.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • ities, Dutch and later Briti
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Dutch people were the first to settle South Africa before the British. the first Dutch man was Jan Van Riebeek.
  • There are two issues here. One, the Griqua were gradually rejected by the British and other whites. They (and other Coloureds) had always been in an ambivalent position. Many whites had long regarded the Griqua as dark-skinned Afrikaners, culturally indistinguishable from the Trekboers
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The reason behind them being not allowed in the white community is that if you are born from any parent whos black, you totally black. Doesn't matter if any of the parent is white.
  • non-whites was forbidden
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Comment: so British people allowed Griqua people in their community but no as their race, however to use them. Because in the article says they used them to sell and transport their guns because of white people they were not allowed to do so.
  • they began in the 1870's to not only rebel against the British, but in doing so toally and identify with Africans
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The reason they start to rebel was because they were making most of the work within the community of the cape but still they the ones who were exploited.
  • Xhosa
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Xhosa speaking people the are the most people who have mixed race children(coloureds) this is because when first Dutch people withdraw from Cape, first black people to encounter were the Xhosa people.
  • itish, who were, were content to let matters lie. It was only with the discovery of diamonds and later gol
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Discovery of resources bankrupted the economy because British people will take the resources back to there original country
  • Adam Kok III
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      He was the leader of Griqua people.
emmanuelmbatha

THE END OF COLOURED INDEPENDENCE: The case of the Griqualand East Rebellion of 1878.pdf - 6 views

Emmanuel Mbatha History 2A

shared by emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The Cape Coloured community has always been an indicator of the direction of race relations in South Africa
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The article, The end of Coloured independence was written by I.B Sutton.
  • ble. The history of the Griqua, one of the most prominent of Cape Coloured commu
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      They were called Coloureds because the were a mix of both races black and white.
  • The Griqu
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Griqua simply means mixed group race(Khoisan or Xhosa and white), just like coloureds themselves. Dutch were the first to move from the cape to settle beyond orange river.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • were given guns and formed into a Cape regiment at a time when the sale of arms to non-whites was forbidden.
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Comment: So British people allowed Coloured people in their community but not as their race, however to use them. Because in the article state they used them to sell and transport their guns because white people were not allowed to do so.
  • There are two issues here. One, the Griqua were gradually rejected by the British and other whites. They (and other Coloureds) had always been in an ambivalent position. Many whites had long regarded the Griqua as dark-skinned Afrikaners, culturally indistinguishable from the Trekboers
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The reason behind them being not allowed in the white community is that if you are born from any parent whos black, therefore you are totally black even if one of the parent is white.
  • rities, Dutch and later Briti
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Dutch people were the first to settle in South Africa before the British, the first Dutch man was Jan Van Riebeek.
  • after an impeccable history of supporting the British, they began in the 1870's to not only rebel against the British, but in doing so toally and identify with Africans
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The reason they started to rebel was because they were making most of the work within the community of the Cape but still they the ones who were exploited
  • the Kat River Coloureds had allied themselves with the Xhosa thirty years earlie
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      The Xhosa speaking people the are the most people who had mixed race children during the 19 century period this is because when first Dutch people withdraw from Cape, First black people to encounter were the Xhosa people.
  • . It was only with the discovery of diamonds and later gold
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Discovery of resources bankrupted the economy because British people will take the resources back to their original countries.
  • Adam Kok III
    • emmanuelmbatha
      emmanuelmbatha on 22 Apr 23
       
