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Some specific observations:  No such thing as the Big Society? – considering that at one stage this was supposed to give policy substance to the Big Society, it is striking how absent the Big Society is from the White Paper. That’s one cut it didn’t make.  I did a control search and only came across one Big Society reference in the whole report, and this was not to the idea but to the Big Society bank. So this leaves an obvious question about how central the Big Society now will be to the Government? One practical effect of there being no Big Society strand is that the tenor of the White Paper is much more consumerist, gone appears to be the emphasis on social citizenship and responsibility.  This leaves a big gap because, as our Commission on 2020 Public Services argued, the big challenges of the future will need to be met through citizens and the state working together to create better social outcomes.  Very few concrete proposals – This is about direction of travel, rather than specific proposals. In fact, there are very few concrete proposals. Instead this is much more like a Green Paper in which general propositions are put out for consultation, with the question being what specific policy changes would these require? This is clearly a long way from what some of the Big Society evangelists had originally wanted to see.  No short term wins for the voluntary sector – Earlier in the year there had been speculation that the White Paper might contain some specific guarantees for the voluntary sector to help offset the consequences of Council grant cuts.  But, whilst there are warm words for the role of the voluntary sector, and some new development money and support to help develop social social enterprises, there is no specific commitment to, for example, a quota of Council services to be subject to voluntary sector right to bid.   Diversity of provision – the boldest statement in the White Paper is that there is no case for monopoly state provision of services, except for the special cases of defence, criminal justice and policing.  The case is made for all public services to be run on the basis of autonomous institutions such as Academies and Foundation Trusts, which could be run by businesses, mutuals or social enterprises.  However, there are no specific proposals to apply this to any particular service area.  Local government is the big winner – this is the most pro-local government policy paper to have been published by the Coalition.  Whereas, the distinct impression in previous policy developments on public service reform has been that local government was being sidestepped, now it is much more central to the Coalition’s plans for decentralisation.  The principle of decentralisation which is set out in the white paper bears some similarity with the subsidiarity principle developed in the 1990s by the European Union, under which decisions should be devolved to the lowest possible level of government.  The new twist to this is the emphasis in the white paper on establishing neighbourhood councils in urban areas to mirror parishes and to be responsible for the same types of very local, community and public space services.  But the White Paper also makes the case for more powers and greater financial autonomy for local authorities and, in one of its few specific proposals, also recommends that skills funding should pass to some Councils, something which cities like Manchester have been strongly pushing for.

As Nick Timmins noted in the FT today, there are a number of tensions within the White Paper, which are not even acknowledged, let alone resolved.  He cited the principle of promoting diversity whilst at the same time needing to guard against failure, a weakness of successive health reforms and a particularly current concern given the collapse of Southern Cross.   But this isn’t the half of it. Other questions which the White Paper doesn’t confront, but which a credible reform plan would have to resolve, include:  Service integration vs institutional autonomy – how can local government integrate services in the way that the white paper suggests, whilst at the same time vertical service silos are being strengthened through the promotion of institutional autonomy in schools, hospitals, and now in every other service?  Consumerism vs social citizenship – how can a consumerist approach to public services help strengthen the co-productive relationship which there will need to be between citizens and services to meet the social challenges of 2020 and beyond?  Ideas vs practice – how can the Coalition move from exhortation to implementation? The White Paper may contain a framework of principles but it does not set out a convincing strategy as to how reforms based on these could be implemented.  Over the coming weeks we at 2020 will be analysing the Coalition’s reform agenda in more detail and looking to see where the opportunities exist for developing better social productivity practice.  Please let us have your comments and ideas.  Ben Lucas

Social business - the 3rd way money. Unlike traditional business, social business operates for the benefit of addressing social needs that enable societies to function more efficiently. Social business provides a necessary framework for tackling social issues by combining business know-how with the desire to improve quality of life. Therefore instead of being self-focused social business is all about others. Prof. Yunus has already shown the effectiveness of this new type of business: his clear focus on eradicating extreme poverty combined with his condition of economic sustainability has created numerous models with incredible growth potential.   Social business follows seven principles.

It will be an entirely new kind of business. Until now running a business has always been self-focused, founded for the purpose of making

While the Big Society Bank will offer capital to help social enterprises scale, it may not provide the right kind of capital for new, potentially ground breaking, ideas. Ambitious start-up ventures require investment to test their models and start paying their way. The Big Society Bank will not be issuing grants so it looks unlikely that intermediaries will, in turn, be able to offer the kind of "soft capital" required to new social enterprises. Largely avoiding the world of social investment, the successful graduate teaching programme, Teach First, secured its founding investments from businesses, government agencies and charitable foundations. This diverse range of sympathetic supporters sacrificed financial return to give the untested vision of Teach First a chance. Other successful start-ups continue to cobble together the finance they need rather than waiting for social investors to meet their needs.

To attract investment to scale, an enterprise needs a clear strategy, a robust model for generating revenue, and economics that scale (or, as the enterprise grows it will simply become bigger, and not better). This is tough; entrepreneurs often need support from some of the 100-plus organisations – identified in the NESTA-commissioned report, Growing Social Ventures – that are dedicated to supporting Britain's 65,000 social enterprises improve, expand or become more resilient. For example, Scottish social enterprise Working Rite was supported by the Young Foundation to develop a financially sustainable business model before it could attract capital to its apprenticeship-style work preparation programme, even though it had achieved better results for youngsters from tough backgrounds than its larger, commercial competitors.

While we welcome the Big Society Bank, the government needs to level the playing field in the ever-tighter fight for government contacts. Shrewd social entrepreneurs – like those behind Enabling Enterprise, Teach First and Working Rite – will need to continue to scrape around for risk capital, and scramble to build robust business models under innovative services. From on high the government declares that social enterprise is critical to the success of the big society, yet on the ground it can feel like "soft privatisation".