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Tim Draimin

Social Innovation Europe Initiative Launched in Brussels :: wbc-inco.net - 0 views

  • On March 16 and 17, 2011, Social Innovation Europe was launched in Brussels. Funded by the European Commission, Social Innovation Europe will create a dynamic, entrepreneurial and innovative new Europe. The time has come for Europe to embrace the broad concept of innovation and set an example globally. By 2014, Social Innovation Europe will have become the meeting place - virtual and real - for social innovators, entrepreneurs, non-profit organisations, policy makers and anyone else who is inspired by social innovation in Europe. Through a series of gatherings, and a new online resource, Social Innovation Europe will: connect projects and people who can share experiences and learn from each other; develop an easily accessible resource bank - so you can find about other projects, organisations and ways of working; develop a resource bank of up to date policies at local and national levels and provide information on funding opportunities; facilitate new relationships between civil society, governments, public sector institutions and relevant private sector bodies develop concrete recommendations in financing and in upscaling/mainstreaming of social innovation in Europe Download the conference report.
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    Social Innovation goes mainstream in Europe as European Union launches SI Europe March 2011 conference with presentations by Geoff Mulgan, Vickie Cammack of Tyze, many others including José Manuel Durão Barroso, President of the European Commission. His speech included: SPEECH/11/190 José Manuel Durão Barroso President of the European Commission Europe leading social innovation Social Innovation Europe initiative Brussels, 17 March 2011 Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a pleasure to be here and see all of you around this very important issue - how to pursue our dialogue on social innovation. I would like to thank Geoff Mulgan and Diogo Vasconcelos for their kind invitation and also to congratulate them together with Louise Pulford for having won the call to set up the pilot initiative "Social innovation Europe". I also would like to thank DG enterprise for having organised this launch event today. As you know the Commission is fully involved. Lázsló Andor was with you yesterday. Máire Geoghegan-Quinn will be with you today, so this idea of innovation is indeed a major issue for the Commission I am proud to lead. Europe has a long and strong tradition of social innovation: from the workplace to hospices, and from the cooperative movement to microfinance. We have always been a continent of creative social entrepreneurs who have designed systems to enhance education, health, social inclusion and the well-being of citizens. By nature social innovation is an ever-evolving field to keep pace with fast-changing challenges in society. But what concretely do we mean by social innovation? I think it is important to recognise that this concept is not yet fully accepted in the political debate. I think social innovation is about meeting the unmet social needs and improving social outcomes. It is about tapping into the creativity of charities, associations and social entrepreneurs to find new ways of meeting pressing social needs, which are not adequately met
Tim Draimin

White paper on Opening up Public Services - Evolution not revolution | 2020 PSH - 0 views

  • White paper on Opening up Public Services – Evolution not revolution
  • After months of waiting, the White Paper on Opening up Public Services has finally been published. In its advance billing it had been variously referred to as the Big Society strategy, the next leap forward on public services, and the missing narrative on public service reform.  Clearly the Big Society radicals lost the argument about what this should be about, because revolutionary it is not.  This is less about chaos and more about cohesion.
  • There is a noticeable switch in tone in this White Paper from earlier Coalition policy announcements. Out has gone the hyperbole to be replaced with a more considered, and reasonable argument. So evolutionary is this that it explicitly builds on New Labour policy developments, such as academies, foundation trusts and individual budgets. Even the narrative now has distinct echoes of New Labour circa 2005, with the emphasis on modernisation, choice, commissioning reform and competition. Its primary purpose is to establish a policy framework, based on a set of guiding principles, within which public service reform will develop. Much of the focus is therefore on seeking to retrofit existing policy and reforms into these principles.
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  • Some specific observations:  No such thing as the Big Society? – considering that at one stage this was supposed to give policy substance to the Big Society, it is striking how absent the Big Society is from the White Paper. That’s one cut it didn’t make.  I did a control search and only came across one Big Society reference in the whole report, and this was not to the idea but to the Big Society bank. So this leaves an obvious question about how central the Big Society now will be to the Government? One practical effect of there being no Big Society strand is that the tenor of the White Paper is much more consumerist, gone appears to be the emphasis on social citizenship and responsibility.  This leaves a big gap because, as our Commission on 2020 Public Services argued, the big challenges of the future will need to be met through citizens and the state working together to create better social outcomes.  Very few concrete proposals – This is about direction of travel, rather than specific proposals. In fact, there are very few concrete proposals. Instead this is much more like a Green Paper in which general propositions are put out for consultation, with the question being what specific policy changes would these require? This is clearly a long way from what some of the Big Society evangelists had originally wanted to see.  No short term wins for the voluntary sector – Earlier in the year there had been speculation that the White Paper might contain some specific guarantees for the voluntary sector to help offset the consequences of Council grant cuts.  But, whilst there are warm words for the role of the voluntary sector, and some new development money and support to help develop social social enterprises, there is no specific commitment to, for example, a quota of Council services to be subject to voluntary sector right to bid.   Diversity of provision – the boldest statement in the White Paper is that there is no case for monopoly state provision of services, except for the special cases of defence, criminal justice and policing.  The case is made for all public services to be run on the basis of autonomous institutions such as Academies and Foundation Trusts, which could be run by businesses, mutuals or social enterprises.  However, there are no specific proposals to apply this to any particular service area.  Local government is the big winner – this is the most pro-local government policy paper to have been published by the Coalition.  Whereas, the distinct impression in previous policy developments on public service reform has been that local government was being sidestepped, now it is much more central to the Coalition’s plans for decentralisation.  The principle of decentralisation which is set out in the white paper bears some similarity with the subsidiarity principle developed in the 1990s by the European Union, under which decisions should be devolved to the lowest possible level of government.  The new twist to this is the emphasis in the white paper on establishing neighbourhood councils in urban areas to mirror parishes and to be responsible for the same types of very local, community and public space services.  But the White Paper also makes the case for more powers and greater financial autonomy for local authorities and, in one of its few specific proposals, also recommends that skills funding should pass to some Councils, something which cities like Manchester have been strongly pushing for.
  • As Nick Timmins noted in the FT today, there are a number of tensions within the White Paper, which are not even acknowledged, let alone resolved.  He cited the principle of promoting diversity whilst at the same time needing to guard against failure, a weakness of successive health reforms and a particularly current concern given the collapse of Southern Cross.   But this isn’t the half of it. Other questions which the White Paper doesn’t confront, but which a credible reform plan would have to resolve, include:  Service integration vs institutional autonomy – how can local government integrate services in the way that the white paper suggests, whilst at the same time vertical service silos are being strengthened through the promotion of institutional autonomy in schools, hospitals, and now in every other service?  Consumerism vs social citizenship – how can a consumerist approach to public services help strengthen the co-productive relationship which there will need to be between citizens and services to meet the social challenges of 2020 and beyond?  Ideas vs practice – how can the Coalition move from exhortation to implementation? The White Paper may contain a framework of principles but it does not set out a convincing strategy as to how reforms based on these could be implemented.  Over the coming weeks we at 2020 will be analysing the Coalition’s reform agenda in more detail and looking to see where the opportunities exist for developing better social productivity practice.  Please let us have your comments and ideas.  Ben Lucas
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    New proposals on mutualizing public services in the UK
adamspence