      Was the leader of Griqua people.
amahlemotumi

Firearms in South Central Africa.pdf - 7 views

Amahle Motumi 220069900 History 2A

shared by amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • They originated in unions between Khoikhoi and white hunters, traders and farmers, and probably never existed without firearms; from an early date they also acquired horses.
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi-khoi white had access to guns and horses from an early period.
  • Khoikhoi peoples, whose economic basis and political structure had been broken by various aspects of white settlement amongst them, were being armed by the whites to take part in commando expeditions against the San
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Khoi military unit was trained for hit and run raids into the Sans territory.
  • Great Tre
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      movement of Dutch speaking colonists up into the interior of Southern Africa in search of land where they establish their own homeland, independent of British rule.
  • ...31 more annotations...
  • They were also long distance hunters and traders, for ivory and cattle in exchange for guns among other goods
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Griqua people traded ivory and other goods for guns.
  • In the i820s and I830s the Griqua and other Khoikhoi groups extended their operations over much of the highveld, giving the Ndebele their first whiff of gunpowd
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the griqua attacked the ndebele exposing them to the new weapon which is the gun.
  • Many Tswana chiefs appreciated the significance of firearms, as did Mzilikazi: firearms were military weapons which upset (or were rumoured to upset) balances of power, making the possessing group superior to its neighbours and equal to the Griqua and the whites; economically, firearms were efficient means of hunting, which for the Tswana was a necessity until well into the twentieth centur
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns were much appreciated because owning them meant that specific group was superior to another group that did not own any. Power lied with gun possessor.
  • e the migration of the Boers on to the highveld at the end of the I830s. Although the Afrikaner settlements formally forbade the trade of firearms to Afric
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the ownership of guns by blacks was prohibited
  • Boe
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Afrikaans name used to refer to the British people.
  • embargo
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ban on trade
  • Africans had to have a magistrate's permit to buy guns, but such was the demand for labour on the diamond diggings and in railway construction that these permits were either readily granted or were ignored by traders
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if Africans wanted to own a gun they had to obtain a legal permit from magistrate claiming that they needed the gun for work purposes in the mines or construction of railways.
  • The great increase in the number of firearms on the highveld and in Tswana country from the middle years of the nineteenth century probably aggravated the political instability of the are
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the increase of gun ownership in the area led to an unstable government and its structures.
  • agents provocateurs
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      person who induces others to be violent or commit an illegal act in order to incriminate or discredit a cause
  • Tswana chiefs and Boer leaders jockeyed for position amongst themselv
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      battle for position of higher power between the two.
  • veld-cornet
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      local government or military officer.
  • e LMS
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      London Missionary Society.
  • vociferou
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      loud and forceful.
  • Anglo-Boer wa
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      war between the British Empire and two Boer republics over the Empires influence in Southern Africa.
  • The Langeberg Rebellio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      revolts against British land annexations in the Griqualand west area
  • armed with guns were also mounted, but not to the same extent as the Sotho. It seems that firearms were most successful when used in defenc
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      for some like the Sotho, firearms only benefited them in defense.
  • Africans would come to work on the diggings, and upon the railways which were being built from the Cape ports to the interior, only for cash with which to buy guns and ammunitio
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      Africans started working in the mines and constructions site of railways for money so they could trade it for guns.
  • y this time Africans were well aware of the technicalities of firearms, and (for example) in both the I878 Xhosa-Cape war and the Sotho Gun War white officers complained that Africans had better rifles than the colonial force
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      by the late 19th century the Africans had obtained better models of guns that surpassed the colonial officers guns.
  • nservatism' of the Ndebele, guns were not generally issued to the impi. Despite this, guns were obviously thought to be an important weapon by the Ndebele, if only because their neighbours were becoming armed and more able to withstand the raids of the impi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns played a pivotal role in the wars that broke out because the Ndebele's could now withstand the war and use firearms just like their enemies.
  • Bechuanaland Protectorate proclamation of i892.32
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      protectorate that safe guards against further expansion by Germany , Portugal or Boers
  • swana's claim that guns were 'vital to their customary economic activity of huntin
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      guns became a big part of the way Tswanas hunted to secure a good economy.
  • An eyewitness account of the early nineteenth century Rozvi court relates that the Mambo had 'several guns' and four somewhat rusty cannons.43 Many of the guns traded from the Portuguese were muzzle-loaders known by the Shona as 'migigw
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Shona people were introduced to firearms early in the 1800s so they were familiar with them.
  • The Ndebele acquired firearms at a much later stage of their history than did the Shon
  • heir neighbours (Kalanga, Lozi) were putting guns to good economic use in the mid-nineteenth century. The ivory trade (and also the trade in cattle) in the Tswana and trans-Limpopo country was especially advantageous to the Ngwato capital, Shoshong, 'the largest, most prosperous and hence best armed town in the interi
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      ownership of firearms led to good economy and security in the kingdoms.
  • he variety of guns was truly impressive. While muzzle-loaders dominated the Shona collection, the Ndebele possessed mainly breech-loading rifles, mostly Martini-Henry rifles.53 Other rifles found among the Ndebele included Sniders, Enfields, and those manufactured by Reilly, Rigby and Gibbs of Brist
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the Africans had access to different varieties of guns.
  • gun society
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      involves the three ways in which the Shona sourced out their guns.
  • They were also able to manufacture gunpowder from local materials, and for ammunition they used almost any missile that the particular
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      in late 1800's the Africans had grown familiar with the weapons and had started producing gun powder to fire the weapons.
  • At the first battle there is evidence that the carrying of heavy firearms hampered the Ndebele in their night attack and there is a suggestion that premature firing gave away their position to the white forces
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      the heavy weapons hindered the attacks planned silent of the Ndebele .
  • The use of firearms by the Ndebele in the Matopos was probably an important factor in inducing Rhodes to come to terms with them, terms which were not altogether unfavourable, certainly when seen in the light of settler demands, and of the treatment that was meted out to the Sho
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      they were able to use the guns to their advantage by making certain tribes give in to what they want
  • le, firearms were most effective when used by societies that had little or no formal military s
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      less structured military forces stood a better chance at winning a war because of the not uniformed dispersal they took on at the battle field.
  • frican people who did not fit in with this stereotype were not only considered to be lacking in military virtues and competency, but also to be greatly inferior in social and cultural attainmen
    • amahlemotumi
      amahlemotumi on 22 Apr 23
       
      if a particular kingdom or chiefdom did not own guns, they were seen as inferior and not possessing any power.
bulelwa