Big Society relaunch: the risks, by John Tizard - Public Finance Opinion - 0 views

  • As the prime minister re-launches his big idea – the Big Society – it seems an appropriate time to ask ‘what is the Big Society and what it could it be?’ To the government it would seem to have several key elements ranging from individuals and families taking more responsibility for their lives to opening the public service provision up to social enterprise and the community and voluntary sector.  To some ministers and others the term ‘Big Society’ seems to be a useful badge for a new policy or initiative.  For some it does appear to be a camouflage for a deliberate pursuit of a ‘smaller state’, less regulation, fewer public sector employees and public expenditure cuts.
Tim Draimin

FT.com / UK / Politics & policy - Plan on staff mutuals found lacking - 0 views

  • The UK is not equipped for the revolution in public service mutuals that the government seeks, according to a report from an organisation enthusiastic about making the idea a reality.Francis Maude, the Cabinet Office minister, has been vigorously promoting the idea that staff can leave public service employment to sell their services back through various forms of mutual and social enterprise, sometimes through joint ventures with the private sector.
  • A “right to request” to form a mutual has been set up, and a national taskforce along with a string of pilot projects have been created, in the hope of getting perhaps 1m public service employees in to mutuals by 2015.
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    Important Financial Times update on UK's deficient mutualisation process, ie spinning government services out into mutual and social enterprise.
Peter Deitz

ALEX WOOD: Social Finance: a Conservative opportunity? | iPolitics - 0 views

  • For a new Conservative government looking to make a tangible and lasting mark on our society, there would seem to be no better alignment of values and opportunity than that represented by the burgeoning social finance movement. It represents a ready-made opportunity, rooted in values of community-building, support for small scale entrepreneurship, and the role of private investment in delivering public good, that the government would do well to seize.
  • At its core, social finance (or its semantic cousins: “impact investing”, “mission-based investing”, etc.) is about incenting innovation. Let’s face it, we all assume that the large challenges facing our society (things like child poverty, climate change, health care, etc.) can only be solved by government or big corporations.
  • The Task Force, in its report, identified a number of concrete steps that governments could take in this regard, primarily around the tax treatment of such investments. As an example, the report points out that Canadian foundations are specifically prohibited under the Income Tax Act from conducting any “unrelated business activity”, while similar provisions in the U.S. and U.K. tax codes have been removed in recent years. Canadian governments have indicated a growing level of interest in the potential that social finance holds. The federal government made a supportive statement for social finance in its 2010 Speech from the Throne, and provinces like Nova Scotia and Quebec have set up their own social finance funds. Ontario very recently inaugurated a Social Innovation Wiki, through which social entrepreneurs can share lessons on things like access to capital.But governments can and should do more, starting with the federal government. The upcoming Speech from the Throne would seem a perfect opportunity for a government looking to define its vision for the country to re-affirm the potential of social finance, and to lay out a roadmap for how Canada will move forward on this opportunity.
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