The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 2 views

Anathi Johnson

shared by bulelwa on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • THE EAST AFRICAN IVORY TRADE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits when it comes to the ivory trade.
  • THE East African ivory trade i
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The word "ancient" means a long time. This suggests that the ivory trade has been in practice in East Africa for a long time.
  • East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving. It was in keen demand in the Orient because of its superior quality and because it was less expensive than that from south-e
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This suggests that East Africa may have killed many hypothalamus animals because their region had animals that had favorable traits such as having quality when it comes to ivory. Carving means: fashioning an object.
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • But
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that in nineteen century marked a good sharp increase in the ivory trade in East Africa. It may suggest that people started to be involved in the ivory trade if they were not involved.
  • But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock One that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • ncreased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers, and
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This information shows that the involvement of Americans and Europeans resulted in the ivory trade increasing more. With an increase in the ivory trade meant that animals such as elephants, and rhinos were being killed in huge figures. This is what the author suggests when he/she says, "This led to extensive exploitation of ivory resources" America's involvement does not shock one that the ivory trade was increased to a point where resources got exploited. It is because America is advanced and it had more money or things that East Africans needed.
  • this led to the intensive exploitation of the ivory resources of the interior. Thro
  • neteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, ev
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa was the best than other places in Africa that were competing with them when it came to the ivory trade.
  • ntil the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in suf
  • Until the early nineteenth century, ivory was obtained in sufficient quantity from the coast to meet demand,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      key event. This event marked an increase in the amount of ivory being obtained to meet people who demanded it.
  • rade was lucrative,
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Defination producing a great deal of profit
  • The onslaught on the ivory reserves of the East African interior in the nineteenth century took the form of a two-way thrust, that from the north by the Egyptians under Muhammad Ali, which penetrated southwards into the Sudan and Equatoria, and that from the east coast by the Arabs under Sultan Said of Zanzibar, following the transference of the seat of his authority from Muscat to Zanzibar in I832. Within a decade of Said's move to Zanzibar and the Egyptian advance southwards, the ivory traders were out en masse.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Paraphrased to understand it The nineteenth-century onslaught on the interior of East Africa's ivory valuables took the form of a two-way
  • den may do it in four months.' The two great inland markets for ivory were Unyanyembe (Tabora) in what is now central Tanzania, and Ujiji on the east coast of Lake Tanganyika.1
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These are the places where most of the time ivory trade took place.
  • Cameron, arriving here in i874, speaks of the 'special ornaments' here of 'beautifully white and wonderfully polished hippopotamus ivory'. These ivory carvings at Ujiji were exceptional
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that ivory was used to make nice products that are aesthetic.
  • The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I am confused why is the article talking about the popular measurement of cloth instead of dealing with the ivory trade? .
  • The ivory trader had to know his ivory, which varies from hard to soft. On the whole, the ivory of East Africa is of the soft variety. The d
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This idea is repeated, it allude that it was important to have soft ivory rather than hard because white ivory made more profit in sale.
  • vory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Har
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      The reader gets the image of how hard ivory looks.
  • ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
  • is
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      I get an image of how white ivory looks like
  • Ivory tusks ranged in weight from the small tusks destined for the Indian market and weighing no more than a few pounds, to the huge tusks of 200 lb. and more which were regularly carried to the coast.13 Small
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that there were different types of sizes tusks that were used for ivory. The small tusks allude that these rhinos or elephants were killed at a young age.
  • d. The task of removal was much facilitated by using a steel axe, which the Arabs usually possessed, but the natives rarely. Bargaining for ivory required infinite pati
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is animal abuse how can they use such This is animal abuse how can they use such dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct. How can they use dangerous objects on animals? A tool as an axe is dangerous it kills animals which may resulted in hypothalamus animals extinct.
  • The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qua
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      These where two ways to calculate the worth of ivory.
  • ding. The price on the world market was remarkably free from fluctuations; no commodity retained such a stable price as did ivory in the nineteenth ce
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Nothing had a stable price like ivory in nineteenth, which means other products had increase and decrease over the price these times.
  • enya to trade for ivory. The original plans for an East African railway were based on the assumption that the haulage of ivory would be a valuable source of revenue.3
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This shows that East Africa first planned that Ivory will be their source of income.
  • '. The shooting of cow elephants was prohibited, and all ivory below io lb. weight (raised to 30 lb. in I905) was liable to confiscation. Demarcation of reserves also followed.
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is good because if they give elephants a chance to grow they will be able to reproduce and maintain the population. Order to prevent elephants from being extinct.
  • a.40 Instances of infringement of the game laws and trading in illicit ivory continued to come before the courts throughout the earlier twentieth cen
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This means that in the late 19th century not much illegal ivory trade were reported.
  • Figures of ivory exports from East Africa during the early nineteenth century are not easy to obt
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      Why is that so? was it because no one cared to calculate or there a many numbers of exports?
  • Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
    • bulelwa
      bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
       
      This is is sad ,many animals killed for their horns.
  • SUMMARY The East African ivory trade is an ancient one: East African ivory is soft ivory and is ideal for carving, and was always in great demand. It figures prominently in the earliest reference to trading activities on the East African Coast. But the great development came in the nineteenth century when an increased demand for ivory in America and Europe coincided with the opening up of East Africa by Arab traders and European explorers. The onslaught on the ivory resources of the interior took the form of a two-way thrust-from the north by the Egyptians who penetrated into the Sudan and E
  • bulelwa on 25 Apr 23
     
    This is a source from the J store it talks about ivory in the nineteenth century. There is a link below that proves I was able to get it on the UJ database. I could not annotate my PDF straight from the J store due to technical difficulties not because I do not know how to annotate from the J store. My tutor said I should add a link to my source. This is my link below https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/179483.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Afb9e9b59532f72e2bb9a12ae108a610a&ab_segments=&origin=&initiator=
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

shared by l222091943 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
ka_molokomme

The Zulu kingdom as a genocidal and post-genocidal society, c. 1810 to the present 1.pdf - 2 views

Kwena Alec Molokomme 221117219

shared by ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • genocidal
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      This relates to the act or rather the policy if genocide. Whereby there is a systematic killing of substantial number of people based off their ethnicity, religion or belief, and or nationality. Inn this case the Zulu kingdom practiced genocide internally amongst its people and arguably could be on the basis of belief.
  • post-genocidal society
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Zulu kingdom practiced the institute of genocide.
  • Violence perpetrated by Africans against other Africans.
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      This portrays the internal violence that occurred amongst Africans.
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • white writers have used the image of the violent African to justify racism, slavery, and colonialism
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The concept of genocide in Africa, Zulu Kingdom in this case, has been utilized by white writers so push their own narrative about the continent which would justify such ideologies like racism as mentioned. This links with the concept discussed by Mudimbe in the Parker and Rathbone reading, on which the term 'exotic prism' comes to play.
  • character assassinatio
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      character assassination can 0ften at time be viewed or described as defamation of character as one's character or reputation is maliciously and unjustifiably harmed.
  • Zulu kings was very real, and not nearly enough has been done to examine the causes and consequences of that violence.
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      This highlights the limitedness of studies and research on African history, in particular the Zulu kingdom itself.
  • Shaka
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The famously known king of the Zulu nation/kingdom, with a movie in his name and honor.
  • formidable
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The army was difficult to defeat, caused fear to opponents and thus commanding respect
  • Shaka and Dingane tended to be portrayed as unusually violent.
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The reason behind this narrative may be that, there was not enough study on the two kings or rather it could an issue of racism and prejudice to some extent. All these deductions were made only on the bases of alleged ideas and not factual ones.
  • Mfecane
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      Mfecane was a time of wars and migrations
  • reappraisal
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      Refers to the reassessing of the value and factuality of the sources utilized to make the deductions that Shaka and Dingane were extremely bad people.
  • textual incest.
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      This relates to the fact that the two brothers, although half-brothers. This would maybe imply that since they're brothers then whatever they do would somewhat be the same as they all we kings and they had strict rulings and somewhat practiced genocide. The name of the article pertaining to the concept of 'textual incest' , Textual Incest: Nathaniel Isaacs and the Development of the Shaka Myth
  • Shaka and Dingane
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      Were half-brothers.
  • Worse, Isaacs admitted to sensationalizing his own account and urging Fynn to do the same, while Bryant’s stated goal was to “clothe the dry bones” of the raw evidence he had gathered, and without any source citations it is impossible to determine what assertions were derived from oral traditions and which were the products of Bryant’s own imagination. 3
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      This highlights the ideas of manipulation of historical studies and writings on the Zulu kingdom and furthermore the continent itself. Individual narratives and perspective can be pushed through this, worse if they're to be bias ones.
  • The richest source of such African testimony is the James Stuart Archive, a collection housed in the Killie Campbell Africana Library in Durban and published in a series totaling five volumes so far. 4
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      Substantiation of the notion raised by recent studies that white writers were bias in terms of their writings on African history.
  • 980s one historian argued that it was totally unreliable. James Stuart was, in fact, a racist, and there is no way of knowing how much of the archive was invented outright by Stuart to serve his own purposes in justifying white supremacy.
    • ka_molokomme
      ka_molokomme on 25 Apr 23
       
      The credibility of certain writings become questionable because of ideas of racism. A racist narrative may be pushed because of this. This directly affects the writings of white people( the writers).
omphilenkuna

The Anglo-Zulu War and its Aftermath.pdf - 1 views

Omphile Nkuna History 2A

shared by omphilenkuna on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • During these years the whole structure of Zulu society unravelled under the impact of internecine strife, Boer intervention, and British policies.
    • omphilenkuna
      omphilenkuna on 25 Apr 23
       
      The Boer and British intervening in the everyday functioning of the Zulu kingdom had a negative impact and formed part of a traumatic period for the Zulu kingdom
  • conflict between the uSuthu supporters of the royal house and their Mandlakazi rivals over control of the old kingdom and disputed land resources was such as to cause permanent damage and disruption to Zulu society and to open the way for white intervention and dispossession.
    • omphilenkuna
      omphilenkuna on 25 Apr 23
       
      it seems that the conflict among the tribes was a gateway for white intervention. almost as though the Boer's and British saw the separation as a way to squeeze in and further separate the tribes so that invading them would be easier.
  • Criticised and ostracised by white officials and settlers in both Zululand and Natal, and admired and revered by many Zulu,
    • omphilenkuna
      omphilenkuna on 25 Apr 23
       
      Harriette Colenso was criticized and disliked by white officials and settlers due to her influence over Zulu people. the admiration of the Zulu people may be one of the reasons why white settlers and officials disliked her, she had a power they wanted to posses and her being a woman put an even bigger target on her back.
thendo359

The Role of the Diamond-Mining Industry in the Development of the Pass-Law System in So... - 2 views

Thendo Magoba

shared by thendo359 on 28 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The industrial col
    • thendo359
      thendo359 on 28 Apr 23
       
      color bar means a set of societal barriers that segregate people of color from white people. white people demanded a 'color bar' to protect their access to certain jobs.
  • The discovery of a small diamond in 1867 first drew serious attention to the possibility of the existence of diamond deposits in S
    • thendo359
      thendo359 on 28 Apr 23
       
      this discovery of diamonds led to many explorers sailing to south Africa.
  • Their suggested punishment for purchasing diamonds from black workers included cropping ears, destruction of property, and fifty lashes in the public market place.19 On Saturday, 13 January, a meeting of diggers was held in the market square at Dutoitspan to consider granting licenses to dig to blacks. This meeting passed the following resolution: That in the opinion of this meeting it is undesirable that licenses for claims be granted to natives, for the following reasons-first, because it would render the checking of theft of diamonds an impossibility: secondly, because any native allowed to dig for diamonds must also be allowed to sell them, and consequently no check could be placed on
    • thendo359
      thendo359 on 28 Apr 23
       
      this shows the emerging discrimination for people of color, they associated them with bad behaviors such as stealing.
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • Whether there was any truth in the belief that people with "comparatively" white skins had higher standards to maintain and "civilized" values to safeguard requires further investigat
  • In fact, the question was not one of passing class-meaning race-legislation, but of the degree of control in the law. This is clear when one considers that within a short time of assuming control of Griqualand West the commissioners passed a law which they themselves acknowledged smacked of class legislation:40 they declared it illegal to supply "native"41 servants with liquor without the written consent of their maste
    • thendo359
      thendo359 on 28 Apr 23
       
      many laws were passed which aimed at keeping mostly black servants under the control of their masters. this also shows how the white people exercised power.
  • Proclamation Number 64 of 5 December 1871 was the first in a long line of legislative acts which pandered to the desires of
  • Certain "promoters" put one plan to the commissioners in June 1872. They suggested opening an office to be called the "Native Search; Pass and General Enquiry Office," which would search blacks, grant them certificates to prove that they had been searched, and issue passes when they were to leave the camps.57 The idea of a sort of passport had originated with Alfred Aylward, the "Fenian agitator" exiled from Britain.58 In forwarding the plan to the commissioner Giddy agreed that some special legislation was necessary to curb the theft of diamonds by black workers, but added that he opposed entrusting police duties to private individ
    • thendo359
      thendo359 on 28 Apr 23
       
      the exploration of diamond mining also aided the pass law which later affected both men and women of color and was later outlawed in 1986.
trevor248

The King, the Cardinal and the Pope: Leopold II's genocide in the Congo and the Vatican... - 6 views

Trevor Mokgohloa History 2A

shared by trevor248 on 17 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • By dint of their superior military might the nations of Europe could obtain them by imposing their will on non-whites who were powerless to resist
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      The only solution of Europeans to obtain what they wanted to assist in the commenced industial revolution in Africa was through their powerful military state.
  • “L’e ́tat, c’est moi
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      Meaning- i am the state
  • To harvest ivory and, more importantly, rubber, required conscription of the “natives.” In the process all manner of hideous acts were committed. Rubber quotas were assigned, and if the output was too low, villages would be burned and Africans shot. Others were flogged or mutilated—the chopping off of hands was by no means uncommon. Women were kidnapped and held as hostages. In a true reign of terror, vast stretches of land were de-populated by murder and by the flight of terrified natives. Massacres were not rare. As was the case with the Nazi-sponsored Holocaust, slave labor led to many deaths, as did deliberate starvation and disease. In addition, the Congolese birth rate dropped precipitously. Precise mortality statistics are difficult to come by, but historians estimate the death toll to have been six to eight million, perhaps even ten million.
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      The atrocities that the natives of Congo suffered at the hands of Leopold's rule can be a clear indication that the idea of 'colonialism concept' to 'civilize' was just a mere forefronting to simplify whatever sufferings the natives might have to bear in the process of Europeans enriching themselves. How can one call abuse and suffering development? How can one develop if one's life is purposefully taken away? what is there left to civilize"
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • Without doubt, the pre-eminent hero in the war of words waged against Leopold was E. D. Morel. Half French, half English, Morel was a clerk in the Liverpool offices of a shipping firm. After learning the horrifying truth, Morel brought into being the Congo Reform Association, which labored tirelessly to topple the King’s criminal enterprise. Morel coordinated the anti-Leopold movement in England where parliamentary debates, public meetings, newspaper editorials and letters to the editor kept the Congo crisis in the public eye (Hochschild, 1999, pp 1, 2, 207).
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      We realize that not every European or white man was racist and monetary centred at the sufferings of Black-Africans.
  • vociferously
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      In a loud and forceful manner.
  • tutelage
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      rule.
  • refuting
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      refusing, dissaproving, dicrediting, e.t.c.
  • At this juncture Morel hoped that the White House would act. He understood fully that the Baltimore prelate was a formidable adversary as he worked to convince President Roosevelt to intervene
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      The anti-Leopold's campaign went as far as reaching the White house under the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
  • When a visiting British reformer, the Reverend Dr H. Grattan Guinness, told a Baltimore audience that the cardinal “was the strong hand in this country who prevented the government from noticing the atrocities,” he caused an uproar, but he was exaggerating only slightly (New York Herald, December 16, 1906).
  • cognizant
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      cognizant
  • sacerdotal
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      relating to priests or the priesthood; priestly
  • ameliorate
    • trevor248
      trevor248 on 17 Apr 23
       
      Make (something bad or unsatisfactory) better.
  • ujhistprof on 17 Apr 23
     
    good - from T and F - but is it the correct time period. Just confirm.
siphoesihletshabalala03

JORNAL JSTOR FIREARMS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA.pdf - 1 views

Siphoesihle Tshabalala

shared by siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23 - No Cached
  • THE relationships of the peoples of southern Africa after the establishment and expansion of the white settlement in the mid-seventeenth century can be seen in terms of both conflict and interdependence, both resistance and collaboration
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      The connection of Southern African people after the foundation of extension of the white settlement within the mid-seventeenth century can be seen in terms of both strife and interdependency.
  • A 'gun society' existed at the Cape from the beginning of white settlement there in i652
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      In 1652, when the white people arrived in the Cape they brought guns along with them so Africa became a gun society from years ago.
  • Although the Khoisan4 peoples at the Cape were less successful at expelling the European intruders during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      In spite of the fact that the Khoisan individuals at the Cape failed to remove the invaders,
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • e too the advantages conferred by firearms have generally been overestimate
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      The points of interest conferred by guns have by and large been overemphasized.
  • the time of the first Dutch-Khoi war of I659-60
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      this was the outbreak of the war between the Dutch and the Khoisan.
  • By the i67os a certain number of firearms were getting into Khoisan hands
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      By the 1670s the number of Khoisan armaments was increasing.
  • burgher
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      A Boer Republic.
  • ammunitio
    • siphoesihletshabalala03
      siphoesihletshabalala03 on 01 May 23
       
      A supply or quantity of bullets and shells.
andiswamntungwa

Freedom, Economic Autonomy, and Ecological Change in the Cotton South, 1865-1880.pdf - 1 views

Andiswa Mntungwa

shared by andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The region emerged from the conflict defeated, physically scarred, and economically handicapped. Its 4 million slaves were free but faced significant obstacles to acquiring capital, land, or agricultural resources. A series of constraints—such as a lack of capital, the war ’s alterations to credit and debt structures, reduced access to livestock and farm machinery, changing labor arrangements in the wake of emancipation, and a series of droughts—complicated farmers’ efforts to resurrect crop production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The area was disadvantaged as a result of the fight. Although its 4 million slaves were free, they had a difficult time getting money, land, or agricultural resources. Farmer's attempts to revive crop output were impeded by a number of obstacles, including lack of cash, the war's changes to loans and credit systems, decreased access to cattle and farm equipment, shifting labor relations after emancipation, and a string of droughts
  • pplying an environmental lens to the crucial decades between 1860 and 1880 reveals that war and emancipation changed how farmers thought about, manipulated, and organized their land in ways that fundamentally altered the southern economic landscape. Gradual revolutions in land use practices initiated a series of ecological shifts such as increased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases tha t went hand in hand with the economic dislocation of sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites and poor blacks
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      By viewing the important decades between 1860 and 1880 through the lens of the environment, it is clear that the civil war and liberation substantially affected the way farmers in the South viewed, managed, and structured their land. Sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites, and impoverished blacks were all affected economically by gradual changes in land use patterns, which led to ecological changes like decreased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases.
  • T hrough an analysis of agricultural contracts as well as multidisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy, and ecology, this article shows how alter ations to southern labor arrangements tightened natural limits on cotton production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The study demonstrates how changes to labor agreements in the South reinforced the natural restriction on cotton cultivation through a review of farming contracts and interdisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy and ecology
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Farmers’ continual investment in land maintenance work was more than a way to keep slaves such as Big George occupied while waiting on snows to thaw or cotton to grow. To render the land productive and profitable, these tasks were essential. Ditching, for instance, slowed the loss of topsoil in c ultivated fields. Southern soils are highly erosive: heavily laced with clay, with lower percentages of organic material and base elements, southern “dirt” washes away easily and leaves few nutrients behind. Especially in areas with hillier topogr aphy, such as central Georgia, even gentle rains slowly eroded valuable topsoil once farmers removed vegetation from the land in preparation for planting
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      More than just a means of keeping slaves like Big George busy while they waited for the snow to thaw or the cotton to grow, farmers continually invested in land maintenance work. These actions were crucial to making the land usable and profitable. For example, ditching reduced the rate at which topsoil was lost from cultivated areas. Southern "dirt" washes away readily and leaves little nutrients behind since it is largely clayed, has smaller percentages of organic material, and base elements. After farmers cleared the ground of vegetation in order to prepare it for sowing, even light rainfall steadily eroded valuable topsoil, especially in regions with hillier topography, like central Georgia.
  • During the antebellum period, the foundation of southerners’ extensive land use regime was shifting cultivation. Called “clearing new ground” in plantation records and agricultural journals, this technique meant that farmers typically cultivated a third of the land they owned or rented. 14 They kept the remainder of the land in reserve to be cleared and burned periodically; in this way, farmers created new fields once the old ones were exhausted
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Shifting cultivation served as the cornerstone of Southerners' broad land use regime during the antebellum era. In plantation records and agricultural journals, this method-known as "clearing new ground"-meant that farmers routinely maintained a third of the land they owned or rented. Farmers built new fields as the old ones became tired by holding back the remaining land to be regularly cleaned and torched.
  • Walston’s hired laborers’ refusal to perform tasks such as fence repair without additional wages was not an isolated labor dispute. After emancipation, contradictory ideas of “free labor” between landowners and exsla ves made land maintenance and the day-to-day autonomy of workers the subject of frequent clashes. Just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies around the globe, “the process of defining, categorizing, and selecting forms of tenure was the result of contention be tween planters, who hoped to reinstate large-scale and centralized gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who valued economic autonomy
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The unwillingness of Walston's hired laborers to complete chores like fixing fences without additional pay was not a separate labor conflict. Following emancipation, conflicting views of "free labor" held by landowners and former slaves led to disputes about worker autonomy and upkeep of the workplace. The process of determining, arranging, and choosing forms of tenure "was the result of assertion between farmers, who anticipated to reinstate large-scale and concentrated gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who appreciated economic autonomy," just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies within the world.
  • The growing popularity of certain forms of agricultural tenure, such as the half-share or cash tenancy, helped standardize e xpectations for the terms of labor over time. By the 1870s, contracts less frequently assumed slack-time tasks were part of crop cultivation. Land maintenance work such as clearing new ground, ditching, and fence repair became jobs for which landlords had to pay additional wages or apply a credit to a laborers’ account. Contracts that stated laborers would “do all necessary repairs about the place” became significantly less frequent, unless it was included as rent for a piece of land. 37 The timeline of these changes varied from place to place, but a survey of almost forty plantations in seven states reveals a general pattern
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Over time, demands for the conditions of labor contributed to standardization as some agri-cultural tenure arrangements, including the half-share or cash tenancy, gained favor. By the 1870s, slack-time duties were less frequently included in contracts as part of agricultural cultivation. Landlords had to pay extra salaries or credit laborers' accounts for land upkeep tasks like dredging ditches, repairing fences, and clearing fresh ground. Except when it was included as part of the rent for a piece of land, contracts that stipulated laborers would "do all necessary repairs about the place" became substantially less common. While the timing of these modifications varied depending on the location, a survey of nearly 40 plantations across seven states showed a consistent trend.
  • Land use changes after emancipation reflected the new reality of the postwar southern economy as well as freed slaves’ abilities to control their own labor. However, these changes had severe and unintended ecological consequences. Eschewing onerous tasks that did little to increase their share of the crop or benefit their assigned plot was doubtless an important step in achieving some autonomy in black laborers’ work. Nevertheless, disputes over arranging and paying for land maintenance encouraged landlords to let their fences rot just a little longer or allow ditches to fill up, contributing to ongoing problems of soil erosion and crop damage by livestock
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Following liberation, changes in land use represented both the ability of freed slaves to manage their own labor and the new realities of the postoperative southern economy. But these modifications had negative and unforeseen ecological effects. Getting some autonomy in black laborers' employment required them to avoid burdensome chores that did little to raise their part of the harvest or benefit their designated plot, which was undoubtedly a crucial step. However, disagreements over who would arrange and pay for land upkeep led owners to let their perimeters deteriorate for a little while longer or let their ditches to fill up, adding to the ongoing issues of soil erosion and livestock damaging crops.
  • Planters’ records, agricultural publications, and other sources dis cussed the growing crisis of soil quality on cotton lands with regularity, but reduced land maintenance had other effec ts unrelated to erosion. For instance, the struggle over fence repair added momentum to a region-wide push for eliminating the open range
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Regular discussions of the worsening soil quality crisis on cotton plantations were found in planters' records, agricultural periodicals, and other sources, but neglected land maintenance had other repercussions unrelated to erosion. For instance, the conflict over fence upkeep fueled a regional campaign to end the open range.
  • Ultimately, the social, political, and economic upheavals of emanci pation, as manifested in the introduction and evolution of agricultural contr acts, had ecological consequences. Whereas the ecological regime of slavery reinforced the extensive land use practices of the antebellum period, the end of slavery significantly weakened them. One way it did this was by reducing the amount of time dedicated to land maintenance (or the upkeep and clearance of the land), especially in the cotton-growing regions of the lower South. Ex-slaves expected freedom to completely transform every aspect of their lives, and for many, this meant either forgoing agri cultural labor altogether or working their own land however they chose. Doing the same labor under the same mas ter, now landlord, on the same terms was not the transformation desired.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      In the end, the introduction and development of agricultural contracts as a result of the social, political, and economic changes brought about by emancipation had an impact on the environment. The broad land use practices of the antebellum era were strengthened by the ecological system of slavery, but they were considerably undermined by its abolition. Reduced time spent on land maintenance (or clearing and maintaining the land), particularly in the lower South's cotton-growing districts, was one method it accomplished this. Ex-slaves anticipated that freedom would fundamentally revolutionize every area of their lives, and for many, this meant either completely forgoing agricultural labor or using their own property anyway they saw fit.
siphesihle26

'Butchering the Brutes All Over the Place': Total War and Massacre in Zululand, 1879.pdf - 2 views

Siphesihle Dlamini

shared by siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • e historiog
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      historiography- history of another history
  • and the dead were
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      killed brutally
  • annexation involving acts of barbarism by the British.2 The init
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in a lot of writings about Africans and the Europeans, people of color the ones to be given inhumane descriptions but in this context it is the British being labelled otherwise.
  • ...18 more annotations...
  • ar was t
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the war was indeed extreme and that has helped, considering that there is not a lot of white people populating the Kwa-Zulu Natal province yet South Africa was colonized by Britain
  • ined: 'obviously the British troops, after the savageries inflicted on their comrades at Isandlwana, felt justified in taking a leaf out of the Zulu book of total war, and felt no compassion for the defeated enemy.'
  • t was a spl
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      there were a lot of people who dies dies at the war in topic but the man has the audacity to call it a fight like it was some sort of fist fight it is however good that he gives some credit to the Zulu people
  • enemy after battle was not, as most historians, who have noticed it, suggest, simply an over-reaction by white troops or the uncontrollable behaviour of native levies, but became an essential though unacknowledged part of British strategy which emerged necessarily from the pathology of empire when confronted with the possibility of d
  • Over 850 white and several hundred black soldiers were killed and most of the dead were ritually c
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this needed bravery and not something revealed by most sources especially those accessible anywhere on the web. this could have been a ritual or for the Zulu people to satisfy themselves that they have won and conquered the enemy.
  • f two thousand volunteers, based on the Boer commando system, should 'go into the enemy's country without wagons or food, kill what oxen we want for meat, and eat what mealies we can, and destroy the rest; attack small bands of Kaffir, burn villages, and capture oxen wherever we can, and always avoid the large impis'.1
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      wants to avoid "IMPI" which is a war but goes into someone's territory destroying it and expect them to just sit back and not retaliate. The Zulu nation went to war in defense of their province and country
  • geant Ellis had written in a letter to his father on 31 December 1878: 'if Cetshwayo does not come to terms, we will demand his lands, kill his people as they come across our path and burn all his kraals.'14 In a further letter, once the invasion had started, Ellis wrote that 'we are about to capture all the cattle belonging to the Zulus and also to burn their kraals.'1
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the war was unfavorable and very brutal that one of the two nations had to succumb and surrender to avoid having one nation wiped out the by the other. There was no mercy and it was very inconsiderate of the British because they came with an ultimatum to a people's land expect them to just give in to their demand willingly and easily. Everyone and anyone would try and fight back if they had found themselves in such a situation before accepting loss
  • massacres:
  • be add
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      taken as evidence
  • the 'In
  • rrow and Lord Gifford, the large military Kraal of Empang weni one of Cetshwayo's c
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      the best way to win over people is to get to their leader first. Cetshwayo was the leader and if he felt defeated and called his troops to surrender the war would have ended the very same day and if he calls for war and revenge with body count against the British because they had nothing that would be used as revenge or collateral by the zulu because all their assets were left in Britain.
  • strategic and psychological reasons; unles
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Psychology is the science of mind and behavior. it is a study of logic, it helps people think logically but there is no logic in this statement
  • ganized
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      only cattle can be slaughtered meaning the Zulu people are being compared to cattle in this context.
  • rent impression: 'We have much to avenge and please God we will do it. I pity the Zulus that fall into our hands. You would feel as I do if you had seen the awful scenes I did on the night of 22nd
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they have the audacity to use the Lord's name in vain when they were the one who picked on the other nation.
  • bayon
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      A bayonet (from French baïonnette) is a knife, dagger, sword, or spike-shaped weapon designed to fit on the end of the muzzle of a rifle, musket
  • y imperial officers in the slaughter, their acquiescence in this operation is undoubted: the scene of
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      people meant to protect the community were the ones killing it and did not want to be hels accountable in anyway which was cowardness
  • Wood rejected the charges and claimed that prisoners were well treated: Ί believe no Zulus have been killed by white men except in action, and as I rewarded Wood's irregulars for every live Zulu brought in, I had many saved.'50 Though Wood was able to show that Private Snooks's dates were inaccurate (he had confused 30 March for 29 March), Wood's response appears to be a minor masterpiece of official evasio
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this piece suggests that there were courts and government laws even during the war of 1879 but it looks like it was playing its part because the war would not have continued had it been handled amicably in court before even one person was killed from either troops.
  • heathe
    • siphesihle26
      siphesihle26 on 26 Apr 23
       
      a heathenis a person who does not belong to a widely held religion. and they could have been having long term issues where they would have disowned but him killing the other person must haven traumatic for the women because she gave life to this person and now a foreigner comes from nowhere and takes the person's life instantly. the lady is probably on the mountain because she was running away from them
buhlebendalo

Negotiating Identity in Contested Space: African Christians, White Missionaries and the... - 0 views

doi.org/...00232080485380071

Buhle Njiyela History 2A 2023

shared by buhlebendalo on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • buhlebendalo on 26 Apr 23
     
    African Christians, white missionaries , and Boers were fighting to exist in southern Africa at the Blouberg Mountains and the Transvaal.
gracebvuma

Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 0 views

shared by gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • . As time passed, firearms came to be used by ever-widening circles of the combatants, often as much the result of the increased collaboration and interdependence between peoples as of the increased conflict
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns were used as a result of collaboration between the different race groups present in Southern Africa at the time.
  • d. By the time of the first Dutch-Khoi war of I659-60, the Cape Khoi were clearly aware of some of the limitations of Dutch muskets
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Khois's knowledge of firearms was ivreasing, maybe because of the increase in the use of firearms in Southern Africa during this period.
  • N SOUTHERN AFRICA 519 guns and horses, as well as cattle.13 There was also a constant supply of firearms to the 'resisters' through the desertion of Khoi servants and slaves, who frequently fled with their masters' weapons to join the Khoisan in the mountain
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Africans were aquiring guns through theft during this time because the distribution of guns to the Natives of southern Africa was illegal.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Throughout the nineteenth century, their knowledge and use of firearms was to stand the Khoisan and mixed or coloured groups in good stead. On two occasions, their joining the Xhosa in resistance (1799-I802 and I850-3) made the wars on the eastern frontier particularly formidable, while as late as I878 the long duration of the Griqua 'rebellion' was attributed to their long experience of firearm
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      their increase in knowledge of firearms and their acquiring of firearms made Africans a more formidable opponent to the settlers.
  • The significance of the acquisition of a knowledge of firearms by the Khoisan and coloured population was not limited solely to the resistance they were able to mount against white expansion. It was through them that the 'gun frontier' preceded the white man amongst the Nama and Herero of south-west Africa, the Tswana and southern Sotho groups across the Orange River,16 and the Xhosa and allied peoples on the Cape's eastern frontier. Although the arming of all these people on a large scale was a feature of the second half, if not the last third, of the nineteenth century, this first introduction to firearms may have in some ways shaped their response to them
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      Guns shaped and heavily influenced the political and social climate
  • 7 The Africans were able to counter the mobile Boer commandos with superior numbers and, probably, with a more efficient social and military organization. Probably also because of the gradualness of the contact between the Xhosa and whites, with fifty years of trading interaction as well as the mediation of the Khoi prior to the more violent conflicts, firearms per se held no terror for the Xhosa. Moreover in this warfare even in the eighteenth century, the Xhosa were able to acquire a certain number of firearm
    • gracebvuma
      gracebvuma on 26 Apr 23
       
      the Acquiring of firearms by the Africans greatly increased their military strength, making them much harder to suppress and dominate.
lpmalapile

Untangling the Legacies of Slavery: Deconstructing Mission Christianity for our Contemp... - 4 views

Lebogang Malapile History 2A

shared by lpmalapile on 25 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • The impact of Christianity on Black suffering
    • lpmalapile
      lpmalapile on 25 Apr 23
       
      IMPORTANT BECAUSE IT EMPHASIZES THE IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON SLAVERY AND BLACK SUFFERING.
  • When you combine problematic tropes around Blackness, with White exceptionalist forms of hermeneutics, linked to White European notions of manifest destiny, you have the ingredients for a toxic residue of epistemology that sees Black people as “the problem”. 17 This ethic of White mastery over those who are deemed “the Other” becomes the basis on which the roots of a colonially inspired capitalism is at play, in which Blackness becomes the demonised other that has to be conquered, subdued and economically exploited.
  • For many Diasporan Africans, the search for a positive self-esteem has been found from within the frameworks of the Christian faith. Faith in Christ has provided the conduit by which issues of identity and self-esteem have been explored. This search has been helpful at one level, as the frameworks provided by conversion and an alignment with God in Christ has confirmed a new spiritual identity on Black people, but the extent to which this new formulation of the self has affirmed the materiality of one’s Blackness is, however, open to doubt. 35
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • This means that if you are a Christian slave owner, you have can faith in Christ and still own slaves, as God is only interested in your soul, which is preserved through faith in Jesus. Your actions on earth are another matter, however. For the enslaved Africans, faith in this same Jesus guaranteed salvation in heaven but not material freedom here on earth for the same reason as that given for the justification of the actions of slave masters.
    • lpmalapile
      lpmalapile on 25 Apr 23
       
      ALSO IMPORTANT BECAUSE IT SHOWS HOW CHRISTIANITY WAS USED TO KEEP BLACK AFRICAN PEOPLE UNDERDEVELOPED. THE BIBLE WAS TEACHING THEM TO ALLOW ANY EXPLOITATION HAPPENING TO THEM BECAUSE THEY SHOULD SEEK SALVATION IN HEAVEN AND NOT ON EARTH THROUGH MATERIAL THINGS.
  • 6 The effects of such biased, self-serving instruction are still being felt - the continuing tendency of Black people to internalise their feelings of inferiority, coupled with an accompanying lack of self-esteem
  • When Caribbean migrants came to Britain in the post-Windrush era they brought with them this legacy of spiritual wisdom from Africa, via the Caribbean. Upon arrival in the UK and encountering the hardships of economic deprivation and systemic racism, 46 what enabled many of them to cope with their experiences of rejection was a direct sense of God being with them; this “God with them” was seen in the form of the spirit that offers alternative ways of interpreting one’s experience and dealing with the reality of marginalization and oppression. 47
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